Pushkin. Hey everyone, welcome back to Risky Business, a show about making better decisions or freaking the fuck out. I'm Maria Kandikova.
And I'm Nate Silvan. It's is our first emergency episode.
I believe is this is it is it is. It's our emergency podcast. You guys heard our voices just yesterday, and we are back again today, Friday, after the presidential elections because we just could not sleep. Literally in some cases.
Elections are oh yes, sorry, which gives people thankfully.
This is how fried my brain is. This is how fried my brain is. I said, elections instead of debate. So, Nate, last night we were both watching the debates from opposite coasts and about let's see twenty minutes in. I actually have the time stamp on my phone. Six twenty, I texted you, since you know we we were not watching it. We were watching it together but apart, and I'm just going to read my text, I says. I said, this debate is painful, what is even happening? Make it stop?
And then I said we are so fucked. And that is when I knew Nate that we had to talk today.
Yeah, and I was getting a lot of texts like that.
You know, people know, like I'm busy during debates, I'm probably going to respond right away, but like the degree of unanimity.
You responded to me.
Thanks, Yeah, look, you're hyph riary the degree of unanimity that I was seeing from from you know, different types of Democrats, right centrist Democrats and left wing Democrats and Democrats who have been very mad at me for suggesting Derek to suggests that having a guy running to be president Untilose eighty six might be a bad idea and couldn't badly and or with a Donald Trump presidency instead, And like, I want to criticize people who change their
mind in the direction that I think is persuasive. But like among the media slash pundit class, you have to be really bad when the incentives are so strong to spin. You have to be really bad to get to a point where even the spinners kind of give up.
Right, And I'm you know, the.
Term preference cascade is sometimes used where people think something
and there's a social stigma of saying it. Well, there's no longer a social stigma of saying that Joe Biden should drop out, right, That's like, that's like almost like the normy not normally damn voter you although actually it is Actually I take that back, because like if you look at Poles, and overwhelming majority of voters and the majority of Democrats, not an overwhelming majority of Democrats have said that they think Biden is too old to be president at least for another four years.
So look, I think this was, you know.
Relative to Look, I actually thought about this ahead of time, Maria, because I'm weird like that, right. I thought there was like a twenty percent chance that I would write a post which I wrote at Silver Bolton early this morning slash late last night.
Entitled Yes, Joe Biden should drop out.
I thought there was a twenty percent chance of that, but I thought that twenty percent people would be really really mad at me. And now like everyone loves the post and it's like the conventional wisdom and it's obvious apparently right.
But like, by the way, you got a lot of shit when you said he should drop out when we were talking about on this podcast about four weeks ago something like that, because you said he could drop out.
We didn't say he should should.
We said he should consider.
And then we launched our election model on wed days and even on Wednesday, and Biden had like a thirty five percent chance of winning that forecast, and that will probably go down maybe quite a bit after the debate. But like at thirty five percent is where I was roughly indifferent. It's a good poker term, right, although actually use that in like regular life. It's like not that weird, but like I was indifferent at thirty five percent between Biden and mystery.
And folding, right, yeah, between.
Calling and folding, you know, whatever his efforts debate, it's it's a fold. It's not even a fucking close fold, right, It's not even I'm not gonna I'm not going to use a time bank chip thinking about this one any longer.
It's not tenable, not tenable to have.
I mean, I'm not just even tenable for him to be president for the next six months or whatever, right, I mean, that's a debate we could probably have, right, that might be close, but like, it's not tenable to have someone who wants to be president for another four and a half years give a performance like that where he obviously shows his age, which is what you'd expect because he's eighty one and he wants to be president until he's eighty six. It's not tenable to have this
person continue to run for president right now. People are fucking stupid and stubborn, especially old people. Yeah, and they may make a bad decision, but like, if you care about like, uh, defeating Donald Trump, if you care about the kind of you' sure the Democratic Party, and if you care about listening to like the voters who have done you the favor of telling you this for a year, that like, yeah, hey, common sense, you know, eighty one is too old to be president and president was eighty six.
I'm sorry, but like this is kind of not that close a decision anymore, I don't think. And in some ways, like I told, like a I'm rambling. I'm sorry, you know, it's I.
Told you're allowed to ramble on it, and then I'll ramble after you. Please continue with.
This little social event on Wednesday night, and I had a good conversation with women I had met before, and she was despondent about Biden's performance, and I'm like, well, you'd probably root for it to go either really well or really badly, right because the muddling through the status quo, you know, two third chance of losing or whatever. I mean, one thirds in that bad as any poker player knows. But you know, it may have been so bad that
it's the thing that saves Democrats from a disaster. Although I still think and the other nominee against Trump would also be, you know, in a difficult position.
