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If you do make a donation, let them know you heard about us by choosing podcast and entering mindscape. But check out. Again, that's givewell.org. Hello, everyone. Welcome to the mindscape podcast. I'm your host, Sean Carroll.
When I wrote my book Something Deeply Hidden, which was about quantum mechanics, in the introduction, I started off by pointing out that quantum mechanics is a fascinating physical theory, also incredibly relevant, both to the foundations of physics as currently practiced and to technology and basically the way we understand the world. But it was also the subject of some pretty dramatic public misconceptions.
And one of the things I did was go to Amazon, type the word quantum into the search bar and see all these preposterous titles that purported to be about quantum mechanics, but really weren't. So imagine my delight when I picked up a book from today's guest, David Stewart. David is a very accomplished archaeologist, a specialist in Mayan civilization and language. David is actually the youngest ever recipient of a MacArthur fellowship, the genius fellowships.
So he knows what he's talking about and he wrote a book about Mayan language, but also cosmology and numerology and mathematics and science and so forth called the Order of Days. And I think it was published around 2009. So you can guess where this is going in the introduction. He says, Mayan archaeology is really interesting, fascinating. And yet there is this set of public statements about the year 2012 where the Mayan calendar flips over.
It's nothing more or different than going from the year 1999 to the year 2000, right? Or maybe even better going from the year 999 to 1000 where you just flip over the denominator a little bit, but there was a whole industry of books pretending that this was really a prediction that the Mayans were saying the world was going to end in December 2012. And they never said anything like that. It wouldn't have been true, even if they had said that. So David had to write a whole book explaining why.
And in the intro to his book, he complains about all of these different books that you can find on Amazon about exactly this thing. So we have something in common there, interest in important scientific theories that can be misused for popular, well, not really even popular purposes, but complete charlatan purposes is basically what we're getting at here.
So in the conversation, we're going to be talking about who the Mayan were, how we know, how we know how to read their language, which is actually quite a considerable amount. And how they did count, they had a very strange counting system, you'll hear all about it, how they were led to what is called the long count, which is a way of having a calendar, that keeps track of certain numbers of years.
And in fact, they extended this calendar to literally something like 10 to the 28th years effectively. So that's a very long time, even by modern cosmologies standards. And we're still learning a lot, you know, other kinds of science like Lidar are being very useful for finding new sites for my ruins in Central America, Mexico, and so forth. So it's a situation where we've learned a lot in the last few decades, we're going to learn a lot more to come.
That's the kind of thing we like to talk about here on Minescape. So let's go. David Stewart, welcome to Minescape Podcast. Well thanks for having me. This is a departure. I think that most of the episodes that I have on Minescape are departure in some sense from the other episodes, which is how I like it, but we rarely do history. And this is a wonderful mixture of history and science and things like that. But let's start right at the ground floor.
Remind us, let's put it that way, of who the Maya were, what their civilization was, where they fit into the history of the Americas. Well, certainly. The Maya are pretty well known as one of the civilizations of the ancient Americas. The Maya are still around. That's one thing I'd like to emphasize from the get-go is that there are about four or five million speakers of Maya languages today in Mexico, Guatemala. And the ancient culture goes back quite a ways.
You can track the earliest evidence of Maya peoples, really to about, say, 1500 BC or BCE, and probably even before that. And very rapidly, the Maya really transformed from a pre-agricultural society into a sedentary culture, and then very quickly within centuries, really, they were building monuments in even cities. I mean, it's a tremendous cultural transformation that they went through. So we have literally thousands of archaeological sites of Maya civilization.
Many people have probably visited some of these places. Some are very touristy right now in Mexico and in Belize. This is like Chichen Itza or Palenque in Mexico or Tikal in Guatemala. These are some of the biggest ancient Maya sites. In fact, Tikal, I have to say, was filmed in the original Star Wars movie, right, as the the rebel moon base, the jungle site with towering pyramids. That's the Maya ruins of Tikal. Was that the Empire's tricks back? Was that the...
That was the first Star Wars film. The very first one, yeah. Okay. Yeah, it's called Star Wars. I remember seeing it and going, that's Tikal. You know, when it came out. Anyway, a little digression there. But yeah, so Maya civilization is a complex phenomenon in the sense that it was many, many cities that were connected to each other. It was never centralized as an empire or something like that. So we have a lot of city states.
So the time that we know the best for the ancient Maya is what we call the classic period. And this runs from about 200 AD to about 900 AD. So many centuries. And this is when we have the site-tiversist mentioning and many, many others, city states, kings. The thing that I work on in Maya archaeology, my own specialty is the decipherment of hieroglyphs. And so they had a writing system. They had official records that have survived in stone inscriptions.
And we have four ancient books also that were kind of science astrology manuals. Very precious documents. Imagine having these things. You have to imagine this is the tropics. So, you know, each of the topologists have it. They're all very lucky, right? Because they have this dry environment where they have all these documents and everything. We don't have that. So we have these four precious books also that we've studied. The larger point here is that it was a literate civilization.
