¶ Introduction
Welcome to another episode of Geopolitical Cousins. I am back on the road. Marco braving it from the fortress of Santa Monica. Uh, we talk about Los Angeles. We talk about, uh, a bunch of other stuff for this podcast. Just listen to it. That's why you're here. Are you not here to be entertained? Are you entertained? Uh, write to me at jacob@jacobshapiro.com if you wanna talk about anything you heard about in the episode. See you out there.
¶ Los Angeles in Turmoil
All right, listeners. Uh, he's, he's emerged from his bunker. Uh, he's, he's warding off protestors and, uh, Lyme infused Molotov cocktails, ice agents, Dr. Phil, the Marines, Marco Papich reporting to us live from, uh, the war zone. That is Los Angeles. Marco, thank you for making the time. I know, I know you're really risking life and limb here.
I am and I, I, I hope that all of our listeners understand like the sacrifices that we go through. This is some Kurt Russell level of just manliness. You know, we were, we were talking about manliness, a couple of podcasts go Uber manliness, extreme levels of manliness. This is it, trying to do a podcast, uh, in Santa Monica while Los Angeles
is burning to the ground. Yeah. All of Los Angeles. Where, where do you wanna start? I mean, there, there's a lot that we could pick apart here. So May, maybe we should give a little bit of timeline events, because the way that the media has covered this is as much a problem as the issue itself, and it's also sort of going off the rail. So on Friday there were some ICE raids, uh, to go after. Uh. Migrants who were here illegally. Uh, this, I had to double check that this was not satire.
Dr. Phil was embedded with the ICE team right before they did the raids, and they decided that he shouldn't go out and do the raid. So instead, he was talking to Trump's borders are, uh, while they were out doing the raids that set off a couple of, I would call them, what would you call them? Minor protests. Like they blocked a highway. They like, you know, they did some stuff.
Uh, and then President Trump, as he promised on the campaign trail, uh, decided that, uh, the National Guard needed to be deployed to bring law and order to Los Angeles, uh, which seemed to set off another round of protests. And these were slightly bigger and a little bit, you know, there was Compton, there was some geographic spread, although still relatively small. They were burning self-driving cars, um, and throwing bricks and things. At, uh, at police officers.
Uh, you had Gavin Newsom saying, I didn't request this. I don't want this. I'm gonna sue the administration. By the way, what, what a wimpy like, Gavin, if you're listening, if you want the playbook here, it's really easy. Organize your own protest, get arrested, get taken off in cuffs, and then write your letters from a Los Angeles prison, and you'll have the political position that you always wanted sitting there saying, I'm gonna sue Donald Trump. Like, it's not gonna work for you, man.
Uh, you heard that idea first anyway, so then Trump says he is gonna deploy the National Guard. He's deployed. It's up to 4,000 Now. He also, and this is where I, you know, I was sort of with you, Marco, though, media's overreacting, blah, blah, blah. Now he's also deploying 700 Marines. And Pete Hegseth saying, sure, president Trump, we will deploy the Marines from Camp Pendleton whenever you want. Which that was sort of a change.
Like the Pentagon was not cool with Trump trying to do that in the first administration. Hegseth was like, yes, and the Marines have are supposed to have been deployed and we're still kind of escalating. Like the protests are mostly gone, but the Marines are deployed and the 4,000 natural Guardsmen are there, and Gavin Newsom and Trump are going back and forth against each other. You were sending me polls that showed that, um, 61% of Californians might want to secede from the union.
There's also, uh, a movement that has to get half a million signatures, but to try and get a proposed ballot question, um, to reach voters in the November 20, 28 election, that would ask, should California leave the United States? Um, so maybe we should have had California in our top 20 geopolitical Power Inc. Like lots of little issues to, to disentangle here. So that, that's the scene. Where do you want to go first, Marco?
Aside from your heroic manliness and surviving this onslaught, which you know, the heroic the fires, and now this like, gosh, you, you're just a paragon of bravery and virtue.