I'm not Pollyanna ish about.
Yeah, Oh, Gavin Newsom waved the wine and now he wins. Like no, I think Gavin Newsom now or Kamala Harris has a puncher's chance or maybe more than a puncher's chance, but like but like just you know, might be below fifty percent, but above Biden.
Yeah, So a few things. I mean, first of all, like, yes, I think that yesterday was abysmal. I mean I actually literally was watching at the beginning, like I do horror movies, like sometimes when something is too grizzly, like I like, you know, shield my face and I don't even realize
I'm doing it. And I was doing that yesterday, Like I was sitting on the couch and like at some point I just went like this, you know, I shielded my eyes and I was like, oh my god, this is this is just it was painful, Like it was
actually physically painful to watch, especially at the beginning. I think he got a little bit better, but he was just struggling so much, and you could really see his age and Trump, I mean, Trump was making no sense either, but he was confidentially making no sense and lying, and the fact that a candidate couldn't beat that, couldn't point out the inconsistency, you know, the old I was a
debater all through school. Like the debater part of me, I was like, I wanted to be like, oh my god, you know you have to you have to do you have to interrupt him here, you have to try, you have to do this, you have to address this. And then Biden just flubbed his biggest points, you know, abortion, He just suddenly pivoted to immigration. You know, it was just it was just really really sad, heartbreaking and also scary.
Like I said, I felt like I was watching just this slow motion train wreck horror movie where I didn't even want to see what was happening on screen. Now, what you were saying, kind of the second part of your ramble about people, you said you were rambling. You called it a ramble, So I'm just referring back to what you said. It was a very cocerent ramble. I didn't think you were. I didn't think you were rambling, but then you said I'm rambling. So that's why I'm calling it.
You're supposed to say, oh, this look great on me, right, It's like, you know, I'm all right, Nate in.
The second part of your incredibly coherent multi part speech. Oh by the way, now I'm going to go on a ramble on a tangent and say that every single time that Biden started saying number one, I was like, please don't do it, Please don't do it. You're not going to get like, we're not going to get to number two. And then he would say like number one again, and I was like, oh no, just just please stop. Stop stop doing these lists. Is this is not good.
And other people felt that way as well. But anyhow, what I was going to say is the second part of what you were talking about, kind of the stubbornness. And I've actually seen reactions to people saying, well, you know, it's what will this say about the Democratic Party that
they've been like hiding this and blah blah blah. No, so let's go back to something we've talked about on this podcast before, which is the sunk cost fallacy like this is probably the single most important sunk cost fallacy that you could face and you know in politics ever, which is that you know some cost fallacy to remind our listeners putting good money after bad, good time after bad, good energy after bad, basically saying that because we haven't
done something to this point, or we have done this and we've already invested, we can't change right. We have to keep going and we have to just continue on the path we're on. Whereas the rational choice might be to say, Okay, you know what. I can't change the fact that we didn't replace Biden immediately. I can't change the fact that we didn't convince Biden not to run for a second term and to step down immediately. I can't change the fact that back in September, when we
had more time, he didn't step down. What I can change is what I'm doing right now. And that doesn't mean I'm nefarious. That doesn't mean that I've done something stupid, that I've been hiding things. All it means is that the information the dataset has changed the reality right now isn't the reality of a year ago or two years ago, which, as you pointed out in your newsletter, happens because decline does happen kind of suddenly, and you know, it's not
like it's a very gradual process, you know. And we I think we witnessed it yesterday. But what you should say is, Okay, this doesn't say anything bad about me. What it says is that I'm smart, that I understand what's happening right now, and then I'm willing to change my mind. And that is a sign of intelligence and savvy.
And as you say, having Biden step down is not guaranteeing a Democratic victory, but having him not step down is almost almost, I mean not quite, but almost handing the victory to Trump.
Yeah, I don't know.
I mean, you know, again, he was at thirty five percent or thirty three percent whatever before the debate. The CNN instant pole of debate watchers had him losing two to one. This is a poll the Democrats have won every debate that Trump has ever participated in, every debate since the first of eate in twenty twelve. That might translate, if you kind of use the back of the envelope formula, into Biden losing another two or three points, and they
head to head poles against Trump. At that point he might follod it twenty percent or something in our model, and twenty percent is still meaningly above zero. But look, as you were saying, like, I mean, there's two things here. One is that there has been a lot of new information revealed.
Right.