Fantastic art, fantastic architecture. And, you know, we can access the Maya unlike any other pre-Columbian civilization, right? Because we have their own words going back centuries and centuries before Columbus. And if the classic period is 200 to 900, but the Maya as a people, some of them are still around or at least, you know, they've been around for a long time. What happened in 900? Right. Is it an organic thing or were they in conflict with their neighbors? Right.
So, these are great questions in archaeology today for those of us who are studying the Maya. Around 900, we have a widespread phenomenon where many of the cities, not all of them, but many of them were abandoned. We call this the Maya collapse. And it's no doubt a very simplistic kind of one-off description for a very complex phenomenon. And we're still trying to understand it. Most ancient civilizations went through these kinds of changes.
You know, whether you're looking at the ancient Mediterranean, ancient Egypt, right? We have these ups and downs. And there were, there was a lot going on before 200 AD before the classic period. There were cities, we call that the pre-classic. And after 900, you call that the post-classic, right? So there were, there were Maya around, they were doing different things. But that classic period is when we have those, you know, most of the written sources, right? And so forth.
So we know more about that. Now what happened? My own take on it. And you talk to any Maya archaeologists. They probably have different ways of talking about this. My take on it is that there was a, but we have really good evidence of rapid population growth. Okay. Kind of stunning trajectories of population, say from 600, 700 to 900. That must have put a strain on the existing resources, on the existing infrastructures they had.
A lot of people nowadays are looking at climate change and it's connection to this, right? I don't think that's a causal factor, but I think it may have been something that, you know, was part of a mix of different factors, right? That, you know, a few years of drought could put real stress on these resources again that people were competing for. But what we're really looking at around 900 is a collapse of a particular political system, the system of kingship.
And those institutions fizzled for whatever reasons and people left many of these cities and went on to other places. So you go to a site like Chichen Itza today in Yucatan, in northern Yucatan. It's a grandiose Maya Rue and Maya City. It's post-classic or it's right at the end of the classic period. You know, and it's representing kind of a new flavor of Maya civilization that emerges for a few hundred years and then it too transforms, right?
So I'm really interested in seeing how these episodes when Maya civilization kind of remade itself in different ways. I guess one maybe overly simplistic question is, how do we balance these external or ecological factors of climate change or over farming or whatever versus purely human factors? Like there was a revolution or they just they had a social system that couldn't be sustained for too long. Is there even any way of deciding between these possibilities? Well, that's a great question.
It's hard to differentiate these things. And you know, a lot of research is going into these external factors right now. I think there's a bit of, well, there's obviously a connection there to our own interests in climate and how it affects people on the ground and how it affects demography and how it affects, you know, what happens in history. Now the human factor is always going to be key, I think, in all of this.
And you know, one of the things I didn't mention a few minutes ago is that, you know, if we read the histories that they're writing about themselves, starting around 700, 650 AD, we just see this incredible growth in records of war. These city states were fighting each other and these dynasties were, even though they were related to each other, you know, we're talking about interrelated royal families, they're going after each other all the time.
And we just see again this trajectory along with the population of conflict. And so that to me is the most important human factor here. Now what's causing that, you know, population again, maybe climate change, all of these things are interrelated. It's so hard for me at least to put one factor in from another as a primary cause. I think they're all crystallizing together into this sort of bad mix of things that's happening over a couple of hundred years.
It's hard to resist drawing sweeping conclusions from this because we tend to think that our own civilization right here right now is having its issues, but still things are growing, the economy is getting bigger, science is advancing, but historically civilizations come and go all the time. You know, there's plenty of collapses around the world. So there is a cautionary tale maybe. Certainly, and again, we're on the inside of our own situation.
We're not going to necessarily see it the way people do in a thousand years. And you know, one factor here that I think about is that, you know, if we were able to walk around a Maya capital, a city, state, say before the collapse, around say 750 AD. We would have probably seen an incredibly vibrant, very healthy looking city. The art was extraordinary, right?
The presentation of culture, you know, the high arts, the, yes, there was, you know, population was growing, but there were markets everywhere. We know this, right? We know that there were lots of people living. Sometimes I think quite comfortably in some of these spots, maybe a hundred years or so before what we, the collapse as we know. I ponder that sometimes, right? Because I don't think they necessarily saw it coming. Maybe they did, but who knows? It's hard to say. Very hard.
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To give them my other props, if I understand correctly from my very superficial Wikipedia reading, even though there was some collapse in your post-classical, etc., they were like you say, still around when the Spanish came over. In fact, it seems that they held out longer than the Aztecs or the Incas did against the Spanish conquest. Well, that's true. There was no really single conquest of the Maya.
When we think about Cortez and the conquest of the Aztecs, that was really the conquest of the capital, what's now Mexico City. That took a couple of years. When we look at the Maya area, it took decades and decades for the Spanish to exert control over big areas of what's now the Yucatan Peninsula in Guatemala. In fact, until maybe a hundred years ago, there were still areas, even less than that. There were still areas that were with independent Maya communities.