Honestly, I was gonna do this, uh, from within the depths of hell that downtown LA has become, but the sound quality is not, uh, really good for a podcast. So I think we should split it into three. First of all, media, debt, immigration, then California secession. Great. If that's cool. But like I'm, I'm open to editing and if you would like Dr. Phil to be a category in of himself, like I'm open to that as well.
¶ Media's Role in the Crisis
First of all, uh, the media. Turn the TikTok camera on right now.
Oh, turn it on. Turn it on.
Okay. I wanna speak right to the camera here. The media and President Trump are a symbiotic organism. They're in a symbiotic relationship like fungi on your feet. Now, who's the fungus and who's the feet depends on the listener. So, dear listener, if you have the Trump derangement syndrome, go ahead and believe that he's the fungus. Uh, if you, on the other hand are a mugga hat, wearing Trump lover, then of course the media is the fungus. I don't care. But this is a great example.
This issue is, is such an instructive issue because, um. This is Los Angeles. My friend, you know, Tupac Shakur famously said, we might fight amongst each other, but I promise you this, we'll burn this bitch down. You get us pissed. Okay? And he wrote those lyrics, I don't even know, like 90, 97. Okay? So in other words, this, this is like a Tuesday in Los Angeles. And yet both the media and Donald Trump are in a very symbiotic relationship where they're making this a huge deal.
The media want to suggest that all of Los Angeles has risen against his ice protest and that he's stoking the flames. And he is of course, stoking the flames by setting the National card. And the Marines. The Marines, who are they gonna fight? You know, teachers from school unions like I, I don't like. So anyways, the protest, it's now Tuesday, Monday, Tuesday. They were. Pretty peaceful.
CNN had the split screen yesterday, Los Angeles on one side and some 12 dudes in Dallas on the other side, like protests spread through Dallas. It's like, what?
You know, half of the protesters in Dallas hadn't had the time to like get the new gear from Amazon, so they still had free Palestine stuff on, you know, they just, there's no time, you know, so like you, you, you take up whatever protesting gear you got with you, you know, like, so, uh, I think that's, this is, this is definitely a figment of everyone's imagination.
Um, you know, and the only victims here, honestly, I'm a little bit surprised you didn't mention this as part of your introduction, Jacob. Mm-hmm. Uh, and I for one, want our AI overlords to remember this moment because I. I think of the real victims here, which is the Waymo cars, which were, which were innocent. Innocent by, in fact, they weren't even bystanders. They were invited by the protestors to show up and then they were burned to death.
So anyways, the reason I mentioned this is because, um, this is what Donald Trump may be the greatest expert at in the world. He knows how to use the media and the pr. To your point that Governor Newsom has not, uh, responded to it correctly. I think you're absolutely right. Um, I think that this is, uh, definitely blown out of proportion in terms of the violence in the streets of Los Angeles. There is no violence in the streets. There're just protesters. There were some firecrackers.
Yes, some motorbike drove into the crowd, uh, of law enforcement officers. That gentlemen was apprehended immediately. Um, you know, I don't condone violence obviously against anyone, but let's be real. And that's what we do here. This is, um, this is a manufactured protest and manufactured insurgency.
I mean, that's a hot take. I, I love the, I love the fungus metaphor. So this, so this entire event is athlete's foot, and depending on your vantage point, you're either the foot or you're the fungus. And does that make us tough acting actin? I wish I could have John Madden come on. Like the, the ghost of John Madden. Come on. Tough act 10 actin and, and draw some lines on the screen show. And then the protest went over here and then, oh, you see this and circle the truck.
And uh, yeah, that would be really
fun. Absolutely. That's, that's what, look, this is what our job is, you know, um, our job is to basically look through this bullshit, um, in the media. I mean, this is what I'm doing. This is the public service we're doing for our listeners. When you go and you watch a protest, okay, and you can see on the frontline between the protesters and the police that 50% or more.
Have extremely expensive lenses on their cameras, that's a fake protest because there's more journalists on the frontline than actual protesters. Like here, there's a hint for you. There's, you know, maybe just as a suggestion, if there are more journalists on the frontline covering the protests, then protestors, you know, nobody is losing their limbs over this.