I might have made an inference that I thought Biden wasn't going to handle the debate. Well, but that was just a guess, right, And now we have actual evidence of it, and we have evidence of Biden's polling being stagnant and Trump maintaining a lead after all this stuff that has happened, like Trump's criminal convictions and the economy getting quite a bit better, and Willage being more.
Focused on the race. There's also a poker thing.
Though, where like sometimes you have a hand where there isn't new information, however you have more time to reflect and come to your senses. Right, you can have a hand where it's like, well, why to call with this hand on the turn? If I'm going to fold to the river on a relatively good card for me, and if you plug it into a solver, it would say you've made a mistake. Well, it's because you had more
time to think about it on the river. Maybe you're a little bit tilted or something on the turn, maybe you were distracted, maybe you're playing poker online multi tabling, playing more than one table at once, so being able to say, look, I have thought about this more, and I'm changing my mind, certainly when there's new information, but even when there's not is also assigned.
And I think judgment and experience.
And character absolutely. Now I have a question for you, so historically, and correct me if I'm wrong. I had the sense that debates didn't affect polls that much, right, that kind of the polls didn't don't move that much in the in the you know, in the aftermath of a debate. Do we think that that's going to change in this particular case, or do we think that it might that you know, this might still be the case here.
I mean that much is relative, right, Like nothing has moved the polls more than like about a point at a time. You know, if I had to predict, Trump was one and a half points ahead in our national polling average, which of course national poles don't really count for very much, but it's you reasonable benchmark, one point five points ahead in our national polling average, but I had to predict it might be you know, three or three and a half within a couple of weeks, once
the higher quality polls are fully priced. Ten.
You know, the problem is.
So that's actually pretty substantial.
Yeah, and that's the wild guess. It could be two, it could be four.
I mean, look, the problem is that Biden is not in a position where he's ahead and just has to stem the damage, right and let the floodwaters recede. He's behind and to come back, and he'll be further behind, almost for sure, once these poles are incorporated. Yeah. And you know, one of the opportunities he thought he had to turn around the campaign was the debate. Now there's only one more debate. And believe me, if Biden could
like cancer, he probably would. So how is this guy supposed to show the dexterity and energy and flexibility to mount a comeback against a guy I mean, look, whatever you say about Trump, he immediately sens.
You can kind of see it on his face. Right.
It's like a poker player who realized that like a player on his right is a fucking drunk fish. It's going to donate thousands of dollars to the table, and he's gonna guaranteed to soaking the next hour.
An hour, an hour, right next hours ahead.
Like Trump knew instantly that Biden was parted terribly and at times was more restrained or at least was like crisp in the delivery. And like, you know, but like that's kind of says It's like Trump still has his political animal instincts intact, and like I'm not sure Biden even has that anymore. I mean, he couldn't deliver his canned lines, he couldn't deliver his closing statement. And as you know, when people get older, they can have days.
I mean, I don't want to name anyone in particular, but like they can have days maybe half the time, two thirds of the time, three quarters at the time where they act like their old self, or maybe they do in most capacities in their life. But it's not good enough when you're the American president and the president
for another four fucking years. It's just irresponsible. The people in the White House who have not spoken about this publicly should be shun from public life frankly, you know, I mean seriously, some of them will write, you know, big magazine expose's and get book deals and things like that,
they're fucking cowards. If you're in the White House and you think you're a fucking patriot, come fucking forward and tell us what Joe Biden's really like, right, don't get a fucking book deal in two years and then say how much you knew all along? You're a fucking coward. Yeah, not like willing to speak or defend him. Er say, look, I'm being honest and I'm going to tell you that, like it's actually not that bad. That's fine too, but like there's a lot of fucking cowards at the Democredit Party.
So something that you said makes me kind of reflect on a broader point, which is that you know, our decision making ability, our cognitive capacity isn't equal right over time, and you could have good days and bad days. Now, what we saw yesterday was a high pressure situation, right performance under time, pressure performance with the cameras on you.
High pressure, Like you know, you need to perform. And the thing is, if you're running to be the president of the United States, that's when you need to perform well. You need to perform well under those high pressure situations. I don't give a fuck if you're fine on your off days on the weekend, when you have, you know, hours and hours to think about it. I need to know that you're also fine in a crisis situation, when the lights are on you, when you have to respond
undertime pressure, when you have to make hot decisions. I want to know that that's when you shine, that you're not going to choke. And what we saw last night is Biden absolutely choking. And by the way, it also kind of reminded me, you know, back in school in political science class when you probably watch these clips two of the original Kennedy Nixon debates, where like Nixon just looked horrible on camera, right, and Kennedy just won because
you looked so much better. Sorry, you were going to get another debate and there, Yeah, Bida just looked awful. He just looked like when you looked at the split screen, he looked lost, you know, he just looked like he didn't know what was happening. He was gaping. He just didn't He had no presence, and Trump has presence. I mean, I hate Trump. He was lying. There was not a single true word out of his mouth. But as you said, his political instincts were on. He you know, commanded the camera.