There's no single episode of conquest. It's this protracted thing. One amazing historical fact here that nobody thinks about. The last Maya kingdom to be conquered was in 1697. Okay. That's all the 200 years after Cortez. That was in northern Guatemala. There were still independent Maya after that. I think we're living in the world that, in that part of Mesoamerica, this is still a very raw history in some respects.
It's only a few hundred years or less, which is a drop in the bucket in terms of history. You mentioned the vibrant social scene and the arts. What about the technology in science? What kind of technological civilization are we talking about here? Well, we're talking about, they didn't have metal, which is really interesting when you think about it. They didn't have iron or bronze or steel. There was metal jewelry late in my history, gold and silver.
There was no technology of metal working that was used in tools and so forth. They were essentially what we would call a stone age technology. Now, that has all of these meanings in our own culture. This is a high civilization where they are building massive structures and monuments and cities with stone tools. And so I don't want to say stone age, meaning that they were in some way primitive. I think we have to reconcile these definitions we have from the old world.
They weren't living in caves. Was that? They were not living in caves. They were not living in caves. They were making amazing things out of the technology that they had. In its own way, it was a remarkable technology. But also this idea of technology and science, we group those together in some ways. But their scientific awareness of the world around them was extraordinary. We see this mostly through astronomy.
We see this through the records we have of the calendars that they kept, the observations they made of the heavens and of horizon based astronomy. They knew what was going on in the cosmos. In a way that many ancient civilizations did, we just happen to have the records that the Maya were keeping over the long term of these things. Is it even a sensible question to ask? Did they think that the earth was the center of the solar system or the sun? Did they talk about those questions?
Well, they didn't have a sense of a solar system. They recognized the observable planets, of course, and they differentiated those from the stars in the background. We know this because we have the astronomical tables. This is amazing. We have tables of Venus and Mars, for example, in some of the documents where they know the cycles. They recognize them much like the Greeks and the Romans as these moving stars. They ascribe them some kind of animate qualities as deities or as gods.
They have it down. They know what's going on in terms of their movements and their cycles. They see the earth as the center of everything, right? Their concept of what earth is is just the surface on which everything happens. They're observing the heavens above them and all of the action that's happening there. They frame their cosmology around these observations of the sun and of the planets, these regular cycles, and they create an elegant understanding of these things.
That I like to call indigenous science. It's in no way primitive. It's exactly what really all humans have been doing, looking at the sky over thousands and thousands of years. Astronomy is always the first science to become precise and quantitative among ancient societies. It's really quite amazing and universal. But we have a lot to say about calendars and science and astrology. But I do want to finish up with the archaeology here.
You mentioned the number of sites, some of them are touristy and so forth. Do we know all the sites? Are we done? Is there an ongoing discovery of new Maya relics? Oh, we are in no way done. Last week there was the announcement of a discovery of a new Maya site in the forests of southern Mexico. This is an amazing time to be studying Maya archaeology for many reasons. One of them right now is the use of LIDAR technology.
LIDAR in the last 15 years has really revolutionized our understanding of what's on the ground. Now, you have to understand, and I know this all too well from all the many time in doing field work. It's really hard to see a Maya ruin in the jungle in terms of all that's there, the buildings, the mountains, the features, terraces. You can walk through the rainforest in northern Guatemala and you can see maybe some big piles of rocks. Those were ancient pyramids. Sometimes you'll see walls.
But you can easily walk over stuff and not even know what it is. Road, for example, causeways. Now LIDAR, which is, I'm not an expert in LIDAR technology, some listeners probably know much more about it than I do, but it's this ability to use lasers to penetrate the forest canopy, to essentially scan the forest floor and to see all of the relief that's there. It's almost like you're shaving off all of the forest and seeing the terrain. My God, what you see is incredible.
You see the sites we thought we knew that people spent months mapping on the ground, turn out to be two or three times the size and they just keep going. And also completely new sites that we didn't know about just in the past few years. So a colleague of mine just announced last week, as I mentioned, a very large brand new site in southern Mexico called Okom Tuan that he's named it. And it looks pretty special. It's really pretty large. So we're still, even today, finding literally lost cities.
There's no other way to put it out there in the forest. That's amazing.
Tell me that I should take this opportunity because I was recently asked on an Ask Me Anything episode of the podcast, is it even conceivable that there could have been anywhere in the world a highly technologically advanced ancient civilization that we just have no idea that they're there because we've lost all of their relics or does archaeology worldwide advance to the point where we would know if there was a computer terminal hidden somewhere under the rock. Right, right.
Well, I'm in the camp very, very squarely with archaeology knowing the general parameters of these things. And we would know if there was a whole civilization waiting to be discovered. There's quite a bit of what we call pseudo-archeology out there about very, very ancient civilizations that are so old that we don't see them, right? And I have to say the evidence that's brought in to argue this point is just not up to snuff. Good, that's right, Gabe, I'm glad.