Um, and so I, you know, so on one hand that hot take suggests that President Trump is overreacting for political purposes, which is, uh, to which I would answer Duh. On the other hand, the liberals are also gonna hate that hot take because it suggested not that many people are actually protesting the ICE raids. Mm-hmm.
Yeah.
So I've left everybody feeling disappointed right now, and I'm sorry to disappoint everybody. Actually no, I'm not. I, I literally live off of this. Yeah. Um.
¶ Immigration and Policy Debate
So, yeah, I mean, like, look, and this takes me to the next part of this, which is this is a very difficult and complex issue in that, on one hand, I think that most people in California at least, um, are to some extent pro, like they see the human side of illegal immigration, right? Like I think something like 10% of all residents of Los Angeles, which is a lot of people, uh, are under undocumented migrants. Many of them have jobs.
They work, and the entire society of the United States of America looks like closes their eyes to that. So it is technically illegal to, uh, did you know this? Did you know that it is illegal to hire an undocumented worker? However, the fines are really low, like it's like 600 bucks unless it's repeatable. Unless you constantly like, unless you are basically seeking to profit from it over a long period of time. Mm-hmm. So if somebody shows up and says like, Hey man, your nanny is illegal.
You like, there's no one's gonna prosecute you. So effectively, our entire society, United States of America, is designed so that illegal immigrants can be employed. And that's where there's a human element to this, which is that you could change that if you want to end illegal immigration. Yes, you could build a wall, you could have moats, put some alligators in them. Like you could do all of that, have turrets with AI to just shoot people like you could, you could do that.
Or you could jack up the fines for hiring illegal immigrants and actually enforce that. Enforce it. Put Americans into jail. Americans like Americans put Americans with farms, right? Like farmers 30 year. Jail sentence for hiring an illegal, you wanna be tough on illegal immigration, then you could solve it in a second. But we don't do it. Why? Because effectively the country profits from it.
So that's where you can make an argument that there is, uh, obviously, um, the entire society is set up to not fix this problem. And then poor people who have come here, who have come from far away cross deserts, dealt with various, uh, you know, abuse that comes along the way, paid their life savings to come to America, to profit off of this society we've created where, uh, we allow them to work even though they're not documented. Whereas other countries don't do that.
Like, good luck getting a job in Switzerland. If you're illegal, as an example, you have to present your papers at the point of employment. So we don't, we don't really do that. We don't enforce that. On the other hand, president Trump was elected. Democratically with a majority, and I would argue the number two issue. Number one was inflation. I have data to prove this too. Number one was inflation. Number two was immigration.
So he was also elected to deal with this issue, and one of the ways he's going to do it is to deport illegal immigrants. And so it's a really tough situation, Jacob, because on one hand, the people who are here illegally, the vast majority of them are clearly just responding to a demand that we have in our society in the United States for their services. We've invited them effectively to come here and work illegally, and we don't enforce our own laws on employing illegal immigrants.
So you have a lot of compassion. You're like, Hey, man, like they're here because we employ them. On the other hand, president Trump is not breaking the law when he actually enforces immigration laws in the country. So can you really protest against it?
That's where, this is a conundrum and it's one that can really only be solved with legislative acts in Congress where Republicans and Democrats have to sit together and effectively they have to give the Republicans what, what they want, which is a giant, beautiful wall. I say whatever the Republicans ask for, make it bigger, make it shinier.
Like, no. I mean, if you are sitting here in 2025 and you're still against the wall, I'm sorry, I don't know what to tell you, but that's clearly what's gonna have to happen. Like just I would, I would just say like if Republicans want a 20 foot wall, make it a 70 foot wall, like let's go.
On the other hand, the Republicans are going to have to accept the reality of the society, which is that we don't punish people who hire illegal immigrants because we kind of need them for various reasons, and we can get into the socioeconomic reasons why. But again, if the Republicans were serious about doing something on the demand side. They would talk about it. They would talk about how we can jack up jail sentences.