He had this chesshire cat grin like yes, I'm about to get all the whales money right here, like keep it coming, and he had the barbs like the you know, I don't know what he said at the end of that last sentence. I don't think he knows either. I mean, that's those clips are going to go viral, and that's going to really be well awful. I said a lot of different things there, but I think they're all really.
Trump was even more brazen than usual about kind of unapologetically lying, and part because I think he realized that like Biden couldn't fight back, right. I mean, it's what you might call an exploitive strategy, and poker is like I can just keep bluffing because this guy is too weak to call me down, right, he does not have what it takes today to call me down.
Yeah, the physical thing. I mean, there have been an advance.
Of the debate, Republican groups circulating unflattering videos of Biden like looking like he's wandering off or dazed or freezing and like, and these.
Videos are.
Unflatteringly and kind of selectively edited. So like you have these news organizations put out like fact checks and say, okay, well if you look at the broader context and Biden was like there was one where they're in a field at like the G seven summit and for some reason
they're like parashooters. This all sounds very weird. You know, international organizations in Europe is weird, right, So like, of course it's weird, but like, so what will happen is like the fact checkers will show the full clip in context, which also looks pretty fucking bad. Right. It also makes by the fucking old and loss not as bad as the GOP edited special directors cutversion. But the GFP fucking knows, because they seem to care about winning more the Democrats
to they know that. Like they're going to have this double hit with these videos where the added version and all the fucking precious fact checkers dutifully show the real version, which is also fucking bad for Biden because he's fucking eighty one years old and he's clearly diminished. He is maybe above average for an eighty one year old, but
he is very much diminished. I mean, what really freaked me out about Biden was, you know, Ezra Klein wrote this column maybe back in March or something, saying Biden should consider dropping out and having this emergency lever pulled at the convention. And he just linked to some videos comparing Biden's campaign announcement in twenty twenty versus twenty twenty four.
And I saw that. I'm like, oh my god, even though this prepared speech in even in four years.
I mean, I watched some yeah clips of the twenty twenty debate, tookrect for the debate, and I'm like, oh, actually, Biden is like better than I thought in twenty twenty. Right, there is noticeable physical and mental decline, as you would
expect as an runningly you know, probabilistic prior. You would expect that to be true when someone goes from age seventy eight to eighty two or seventy seven to eighty one under the pressures by the way of the US presidency, not the least successful job in the world.
Exactly, that's what you would expect. And it's like obvious, and like the fact that parts of the pundit class thought, oh, just a media fixation.
It's just it's like, no, it's the It's the one unassailable fact in this complex room living is that this guy is too fucking old to be president.
Now the other guy tried to like start insurrection of January six. So given those two.
Things, and I'm going to vote third party now in New York, which is not a wing state, right, if I were.
In Nevada, I would still hold my nose and move for Bud.
I'm voting Biden. Yes, I hope I'm voting not Biden, because I do hope he steps down. But I'm voting Democrat obviously across the board, because I am in a swing state and my vote actually matters for the first time in my life. But you know, I think that people are so afraid, you know, of being called ageist, et cetera, et cetera. But this is not agism, right there is and not saying that, oh my god, you know, everyone over the age of seventy five should be put
to pasture. I have, you know, my thesis advisor, my graduate advisor in grad school, Walter Michelle, was in his eighties right and was one of the sharpest people I knew, and I became friends with one of his closest friends, Danny Connoman, you know, non Bell laureate who was then in his seventies, sharp up until both of them sharp until they're dying day and incredibly sharp. You know, you
could have very deep debates. But first of all, they're in academia, right, They're not running for president, and the fact that their exceptions doesn't mean that we should be looking at the data that's in front of us and saying, oh, but it's ageist, right, No, this this goes for both of them, by the way, And you could see Trump, like, let's just say that Trump did decline throughout the debate, and you could see that someone at some point, you know, I was looking at kind of Twitter feeds and I
don't remember who tweeted this, but someone said, oh, I now see the difference between seventy eight and eighty one. It's forty five minutes. And I thought that that was that that was pretty pretty spot on, because Trump did start rambling and kind of losing it a little bit near the end. But people are going to so let's talk about also how memory works from a psychology standpoint. People are going to remember the beginning, right, people that
first impression. People are going to remember how they performed when they turned on the television at the beginning, and that was abysmal. That was the worst moment for Biden. He had his kind of freezing moment. It was just like at that point, that's game over. And a lot of people turned off the debate at that point as well because they were like, I don't want to watch this. This is too depressing. I'm done, and that's that's not where you want to be.