Yeah, so a lot of it's wishful thinking, a lot of it's tied into kind of crazy ideas about Atlantis and there are all these rabbit holes involved with that. But real archaeology, we know the general timelines around the world. They're always new discoveries, right? There are always things that push things further back in time. That's to be expected. We're doing that in the myoworld all the time.
We're finding new things that are older and older, but no new civilizations I think are going to be out there. And archaeology is always full of surprises, but I have to say, it's come a long way over the years and we know a lot about the ancient world. Well, thank you for indulging me with that. Now we get to roll up our sleeves a little bit and go into what has been your specialty, which is the decipherment of the writing system that the minds have.
I mean, let's get a bit common basis to talk about this. What is the writing that we have? You mentioned a few books. Is that where we get most of our knowledge of how minds would write? We have a few books that have miraculously survived. The Spanish were quite good at wiping out archives that they came across in 16th century. And the few that we have were saved as curiosities at the time, I think, in taking back to Europe.
One was found, apparently, in a cave in Mexico and surfaced about 50 years ago. We have a lot more than just the books. We have thousands of texts on stone monuments that sometimes are sitting out in the open. Things they're inside of temples. These are official, kind of ritual texts or histories about dynasties. We have... Well, you know what's interesting is the Maya wrote on everything. They wrote on their dishware. They wrote on the walls of buildings, graffiti.
They wrote on their jade necklaces. We have a lot of raw material to work with. As I was saying earlier, it's amazing to have the words of ancient Americans to read. It's just a stunning thing. I sometimes have to step back and realize that I'm reading something that was written in the year 600 about royal history. And this is a history we're still sifting through. And it hasn't quite reached the public consciousness the way I think it will.
I'm writing a book now on Maya history that I hope will. But without some of these amazing narratives. I would pose for just a second to give us a little bit of indulge in some righteous indignation about the fact that the Spanish intentionally tried to wipe out all of these records. So this is again something you see throughout history when one culture encounters another one. It's just a terrible human impulse. There's not enough of us...
An impulse inside us to just say, yes, these people are different than us. But it's worth preserving. We want to wipe it out. This is just weird. Yeah. And it's hard to read some of the accounts that are there of Spanish friars who were very proactive in burning the books, literally.
Now I want to balance that by saying that there were many of these same individuals, Spanish intellectuals of the time who were maybe Franciscan priests, who spoke fluent Maya, who were converting the Indians as they called them, converting the Maya to Christianity. But you also see some respect there. You see that they're really interested in this native culture. They want to know more about the science of the Maya. They want to know more about the ruins that they saw, right?
Even in the 1500s, there were plenty of ancient Maya ruins lying about. They wanted to know the history. They wanted to know, okay, what's going on here? Who are these people? What is the writing? And there's some of them burned it, right? Some of them actually learned to read and write in the ancient script. People are very complicated. People are very complicated, right? So you see this tension in the documents of that era, right?
Where they're writing down all of this stuff, thank goodness, right? Because they were like the anthropologists of that time. They were providing, again, a lot of raw material for us to study in dictionaries, for example, of the languages, which are really key for us in the decipherment. And so I have kind of a love-hate relationship with these early chroniclers who were trying to preserve some things, but also were very active and destroying.
So what is the kind of writing system they would use? Not like a symbolic alphabet like we have, more like hieroglyphics? Right, so we call them hieroglyphs or glyphs. That's a term we've borrowed from Egypt. No connection, historically, in any way, to ancient Egypt. The aliens didn't spread the word back and forth. No, no, it's a word, a label we've just transferred over. So it is a beautiful script.
It is highly ornate, and I think to someone who has never seen a Maya text before, if one looks at it, it looks just like a sea of squiggles, and you see some pictures of things. So it's a pictorial system in that, let's say, the graphic units of the script are things of daily life, or maybe images of you see body, you see hands, you see face, you see faces, you see unrecognizable elements too, but it's not a symbolic system.
What we've discovered in the last 50 years is that it is a phonetic writing system. Everything is related to either a word or to a sound. And so when we're reading an ancient text, we're reading it in its original language. We're not ascribing it some sort of general interpretation. Early scholars were kind of doing this, saying, okay, well, this is the sense of this hard look. No, we have to read it in its original language.
And so one of the hats I wear is a picker for that is someone who studies ancient text is being a linguist. When I first got interested in Maya hieroglyphs, at a very young age, my mom and dad dragged me into this because they were archaeologists, I was just enchanted by the look of Maya glyphs. They were phenomenal looking, but in the early 70s, no one could read them.
Really. And I didn't think in order to really play and understand with this writing system, that I would ever have to really be a linguist. So it turned out, as we made progress in cracking the code, I had to sit there and start learning Maya grammar and morphology and all of these phonetics and all of this stuff. And a way I never anticipated, and a way no one probably anticipated in packing the old days.