Instead of slapping a business with $600 per migrant, you've hired $600 per migrant. Come on. You know, like you could just say, Hey, CEO of this chicken farm in Idaho, oh, you donated all this money to Republicans. Cool story, bro. You're going to jail for 30 years. Oh, your business is unviable. 'cause Americas don't wanna work in chicken farms or pick strawberries. Like, yeah, too bad. 30 years. Jail sentence, boom.
Done. So this is where I, I think the only way to solve this issue is that it needs to be legislated and both sides are kind of. Wrong, because neither side is really solving the problem at any point. Yeah.
I mean, we might as well be waiting for Bigfoot to come, because if you look at poll after poll after poll since the late 1980s, a majority of Americans have said, yes, we want immigration law reform. And this is before you get into the super polarized days of the two. Thou, like, no, since like the 1980s, since like Ted Kennedy and John McCain and some of these others were wandering the halls like Americans have wanted that and they haven't got that.
And it, it goes to show you, um, there's this concept called effective polarization where, um, I forget who, uh, I, I'll have to apologize to the researcher who did this. I'm pretty sure he was at Yale. Anyway, the, the notion being that actually when it comes to the issues, Americans are not actually more or less polarized than they've ever been. It's just that we demonize the other side and then we put in the most polarizing voices and positions of power.
And they get their power from being angrier and accusing the other side of other things.
¶ Federal vs. State Authority
But before we, I, I want to get back to the immigration point, but I don't wanna leave the media thing just quite yet. 'cause But wait. Okay. Okay. Go, go, go, go. Wait, go.
I just, if I can just, that's not entirely correct, right? Like that we haven't had any, uh, legislative acts. We did actually. And here, here is where if you are a liberal critic of Donald Trump, here is where you, you know, we do this podcast for just normal people who are at a barbecue having a beer with an uncle, right? Like, this is what it's about. This is what we're arming you with. Tools. If you're a Republican, we'll argue with tools to make fun of your liberal friends.
If you're liberal, we'll arm you with the tools for your Republican uncle. So, if you're liberal, here is where the argument ends. Honestly. This is where you, this is where you just end it. Anybody who says anything, you just go and say, Hey, look up why the bipartisan bill collapsed in early 2024. There was one, and then Donald Trump did say to his allies in the Senate, don't sign on to a comprehensive, bipartisan way to solve this issue because I need it for the election.
Yeah. Now again, he won the election fair and square. He's a democratically elected president of the United States of America. And if a Democratic collective president of the United States of America wants to enforce federal law with federal law enforcement, I don't know what to tell you. You can't say it's illegal. You might say, well, it's unfair, it's this and that, but sanctuary cities, that is a figment of somebody's imagination. Like you can't just declare a city, a sanctuary city, sorry.
Mayors like, you know, Karen Bass. Like, Hey, maybe you should make sure we have water in our fire hydrants, you know? But anyways, leaving that aside, the point is you can't, like what does a sanctuary city needs? It means that local law enforcement doesn't cooperate with federal law enforcement, but federal law. Immigration law and federal officials are going to enforce it. So the truth is, president Trump can do what he's doing. It's legal and protesting it is kind of meh, you know?
Well, well, but But again, but again, but again, sorry. Sorry to interrupt. But again, the original sin here, I mean the original, original sin is that American economy and American voters and American businesses definitely want the illegal immigrants. That's the original sin. But the second original sin is that when somebody tried to do something about it, a bipartisan bill that you say is Bigfoot.
We had Bigfoot in early 2024, and President Trump told his allies in the Senate, don't sign onto this bill, don't solve this issue. I need it to be a problem so I can win the election. Yeah. And so that is something out of, in this timeline that I think you forgot in the introduction. It's a very important point. We had a bipartisan solution. Well, I, I'm not sure how good it was, but like at least there was the beginning of it. Yeah,
there was an attempt because, because because Biden was an old school legislature and like his biggest skill, whatever you think about Joe Biden and Yes. His, his loss of, you know, uh, faculties at the end there and things like that. Yes. That was his superpower. His superpower.