Yeah, no, I think I think people have his experience where like, you know, after the first fifteen minutes and began to see it reflected in like some market prices like the price of bitcoin and prediction markets and things
like that pretty quickly shout out to prediction markets. But like, yeah, look, I think a lot of people, uh, after the first fifteen minutes, speaking for myself, kind of got lost in a series of conversations and texts and things like that and social media chatter and like because there was no recovering from from that point, right, Like I mean now, because it's like not this is why it's like people are going to say, oh, well, Obama lost the first
debate in twenty twelve and then came back to win. But there are a couple of things, you know, what Obama lost the debate in a way that was much more easy to write off to being a one off, arrogant maybe performance. And second, Obama was ahead at the time that he lost that debate and not behind, so he could he could recover. You know, Biden has been hidden in some ways from doing all the things that
a president normally would do. He did not give a softball interview during the Super Bowl, for example, which every president has. He've been prompted three times, and Biden did, I think two years ago. So you know that wasn't a good sign. He has reviews to give us a down interview with the New York Times, which has beef with Biden, but it is the most widely read publication among influential Democrats and influential people in general. And so why would you not want to let the New York
Times grill you? He did not, more understandably in this case, did not want to debate Dean Phillips, Sir Mariam Williamson. But like, look, if you had had a primary. People say, well, if you'd had a primary, then Biden would have won these more popular than like Devin Newsom or whatever. I'm not sure he would have won if he had even one of these debates, and the primaries must to have like six or seven debates, right, the recent had a primary would be to vet Biden and see is he
prepared for like the begures of a campaign. And this is the first real tests and he just has to be the worst general election performance in history in a debate. It can't be closed. Absolutely, Michael Bluemberg have to have Michael Bloomberg. We probably have Bloomberg fans in the Risky Business audience. You know, interesting guy accomplished a lot. Bloomberg was the next worst performance I've seen in a debate in twenty twenty. And then there's a Marco Rubio thing
here or there. It's probably in third place. Right, but like this was like again the fact that like if I hit to pinpoint, because I'm hypersensitive to like calibrating what everyone thinks about everything on like Twitter and social media, right, if I had like circle, here are ten people that would never ever say that Biden should step down. The debates going badly. That's going really badly. Like any of those ten people are like this sucks, he needs to
get out of there. I mean, it's it's you know, the elected officials and like Nancy Pelosi's haven't said very much yet, but like, I don't know the folks I was watching the.
Debate with last night.
You know, we've talked about p doom on the show, the probability of the world be destroyed by artificial intelligence. He dropped the probability that Biden will drop out at some point between now and the convention.
I guess technically now in November, the way those.
Markets resolve at Polymarket, before I began taping this, it was around forty two percent or something like that. Now, look, if Democratic delegates were free agents and they could do what they wanted, I think for sure they would not want Biden at this point. However, legally, Democratic delegates are bound to Joe Biden. So if Joe Biden wants the nomination, then I mean you could have some litigation to see what really happens if he's like seems like he's disabled
or something. It was like a twenty fifth Amendment or something. But like, you know, basically Joe Biden has to agree to step down. And so there's kind of two levels, like will there be some elder counsel of Democrats that comes up to him and says, Joe, you gotta go, and then will he listen to that? I think it's more well, I'll maybe be careful. I think it's fifty to fifty. I would buy p drop at forty two,
and it was like twenty five percent last night. I was telling people I'd buy that too, because like, he doesn't have any answer his argument, and the polls are going to come out in a week or two, and like maybe I'm wrong, maybe he'll only be behind.
Me's already behind to begin with. Right, He's not going to gain the.