But the point is, we can now read, probably I would say about 80 to 90 percent of it, in its original language. Does the fact that there are still people speaking languages that descended from Maya and ancient languages help at all? Can you ask them for some clues about pronunciation? It absolutely helps. The language, well, a couple of things. The language of most of the ancient texts we have, it turns out, is one language.
That's good for us because we don't have to try to learn a bunch of different ancient Maya languages. What it seems is going on in the classic period is that there's kind of an official courtly language, a lingua franca, if you will, where they're writing their official texts in a particular language we call classic Maya. And it was probably a somewhat archaic formal language in its own day.
It wouldn't have been spoken by people out in the fields or even maybe in the royal courts, but it was the official language of documents, kind of like Latin in the Middle Ages, something like that. Now we can relate that language to current Maya languages. There are a lot of Maya languages. This is something I didn't really say earlier, but we can identify of 30 or so Maya languages. Only some of those are really related closely to the hieroglyphic writing.
Those descendant languages are still being spoken in different parts of Mexico, Honduras, and Guatemala. If we can document more about those languages, some of which are dying off, I have to say, boy, does that help. Just getting a sense of some of the semantics, let's say, the meanings behind a particular word in the glyphs. It really helps. I was just doing this recently, fine-tuning some interpretations based on the semantics of term spoken today.
We can actually use that information to get a better sense of what they're really saying a few hundred years earlier. And presumably these languages developed completely independently from Indo-European precursors or East Asian languages. Are there nevertheless similarities in grammar or structure? I'm just very interested in the extent to which there's convergent evolution. Different language groups find the same solutions to similar problems.
Well, here we're getting a bit out of my area of expertise, but it is true that mind languages and other indigenous languages of the Americas developed on their own, the landscape of languages in the ancient Americas is really complicated. And there are a lot of, you know, language families that we can't historically relate to on another.
You know, the Aztecs spoke a language called Nahuatl, which is a Udo Aztecan language, related to some languages like Hopi in the Southwest US, completely unrelated to Mayan. Spoken kind of in the same general region of Mesoamerica, but historically not related, right? And none of these languages really have connections to the old world, to Indo-European or anything else, right? So it's true they are independently tracking and developing.
And yes, I think many languages do come up with similar kind of grammatical structures and more themic structures across the world. Again, this is an area that I'm not an expert in. That's fine, yeah. I heard it in the logistics, but it's a fascinating subject. There's a lot of deep cognitive coding here.
You know, this is what Nome Chomsky was writing about a long time ago, that there's underlying grammatical structures, right, that feed into languages, whether they're historically related or not. Well, maybe you can give us a little bit of the sort of down to earth, what it means to decipher these languages. Like when you see some symbols on a stone in a site in Guatemala, like how do you go about connecting these to sounds or meanings or anything like that? Right.
So the deep structure of the writing system, we have really two kinds of signs in the script. We have signs that can represent individual words, you know, so a word like king, ah-how in classic Mayan can be written with a particular sign. Actually, there are variants of that. So there may be two or three different signs that turn out to be the same thing. That was a hard thing for us to figure out in the different process. Man, that drove us nuts.
Once we realized that there were, it was a very playful script in the sense that they were throwing at us all these kind of variants, you know, trying to make us guess, but turned out they're all the same. They could also write the same word using sounds and what they used were consonant vowel syllables. Okay. So we have signs for sounds like ha, wa, ku, ni. They could combine these to really spell anything they wanted to. So ah-how, king.
Yeah, you could write it with a single sign or maybe down, you know, a few lines down in a text describe will say, no, I'm going to write it differently here. I'm going to write it ah-ha, wa, with three signs. How, you know, when we're approaching a new text, we're always seeing things we recognize, but we always see something new. We always see a new kind of spelling or a new, new little spin on a word.
So there was a built-in flexibility, kind of an artistic sensibility into the script that I think makes it fantastic, you know, to study. One particular decipherment that I made quite a few years ago now was on a vessel, a clay vessel that came out of a royal tomb in Guatemala. And it had a lock top on it. It had a handle on the top. You could lift it up, but if you twisted the handle, the lid would come off the vessel. Okay. And it was painted with this beautiful inscription.
And one of the glyphs on it was, I saw at the time, it was a combination of syllables and it read kā kā wa kā kāo, which is a minor word. Okay. Kā kāo. That's a word we borrowed from, from Mayan. Mayan borrowed it from other American languages, but it's a word that was pronounced in the ancient times as kā kāo for chocolate. A very important word. Very important word. And at the time I told the archaeologist, hey guys, this is a chocolate pot. And they, this is great.
They took a sample of the residue that was, again, miraculously preserved inside the vessel. They sent it to the Hershey Labs in Pennsylvania to have it tested and sure enough it came back with the signatures of the abroma kā kāo. So it was deposited in the tomb with chocolate. So that's when we knew we were on the right track in terms of the decipherment. And I guess so I was a little bit wrong earlier.