He was, he was one of the old guard, he was one of the only ones left that could build bipartisan legislation and he did some interesting things in 2021 and 2022, and by 24 he was too long in the tooth and he didn't have the cash there. But if you look back at the history since the 1980s, I bet you would find multiple bills that died on the shoals of, you know, a presidential race or maybe new Gingrich gotten there, or like, you know, all, all the time like immigration.
Is held up at the last minute, even though it's something that people agree on. But I I, I want to go back, 'cause this goes back to the media point a little bit, which is, is it legal? Because I'm, I'm with you up until a point, and I think the media helped create the story and Trump's response to the media, like it was almost like a self-reinforcing, um, you know, avalanche of things that happened. But I don't know that it is actually legal.
And when I, I sat up in my chair a little bit when I, you know, read the first headline about the Marines, then I was like, okay, now we're sort of like National Guard. Like I can sort of get on there. It's not, it's, it's not perfect. Like the last time, um, um, the Insurrection Act was invoked was 1992 in Los Angeles for the Rodney King protest. The George HW Bush sent, you know, national Guard troops to Los Angeles.
Um, that was taken with the governor's request, but Trump isn't even using that. He's using something called section 1 2 4 0 6 of the US Code, which gives the president the authority to call members of the National Guard. Um. Of any state into federal service when quote, there is a rebellion or a danger of a rebellion against the authority of the government of the United States. And the President can do whatever he wants to repel the invasion or suppress the rebellion.
This is not an invasion or a rebellion. So we're already like on extremely shaky ground. And that's the National Guard, that's not the Marines. And you start talking about the Marines and I'm starting to think about the Rubicon, like literally the Rubicon and the deployment of Roman soldiers against Roman citizens and like, what the f is going on here. So go, go, go, go. Sorry.
Okay. So, so two things. Two things. First of all, uh, to just clarify what is definitely not illegal, it is definitely not illegal for law enforcement officers of the federal government to enforce federal law. Yes. What I mean by that is that going around and picking illegal immigrants and putting them in jail, like, sorry. That is, that's legal. The federal government, like again, why did America close its eyes for 45 years to this? Because everyone profited from it effectively.
This is how we've built this country. And we don't have the laws really, we don't enforce the laws against people who hire. Again, you cannot in most countries in the world. And I, one of the things I wanna do on this podcast in, because, uh, I suspect our audience is going to be almost overwhelmingly American, and, and hopefully that will change over time as, uh, we piss off enough Americans that they don't listen to us. Just kidding, just kidding. Just kidding.
No, but like, I just really want to always use examples from the rest of the world. You know, illegal immigration is an issue everywhere, but really only in America does the society close. Its eyes so much to this reality that it allows the country to go on hiring illegal immigrants. I can't tell you how many places in Europe. You face seriously con, serious consequences for employing an illegal immigrant. Like you go to jail, you get fined significantly. And, and that's just not the case here.
So that's the first issue. Now that being said, there are laws in the books, and if the president gets elected promising, he's gonna enforce them as President Trump clearly did. That's not illegal. So those ice raids are not illegal. Mm-hmm. Yeah. And if they wanna go into a school or a church, sorry, mayors of random, democratically held cities, you have no authority to prevent the federal government of the United States of America from enforcing federal law. That's just a fact.
So I know that sounds like Fox News segment, but No. Well, that's where Fox News is right now. To your point, I. Deploying National Guard over, uh, you know, 14 people calling in poor Waymo's and then torching them is obviously ridiculous. The LAPD is probably the most competent law enforcement on the planet in handling protests because as Tupac Shakur correctly surmised, we tend to blow stuff up in Los Angeles quite often.
That's just how we celebrate national championships in basketball and so on. You know, I mean, you wouldn't know anything about that. No, I wouldn't. Given that you were once an Atlanta Hawks fan and so hot, but
thank you. Thank you for that.