Polls, but the polls will come out. There's another freak out. You know, if you watch what White House staffers do. You know, if you begin to have some people leak or go public, give little tell alls, you know, to the New Yorker or whatever else, then that could be damaging. Potentially, we don't know what like Jill Biden and the Obamas
will do in people like that. You could also have, you know, Gavin Newsom and Kamala Harris, who are I suppose the two most likely replacements actually in the reverse order. I think Kamala is quite a bit like more likelier than Gavin Newsom. But we'll see as someone by the way, who think she's a very accomplished person but a terrible politician. I'd still rather have her than Biden at this point. A least she's a blank spite. At least she has
some upside. At least it's a fresh look, right, I would rather have Kamala Harris and increase my variance instead of have this seemingly losing not inevitable but like difficult path. They are being good foot soldiers for Biden and saying, well, you know when it's a bad day now, and then I'm sure behind the scenes though, pop are like, be you a Kamala Gavin at your moment?
Girl?
Oh, I'm sure, I'm sure because you're both it's just politicians too.
Obviously, we both agree that at this point Joe Biden should step down. That that you know, yesterday was kind of the the nail in the coffin of our hopeful optimism that maybe he actually could perform. And I think it's it's it doesn't look like it's going to get better. And by the way, as we both keep saying, he might still win, right, and it's still incredibly risky, but let's assume that there is a council of elders, Like, let's just play out a hypothetical that he does decide. Okay, fine,
I will step down. What do we think kind of is the best path forward? I would love to kind of talk a little bit about kind of what those scenarios look like, whether it's Kamala, whether it's Gavin Newsom. Last night, you know, as I texted to you, you know Mayor Pete question mark because I you know, I've seen Mayor Pete debate and he would have. Now he is a debater. He is someone who would have wiped
the floor with Trump in a setting like that. You know, there are names of people who have followings, but who obviously have issues of their own. So what do we think, like, is what's a viable strategy going forward? Like, let's imagine that you and I get to advise the Democrats. Wouldn't that be awesome?
What would he suggest? Okay?
What I would say is that I want some sort of open audition process in which there's some element of public feedback. So the primaries have happened, Firstly, you have some time to work with The Democratic Convention begins in mid August.
Yeah, so you have some time to work with. Look, in the ideal.
World, I would say that you should do some fact finding first in terms of like how many people are interested in this potentially right, and then maybe like literally have a debate. You can also, by the way the primaries have happened, parties can schedule their own elections, which
are called caucuses. They have to pay for it, but Democrats could say, let's schedule let's pick six states that are demographically representative cross section of the US or the Democratic Party at least, right, have this debate and then have a non binding party caucus. Party one caucus in
these six states will pay for it. We'll get some rich guys to pay for it, right, and that will help inform super delegates for what the public preference might be and at the public references and the US then maybe you default to Kamala out of some sense of shiating the VP obviously, but like, I don't look, if you're going to take the drastic step of replacing the president, I don't think you want to tiptoe around the fact that Kamala Harris has also unpopular, and like, what's the point, right,
if you're going to replace the president. You know, I think she should have to fight for it as she would have if Biden has said what you should have done a year and a half ago, I'm not gonna run for a second term, no one would have handed the nomination to Kamala Harris. You would have had to
earn it, and she might have earned it. Candidate's get better sometimes their second run for the White House, and there are attacks on her qualifications, and I think sometimes are unfair, But like I think you have to like try to have some element of that process. And look, you're almost free because like I don't think any of this is about fifty percent, right, I mean it's a matter of like are you getting cashing in your forty percent equity instead of twenty percent?
Or I'm not sure where I'm getting these estimates. They're off the cuff. But like.
So in some ways you can afford to have a riskier process almost and like playing it too safe.
But like, look, the sooner and the more.
Organized a Biden dropout would be than then the better it is, right if it's the case that like, look, there's one path that looks something like the polls are bad, but not quite as bad as they're as we think they're gonna be, and then Biden holds on and then in early August there's some disastrous press conference and then it's truly untenable, right and then it kind of has
to be chaos at the convention. Right right now, there is just enough time to get some sense or like even just in polls and they'll remember, you know, someone like a Kamala Harris is much better known than like a Gritch and Whitmer or something like that. But like some type of open audition process, I think, yeah.