In some sense it is an alphabet, right, but rather than letters as we think of it, they had symbols meaning sounds, but they were not semantic symbols, right? Like the symbol doesn't, like there's not a symbol for a leopard, a symbol for a banana or whatever. Well, not necessarily. I mean, there were word signs. So we have jaguar, right? Is it a head of a jaguar or a drawing of a jaguar could be balam for jaguar? Or you could write it phonetically. It's not alphabetic, right?
Alphabetic scripts are, you know, a consonant and a vowel as separate signs or a consonant. Alphabetic writing turns out to be not that common historically. But syllabic writing was quite common in the ancient world. Sumerians used it, for example, in canaiform and other ancient scripts or syllabic as well. So it's as phonetically accurate as an alphabetic script. Right. Okay. Good. And this helps us cycle back as it were to the astronomy calendar kinds of questions.
So you've deciphered some of these symbols, you know what they mean. And one of the things, I guess, at least I'm, this is from reading your book. So I'm biased, but they had a lot of calendars, a lot of dates lying around and you could figure out what they were talking about. Yes, they did. And actually this was the first wave of cracking the code.
Way back when, in the late 1800s, the first insights into the ancient writing was the numerology, you know, the numbers were readable, bars and dots. So very early on, the early scholars saw, you know, the bar was a number five, a dot was a number one, combined these and you get numbers from one to 20. And using some of the chronicles that the Spanish wrote in the 1500s, you know, they described that some of the calendars in those documents. And so it didn't take much to link these things up.
And this created a situation where early, myonists, early epigraphers could read some inscriptions, but they could only read the dates, which is weird. You know, imagine looking at some sort of Roman history and you just see the collinrical records and nothing else is readable. It was amazing what those early scholars could do, but they basically hammered out the various calendars that existed in the ancient Maya records. There was a lunar calendar, there was a solar year calendar of 365 days.
There was a ritual kind of divination calendar of 260 days, not connected to any observable phenomenon in the sky or anything like that, or so directly. And then there was this much, much larger system we call the long count, which is a, it's based on the number of 360 days, right? This is almost a year. But myon numerology is based on 20. It's what we call a vogecimal numeration system, not based on 10. 10 fingers and 10 toes, right? I guess 20. That was my guess.
Except, except I got to interrupt because I really need someone to talk me down from this weird modified based 20 system they use, where almost all the digits in a number are based 20 except what, there's a single digit that only goes up to 18. Oh, you had to ask me that Sean. Okay. It's a bug in me. Right. So they have a base 20 system just in their counting independent of length of calendars, but in the language, they just have a base 20 system of counting.
So what happens in this larger calendar system we call the long count is they, they have the number 20 and they're going to fit that into a solar year. Now they can only get the 360, right? So that creates a unit of time that's almost a year. It's not quite the year, but that becomes the building block of this calendar system that we call the long count. So 18 units of 20 days makes 360. That it. I did not catch that. And that's where the 18 comes in.
It always confuses my students when I'm trying to explain the calendar is everything is 20 except except that one unit where you have to make that 360 unit of time. Right. So just to be super clear, because you know, the audience is only hearing the audio. Like when we have a number like 1,382, we all know that that's, you know, the one in the thousandth place, the three in the hundreds place, etc. And all of those slots go zero one up through nine.
In the Maya way of doing it, if I get it right, there's a bunch of slots. And you know, the right most one is the ones and it goes from zero to 19. And the next one, what we would call the tens, goes from zero to 17. And then all the others go from zero to 19 again. And you know, I just want to drive home that this is just as crazy as it sounds, but good for them for keeping it straight. Well, there's a reason for that though, it sounds crazy, but they're not, they're counting days.
This is only a calendrical construct. So this is, they're counting individual days one through 20 makes a period. And then instead of going, well, 20 of that, that period makes 400 and 20 of those makes 8,000 instead of doing that, they're, they're trying to anchor it somewhat in reality in terms of observable solar years. And so they go, you know, units of 20 days, they fit that into a solar year. And then they take off and and 20 periods of 360 days makes a period called a cartoon.
20 of those makes a cartoon. 20 of those makes a cartoon and 20 of those makes, you know, so this is where we get this remarkable representation of deep time in, in, in some of the ritual records that we have. They're, they're calculating not just thousands of years, but millions, billions, even beyond in terms of, of some of the dates they're representing. I'll give you a quick chance to explain to us why the world did not end in the year 2012. Didn't you guys tell us it was going to end?
I mean, I, I was feeling this led. Well, it wasn't us. This is a meme that took off. Many of us will remember going back over a decade ago now that there was this big kerfuffle, right, leading up to December of 2012. There's even a movie about it, right? That the world was going to end, that the Maya predicted the end of the world. Well, they never said anything of the sort.
I was tearing my hair out at the time, giving many interviews, but, you know, it was impossible to counteract this cultural phenomenon that was ours, right? You know, I, I just think our culture, civilization, whatever we want to call it, sometimes we just go through these, these kind of crazy episodes of, you know, whether it's Y2K or whether it's 2012, you know, there'll be something else down the line. The Maya never said the world would end.