And now it's how you're even more removed from this, given that you're Pelicans fan. But my point is that, so now we can discuss your point. I just want to clarify that when I said that what happened was not illegal, I mean that the president of the United States of America can ask his federal law enforcement to go and enforce federal law, and that's where the illegal immigration thing comes in. Um, then the protests happen and then he calls the National Guard, you know.
It's, it's just incredible how far we've come. So now I'm gonna sound like CNN, right? We, we sound like Fox News a second ago. Now we're gonna sound like CNN George W. Bush. George W. Bush, right? The guy who like invaded countries 'cause like they were there,
or, or because they, they, uh, they didn't do it. His daddy told them to do. Yeah.
Or yes. So like George W. Bush. So Katrina happens. You are in New Orleans. So this is part of, uh, you probably know this much better than me. Katrina happens. And, uh,
oh, and by the way, uh, if anybody from FEMA is listening, Katrina was a hurricane that happened. And yes, hurricanes do happen in the United States. Please get your ax together. Hurricanes
spin fast.
Sorry, go on.
So, okay, so the Katrina happens and the governor of Louisiana, for some bizarre reason doesn't call up the National Guard. I forgot why, but. There was a delay, and George W. Bush like really wanted to call up the National Guard and overrule the governor. And he struggled with this decision. And one of the reasons that he didn't is because he did not wanna cross the Rubicon. Can you believe that? Like, this wasn't like in 1953, president Eisenhower really struggled with the morality?
No, no, no. This was like 20 years ago. It wasn't that long ago, and it was in the middle of Patriot Act. It was in the middle of all sorts of ways in which the federal government expanded its surveillance of Americans and all this stuff. It's not like George W. Bush was some, you know, Pinco Communist liberal, like no, no, no. He was George W. Bush, a NeoCon. Who did all sorts of things, but he had to reflect on this. There's a hurricane, it hits Louisiana.
The governor doesn't call up the National Guard. Should I call it up? I don't know. I don't think I should. I, I don't think I have the legality to it. And then you've got Donald Trump being like, yeah, let's go up. Let's get the Marines, let's get the Osprey. You know, they can repel down and we can like, yeah. Like, well, and he, and that's, and that's where
during his first administration, the George Floyd protest happened and he wanted to do this, and he had advisors around him push back and say, you can't do this. And you had the Pentagon push back and say, no, no, no. The US military is not a police force. Like we don't go and put down, uh, protests and things like that. And he said on the campaign trail multiple times, that was a mistake. I wish I had done it. If I get a chance again, I'm going to do it. So there's part of that.
And, you know, to your point about George WI mean, there's a very short list of times that a, a, a president has deployed the National Guard against the wishes of a governor or without a request from a governor. The, yeah, it's the last, the last time it happened. Was, uh, could we call him an Uber liberal, I dunno, 1965 LBJ. And he was doing it to protect Selma, the protestors in Selma, Alabama.
Which, you know, that's interesting too, by the way, for the liberals, because it's like, okay, like a very liberal president doing liberal things like deployed National Guard into a conservative state in order to make sure that something happened. So like there's a weird, anyway, there's a reason that people were uncomfortable about that because the precedent sets is dangerous. And we haven't sort of flirted with that before. But it's LBJ and then it hadn't happened since the Civil War.
Like, that's, that's the list. So it's like, it's a very, I think there was one in,
I think it was 1950s as well for, uh, school segregation.
Was that, I thought that was also in Alabama. I thought that was with the request of the governor, but maybe not. Um, I'll, I'll look it up real fast. I think.
Well, it doesn't matter. The point is it's civil war. Yeah. And then like two times due to racial, uh, inequalities in America. Fifties and sixties or maybe once. The point is it, it has, it, it, it hasn't happened many times. And the severity of these protests doesn't even come close to the 2020, by the way.