I mean that's I think an open audition process sounds good if provided it happens right now, because I think that what we want to avoid is like a total shit show in August right where there is no unified
consensus about who should be the nominee. Because I do think that at this point, because it's so late in the game and people are fragmented and this is an unprecedented, incredibly risky move, there does need to be a united front and people do need to rally around one candidate as kind of the choice and the person who's going to get kind of the support and who's going to be able to represent well. So I do think that
this needs to happen sooner rather than later. Otherwise it's I think it might end up being a risk that just is sure. It can't be worse than buy it, But the chances of winning are going to be lower because that you know, any cracks kind of in that front are going to be exploited. We've seen that, you know,
the Republican Party is very good at exploiting cracks. And there are a lot of undecided voters who look at something like the debate yesterday and don't really kind of don't know that Trump is actually lying his face off in every single sentence and look at these two people and say, you know what, I'd rather have the guy on my on the left than the guy on the right, because you know, he's just making more sense to me. And what is it that he said about immigrants, you know,
taking my jobs and killing people. I don't want that, right, Like, there are a lot of people who aren't going to do that secondary fact checking, So you need someone to do it who's able to kind of do it in real time, someone who is able to to rebuff and
actually kind of show Trump for what he is. The other kind of the other thing in my mind, though, is you know, last time Trump won, he ran against Hillary Clinton, and one of the reasons that he was able to win is because she was very qualified, but unpopular and didn't run a good campaign. And I think a lot of people didn't want to vote for a female, like as a female, you know, I I was definitely
tuned into that. So I think there is kind of a it's a little bit risky to put a Kamala Harris or Aggretchen in there, because you know, once again he'll be running against a woman, and I don't know if that's the best candidate to defeat Donald Trump.
I'm not sure it's Gavin Newsom either, who is not terribly popular himself and will have a lot of problems associated with the state of California, which is losing population and all those things.
Right, I mean, he you know, looks good in a suit, I suppose you know.
Look, Democrats actually have I think a reasonably talented bench of candidates. They did very well in both the twenty eighteen and twenty twenty two midterms, which is kind of where you get your bench from. I mean, someone more unknown like Josh Shapiro in Pennsylvania, for example, could be potentially a compelling candidate.
JB. Pritzker in Illinois, the governor of Illinois is.
This big guy kind of when Trump got convicted, kind of gave it a very old school Chicago style like take care of Trump that I think could play well against Trump's bluster.
Because the thing is, like Trump is not that popular.
Either, because popular has actually improved a little bit, and in some ways, if we're being honest, I think he's run a better campaign compared to four years ago and gave a better debate performance than the five previous ones he's had against Biden or Clinton. So I don't think Trump is easy to defeat. But there have been voters clamoring for a long time that like, can you please not now many of these.
Fucking two people again?
In a country of three hundred and thirty one million people, can you please that how many these two guys is like really the best you have to offer? And there is some upside chance that like a newer kind of freshered Democrat. I mean, I don't know, right, but like I mean the reason why I'm like, I don't know that Democratic Party elders are going to be able to
agree on some consensus choice. If if Kamala Harris were a little bit more popular and people are more confident in her quote unquote electability than.
She would be the obvious choice, the obvious choice. If she had the obvious choice.
I'm not sure Biden would have run in the first place for her second term. So I don't think there's an obvious choice, and therefore to have some public feedback as a coordination mechanism.
A one more point, by the way, that is important.
The delegates at the convention are delegates chosen by Joe Biden, Right, you actually picking her that to say, I want Maria and Nate to be my delegates if I win.
This nominating contest in New Jersey or whatever.
Therefore, they are loyal to what Biden would do. But it also means are probably more moderate, centrist, demo pragmatic Democrats.
Right.
That makes things a little easier because there's like not an appreciable like left wing faction among the super delegates, and that might increase the ease relatively speaking of the coordination problem.
Well, I think that's a that's a rare hopeful point in today's podcast, which has not been very hopeful. You know, I wish that you and I would be able to come up with a nice little roadmap and be like, okay, done, you know, forty minutes and we've saved democracy. Good job of us. But you know, it's obviously not that easy. This is an incredibly complicated situation. And I feel slight. Actually no, I was about to say I feel slightly better after talking to but that's not actually true. I
feel just as despondent as I did before. But I'm really glad that we had a chance to talk this through and to talk through some of kind of the big issues, the big psychological issues, and there are obviously psychological issues for the voters too in terms of swapping out Biden right now. So I think that that's you know, these are all things that we'll need to revisit, and I'm really interesting. I'm really interested to see kind of what the actual response is going to be in the
next few weeks. I would say pe drop is actually probably lower than the prediction markets have them right now now, because you know, ego, ego, ego, ego, ego, and you know, Biden clearly has has a lot of it, and he doesn't want to drop out, and he's surrounded by people who've been shielding him and who've been saying, you did such a great job last night. You know, good job. How Trump didn't say, I.
Mean, it's an emperors.
I mean the reason why like parables like the Emperor has no clothes exists is because the people actually it's.
True, O good exactly. So we're in the middle of the Emperor has no clothes, and I really hope that the emperor realizes he's naked and is willing to take a seat and let someone else come out. I don't know if that's if that will happen, though. What's your personal p drop? Is it higher or lower than the prediction markets have it right now?