What happened was that there was a turn of a period in the Maya calendar, a switchover called a baktune, and this is roughly a 400 year period of time. It's a big deal in the Maya calendar in the long count. You know, I was kind of tying my students about it like, hey guys, we're going to live through the turn of a baktune, this is awesome. But, you know, the interpretation of this as the end of something was really just on us, because for the Maya, it was the beginning of something too, right?
And the calendar didn't stop, it kept going. This is something that I wrote my book about at the time. I was asked to write a popular book about Maya time and the Maya calendar. I don't think anyone read it. But it was, it was a, you know, trying to explain that no, the calendar keeps going. And in fact, the scale of the calendar is such that this one period that turned over in 2012 was just a minute, a little cog in a much, much bigger system.
So there's the long count and then there's like the super long count. I don't know what the title is. Yeah, the long count is, is, is, you know, uses this baktune period. And you know, so you, you have what I was describing earlier. You have this kind of place notation system of days, of 20 days, of 360 days. And then 20 of those makes a 20 year period of a cartoon. 20 of those makes a baktune, the 400 years roughly. Now that's, those five periods is what we call the long count.
You take a baktune, you can exponentially create more and more and more. And in fact, they did, they just went on and, you know, about 19 periods on, you know, gargantuan periods of time that they're representing. That's what we call the grand long count. And the, they wrote it down and it's full capacity in only a few places. And this is what I was really interested in seeing. The representation of these cycles, it's a numbers game, right?
It's just using 20 exponentially counting these periods. But to them, it was a cosmological and numerological statement about, about the universe. And one of the points I made in the bookshan is that their representation of the scale of time dwarfs our own cosmology. Well, I mean, I would imagine that once you've invented positional notation for numbers, it's just kind of fun to write down big numbers. Exactly. We still have that.
And as you do point out in the book, which is called the Order of Days, still very, very worth reading, they were writing down numbers of years that go into the octelions, right? So for those of us who have no idea like me, what that meant, 10 to the 28th years is the kind of thing that they're writing about. Yeah, to the point where it's almost meaningless in terms of scale, we can't wrap our heads around that. Right.
But the reason they're doing this, it's a good question to ask like, why bother with this? What they're doing is they're taking the, the Boktun period and they want to create basically 20 orders above that. We hear that number 20 again, right? So once they get to that spot, you know, all the way up the line, then they stop. That's what I mean by saying it's a numerological construct of time. They're not observing anything that creates this.
They're simply putting it down on paper as a fun, fascinating representation of a structure of time. So did they attach any meanings of a beginning or an end to the universe this way? Well, I suspect they did. They had creation stories. You know, I think the world went through transformations in mythology and in history. So they extrapolated back to create narratives about, I think the creation of the world order as they understood it. I think there were previous creations as well.
And this is mythology, right? This is the thing we see across the world. And in, for the ancient Maya, the narratives that we can read today talk about 31, 14 BC as not a historical date, but as an important date in the creation of kind of the present era. Okay. We have myths that go further back in time, hundreds of thousands, billions of years where they talk about gods dedicating monuments and things like that. And that's all backstory for what kings are doing.
But in 31, 14 BC, we see kind of the ordering of the world, the gods can all confer together. And in the darkness, they have kind of a big meeting to order everything in the universe. And we have some records of this. And this is the foundation for some of the other myths that we see in the dynastic records because Maya kings were relating themselves to the gods. And it's also related to some of the stories we have from much later on in historical times, even after the Spanish invasion.
So we're imagining some Maya in the year 500 or whatever telling stories about what happened in the year 3000 BC. I mean, that seems, not, but it was in 3000 BC. It was 3,114 or whatever it was. Very, very specific. How did they get there from here? How did they start to the year 500 and go? I know when the current order was set, it was in the year 31, 14 or whatever. Right. So that 31, 14 BC date is kind of the base date or the zero date for the short version of the lung calendar.
So you have to think about this. It's almost like a no-dometer of a car. Yeah. You know, if you have five numbers in front of you, all of them set at zero. That's 31, 14 BC, August, the 13th of 31, 14 BC. Okay. Now you just start clicking day, you know, one, day two, day three, and then you accumulate these progressively higher periods, you get to a bucktoon after 400 years. Well 13 bucktoons, 13 is a very sacred number, gets you guess where to December of 2012.
Okay. So 31, 14 BC and 2012 are kind of the brackets you might say of my historical time or of their sense of kind of human time, it keeps going just as it was progressively going earlier back in time. So yeah, 2012 was a big deal for the Maya. It wasn't the end of the world, but it was a change. I guess it's just interesting to me because by this process you just outlined, they put themselves in the middle of the period, which is kind of interesting.
It wasn't like we're just at the beginning or we're near the end. It's a little different than other things I've heard. Yeah. Yeah. This is interesting. I'm glad you brought that up because what I suspect is going on is that this very esoteric calendar system was probably invented in the early days of Maya civilization, not in 31, 14 BC. There was no real Maya cities or writing going on then. There were people, but they were hunting and gathering in the area.