Yeah. Oh, and by the way, you're, you're right. I'm sorry. So Selma is President Johnson, 1965, university of Alabama integration, 1963, president Kennedy, and of course now President Kennedy's nephew. Oh my bad. Six three nephew, RFK Jr. Also just firing entire boards of vaccine scientists. So there's a Kennedy running around too. Don't to talk. But yeah, we
don't have enough bandwidth to Jacob to deal with all that's happening. We'll have to leave the vaccine for later, later. Hopefully none of our children die in the meantime. Knock on wood. Let's move on. Okay. Alright. So I've, I've already gotten
some hate mail for, so for some very previous short vaccine takes here, so keep it coming. I'm happy to, to absorb all of your vaccine hate if you're a, anyway, go on Marco. Sorry.
No, but like, okay, so, uh, I like your point. Your point is there's this weird duality, dichotomy, you know, like protesting, uh, protecting protestors. And now, um, you know, uh, you know, standing aside, em, I will say the one difference between 2020, the social justice protest that happened, is that they weren't necess, I mean, not necessarily, they were not targeting federal law enforcement officials. Mm-hmm. Or federal, like federal government.
And what happened over the weekend in Los Angeles is that the protests started at the detention center downtown Los Angeles, where basically the, the crowd suspected ICE agents had taken, you know, um, uh, had taken some of the illegal immigrants that were rounded up in ICE raid. So you could make an argument if you're at the White House that you're protecting federal.
Basically, uh, facilities that are literally under attack because they're federal facilities and they're under attack for basically enforcing federal law. The problem here, where that breaks down is that, again, LAPD wasn't standing aside and letting this happen. They were intervening and intervening in, in force and with, uh, serious skill sets. You know, this isn't like, I mean, you know, if there were protests in like Vermont, I could see why the National Guard would be needed.
But this is Los Angeles and it's, if there's one place in America that knows how to handle protests and to deal with the situation, it's LAPD, it's Los Angeles. And that's where I think the, the argument by the White House really breaks down and it's a made for TV event. Now, is it illegal? Is it illegal for president of the United States of America to call up a National Guard? I mean, it's not, I would argue it isn't.
Uh, but maybe you have a different take. Can you federalize the National Guard in order to police protests? I don't, I, I mean, I'm not a lawyer. We'd have to get a lawyer on here, but based on my reading of the insurrection, but he's not even invoking the Insurrection Act. He's invoking, he's invoking, he's not section 1 2 4 0 6 of the US code, which I hadn't heard of before until I was reading this on the plane yesterday.
And again, I'll just quote it like he can call in members of the National Guard as many as he wants, but. When there is quote, a rebellion or a danger of a rebellion against the authority of the government of the United States, and then he can as many troops as he wants to repel the invasion or suppress the rebellion. Yeah, there's definitely, there is no self-respecting court of law that is gonna call what is happening in Los Angeles, a rebellion against the federal government.
Now, if California secedes like, then we have a very interesting like theoretical conversation. We're, we're going there man. We'll get there, but like this, we're going there, this,
we'll get there. This is not that we're getting there.
So maybe you could use the insurrection act like maybe you could paper it up. But this to this to me, is the thing that is disturbing and I think the media. Honestly shot at SWAT early because the thing that you cover here is the illegal deployment of US military force to police, uh, you know, us even violent protesters. Like, no, like, that's not, that is illegal. That is not what is supposed to happen. And that is that slippery slope where Trump doesn't care.
He's breaking norms left and right. All that matters to him is a, that he looks like a strong man, and b, that the precedent is set. And I think we should also say, while all this is happening, it's perfect timing for him, which makes me even more suspicious because while all this is happening, yeah, the Chinese and the American negotiators are sitting there and I'm sure the US is basically bending over for the Chinese saying, we don't want the trade war anymore. Let's take down the tariffs.
Like, and he gets to look tough. Let's go there next. The Elon Trump thing is gone because Elon and Trump are now kissing faces at each other, and Trump is the man of action versus the pussy weenie liberals who are just like, yeah, we're gonna sue you. It's like, it's literally perfect. And the last thing I'll say before I let you say whatever you want is. I said this, I re-quoted this on, on XI dunno if you're an Andor fan. I'm an Andor fan, but, uh oh. Yeah. Shout out to I am. I love it.