A little higher, I think because of the degree of
unanymity among the kind of political and pundit class. And look in twenty twenty, the kind of democratic elites came together in this messy nomination process where it looked like Bernie Sanders might win, and like literally all got together and they all flew somewhere like Pete boodhag Edge and Amy Klobishard dropped out and endorsed Biden right and James Climber and the very influential congressman who is maybe the most admired black Democrat endorsed Biden, and he kind of
zoomed from kind of this muddle and like second place to winning actually very easily on South Carolina and on Super Tuesday. So it is a group that has someone shown itself capable of making adult kind of group decisions. And again, the problem is that, like you can hit this story about Biden's age every single day, However many days are left one hundred and something whatever in the campaign.
Because first of all, he's behind in most of these poles.
He's not going to like pull ahead after this at least, right, so every time a poll comes out, you can be like, Okay, the New New York Times Sienna pole has Biden four points down in Pennsylvania. Must win the state. You know, that seems really bad. Every time Biden has a public speaking appearance where it goes mediocre at best and disastrous at worse, it's going to be a point of debate. And believe me, if Democrats in the media forget to talk about it, the Republican attack ads are going to
be devastating. And you know, just the before and after clips of Biden then versus Biden now, and there's a cascading effects I think, and you know there will be. There's also, by the way, they're also opportunistic effects.
I don't think that.
I don't think that Gavin Newsom or Gretchen Whitmer or whoever else Rafael we're not would face the same degree of stigma if they said, if needed, I will serve, right, I mean, they'd be subtle about it and koya about it. Newson, by the way, was not very coy about his intentions to potentially challenge Biden two years ago. But like, there are opportunists who could say that, like I am willing to serve, or I mean, you know, someone could say
that they want to vote registers a third party. That probably wouldn't work because it's too late to collect enough signatures in certain states. But yeah, if you need it to, you could kind of poison pill Biden, right, You could like threaten to leak unflattering things that would ensure that he would lose and so therefore he's forced to resign and Biden.
That's another risky strategy.
Well, look, I.
Mean, you know it's what's the burning of bridges strategy. But like, I think the degree of elite consensus and Democrats are the party of elites at least by one definition of the term, is so strong and there are not very many ways to undo that because Biden just isn't capable of it, right, he isn't capable of it. Well, scheduling in a debate next week, how about that?
Okay?
I yeah, mostly agree, and.
I have another debate. We'll see how you do.
Maybe that would elay nerves, but like you're not gonna let people wait until September to have another debate.
Yeah. And by the way, even if we have another debate tomorrow and he does much better, that's still not going to assuage my fear because, as I said, I need someone who consistently can perform under pressure and under the lights. That's not consistency, that's good days and bad days. What if there's what if we're on a bad day when there's a nuclear strike? Right, Like, we cannot afford that in a president. So you know, I think our headline for today's podcast is we thought we were fucked,
and we're kind of fucked. But you know, let's let's tune in in a few weeks and see where we are and see what happens. And I hope that, you know, people listening to this and listening to the unanimity of voices will actually finally do something about it, and we'll be in a better situation, or at least a situation where variance is on our side, where when we when we next revisit this topic.
Also, you know, again, I'm trying to come at this from a little bit more of a nonpartisan lens. Although I've said I don't think Trump would make a good leader and I don't want them to become president again, America, stop fucking voting for these really fucking old guys, right, You should age discriminate more. Do not fucking vote for people who are seventy five years or older to be the fucking president of the United States, the hardest job
in the world. I would propose a constitutional amendment to say you cannot begin your presidential term.
Past the age of seventy five.
In the absence of that, I'm pledging Maria that I will never vote for somebody age seventy five or older again for president.
I'm pledging that good.
I will pledge that with you, and I've actually often thought that since we have a younger limit on the presidency, we should have an older limit as well, So Nate we can do the Nate Silver and Maria Kannakova and men meant to make sure this doesn't happen again. I think that's a great call.
To action for.
The end of our show today. Thanks for joining me on this emergency pod. I appreciate your time in this emergency time.
Thanks Maria, and for listeners.
Next, people have an interview that we have pre recorded with a special guest, unless there is more emergency news, which everier.
One might be yes, in which case you'll get the two of us again. All right, thanks for listening. Risky Business is hosted by Me, Maria Kannakova.
And Me Made Silver.
The show is a co production of Pushkin Industries and iHeartMedia. This episode was produced by Isabelle Carter. Our associate producer is Gabriel Hunter Chang. Our executive producer is Jacob Goldstein.
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