I think probably around, I don't know, 700, 600 BC, this is just a guess. This is the fledgling stages of Maya civilization. This calendar was invented. And what they wanted to do was create a system of time, a representation of time that was scalable, so that they could go back and create narratives about history and even further back about ancestors and gods, but also project forward.
They put themselves in the middle, I think, in a very practical way in order to represent time in both directions. It does sound like there are structural similarities between the way they've thought about these things and what I, anyway, am more familiar with in European history and so forth, where there were gods.
There's, I don't know, many of the societies I know about had creation myths where the earth was vomited up by a dragon or cracked from a nag or birthed by a titan or something like that. Those kind of specific fun mythological accounts. There are. The most compelling narrative that if people want to access some of this is, I mean, we have plenty from the ancient texts that we're actually still deciphering and publishing. Now, you know, it's right now we're kind of going through this.
But if listeners are interested in some of these narratives, one source that's just remarkable is a book called the Puppo Vuh, which is a Maya epic poem about the creation of the world and of humanity's place in it. And the Puppo Vuh was probably not written in hieroglyphs, you know, in any of the sources that I'm studying. But rather it was written down in the colonial period, in Kiche, Maya, and this language still spoken in Guatemala today.
And it was recorded again by a Spanish priest, Francisco Jimenez. Thank goodness he wrote this down in its indigenous language, its original language, and in Spanish. So anyone can, they're great translations of the Puppo Vuh. And okay, good. I was going to ask him. Good work on it and find it. And it's like the Iliad or the Odyssey, right?
It is a tremendous story about the world being created out of darkness about, there's a wonderful story within about a pair of brothers called the Hero Twins who vanquished the Lords of the Underworld and resurrected their father who turns out to be the God of Mays in the ancient sources. And so it's tied into, you know, kind of the real world in that sense, right? And the kings of the Kiche Maya at the time of the conquest, right?
They were connecting themselves to these creation stories just like you see in the Old Testament, right? And it's a similar kind of impulse, I think, that we see. Yeah, that is very fascinating. Just to be helpful to the audience, how do you spell Puppo Vuh? Puppo Vuh. P-O-P-O-L-V-U-H. Got it. And this is something you can work by, good translation of. Absolutely. There's some really good translations out there. Two or three I can think of that are available online and on Amazon.
So it's a great story. And we can see those narratives in some of the ancient art as well, just like you see the Iliad or the Odyssey on Greek Vases. Right. We see them on Maya pottery, you know, paintings and so forth. And it's fascinating to me like the rough similarities of that kind of story versus the Mahabharata or the Epic of Gilgamesh or whatever completely disconnected societies came up with very similar stories to tell. Yeah, yeah, exactly. It's a human impulse to do this, right?
We all need stories. We all need narratives. And today science is creating these narratives also, right? And I see it not necessarily as this division between science and mythology, right? Because for so many human civilizations, the two things are intertwined. Yeah. And that's the background, of course, of our history of science going back away in the West. Well, let me give you an opportunity to close up to, you've already mentioned that there's an exciting time to be studying these things.
I mean, what is on the horizon? What are we going to be hopefully discovering or figuring out over the next decade or two? Well, good question. I think it is the best of times in our field. I mean, archaeology is often seen as a very literally a dusty field, right? That maybe it doesn't have a lot of new things going on.
But in our particular corner, in my archaeology, we're seeing a transformation not only through new technologies like Lidar and Explorations and new finds, but we're seeing a convergence of the kind of on the ground field archaeology with a historical awareness, right? That's quite new. And so we're able now to link these great ruins, these so-called lost cities like Tikal or Palenque or Copan. These were once seen as these impenetrable signs of a lost civilization. Who built these ruins?
I know one never knew. Very romanticized ideas about the Maya developed out of that. But now we know. I mean, now we have the original voices of the Maya in these places talking about them. So we have the dynasties, we have the histories. The future for me is going to come out of this convergence of the physical sites and the science of archaeology and the history and the culture that we see in the documents.
And what I really want to see happening in future generations is an awareness of the great actors of Maya history, the great kings. Yuconome 10, one of the great figures of history, I think, is going, for the Maya is going to be known widely. I think I hope school kids learn about some of these great figures and the things that they were doing.
And even some of the intellectual achievements of the Maya and the astronomers that were doing amazing things early on, all of this is coming together, I think, right now and will in the next few decades. And for people who live in the Americas, this is part of our heritage, right? It is something we should know a little bit about. It is, absolutely.
And especially for the indigenous peoples of the area, for the Maya, who grew up often, least historically in recent years, not having any awareness of this legacy. It's now really on the cusp of being laid out in all of its glory and complexity. Well, I'm very glad the world didn't end. I mean, maybe it will a next buck dune away. I don't know. I can't predict those things. But Davis, do it. Thanks so much for being on the Binescape podcast. Thank you, Sean.