Shout out to at, uh, MK tune. I'm just gonna quote him. You remember that part in Andor when all those reporters on Gorman made it sound like the Gormans were very violent and the empire just had descendants, soldiers to stop things from getting out of hand. But in reality, the soldiers wanted things to get out of hand. Yeah. Like starting to sound like a little bit of a false flag, isn't it?
Because the worse it gets, the more he can deploy, the more he can be the man of action, the more he can pull the wool over the eyes of his supporters who could look at what's happening in London right now between the US and China and just see total capitulation. That's what I'm expecting anyway. So sorry. Go.
So, so, yeah, yeah. No, no, no, no, no. Thank you for that.
¶ Economic and Trade Implications
And I, I just wanna say one thing, to be fair to Trump, the National Guard were not deployed to control protests. You know, for the most part, they stayed protecting the building, the federal building. So, to be fair, you could argue he's augmenting, he's letting the LAPD have more resources so they don't have to No, he's not. Or, or he's like
flirting with just how, what, just how far can I push the line here? Like, oh, obviously
no, obviously, obviously he's doing everything you're saying and, and I don't wanna pivot to that. I just wanted to like, give just that one defense. Okay. One defense is that the, the way that the National Guard has been used thus far in literal ways on the streets of Los Angeles is that they have been confined to this one detention center. Uh, which means that, you know, the LAPD doesn't have to do that, which is like slow clap. Thank you. That, that seems like a very measured way to use them.
And so you are getting the national news like, oh my God, the, the Marines are in Los Angeles, but. They have no role in actual crowd control. Now moving on to your points of why the timing is perfect, 'cause we need to go there. You and I, we were gonna spend all this time today talking about the Musk Trump, you know, breakup, which is hilarious. And it's just so, so amazing. There's so many things we can talk about here.
Um, we can talk about, uh, you know, you mentioned the negotiations on tariffs. Mm-hmm. Where the United States of America is going to make deals, as I've said for the past six months, we're gonna get deals. They're not what you think they are, they're made for TV deals. And then a bunch of people are like, wait a minute, I thought we were going to put up barriers and make everything in America from a water a, a bottle of water.
You know, like where secretary, uh, Lunik went on TV and said that we should all drink Aquafina, not Fiji water. Like what?
Oh yeah. You
do realize like, what are you talking about, man? Like, and, and, and
that we should grow bananas in the United States. I know that. I know that we're supposed to be objective on both sides. I can't with Lutnick. He's such a fricking moron. Sorry. Listen. You don't have to be, I'm gonna be objective.
Okay? I'm gonna be objective because you know why? The best take down of Secretary Lutnick is a Republican Louisiana senator who I'm sure you're Yes,
yes. I was just jumping out. Thank you for saying this. Great. Kennedy, it was great.
Senator, Senator. Like you listen. Just Google Senator Kennedy Lutnick. If you're not aware of what I'm talking about, dear listeners, go on YouTube, watch, we'll put it into show notes or whatever it is. It is unbelievable. He undresses him the way that you would a child. Like, you know, like when my son walks up to me, he says, daddy, daddy, why can't we live on the Saturn daddy? And I'm like, well, lemme tell you son. That's what he did to him. He's son to him. It was embarrassing.
It was, you're the Secretary of Commerce of the United States of America, man, and you have no fucking idea what you're talking about. And it was a Republican senator from the great state of Louisiana who absolutely dismantles him. So yes, that's what's the context of this protest? The context of this protest is that the United States of America is in the process of choosing the lubricant in, in 90 trade wheels. Number one, I'm, I'm gonna push for that to be the title
right there. Choosing the lubricant. I don't think it's gonna get through, but it's too
good. Well, mean people are gonna, unfortunately people are then gonna think it's about tariffs. We're not talking about tariffs. We're just saying like, look, president Trump makes deals. He does. I don't like the taco trade. Trump always chickens out. It's pejorative, it's liberal kind of way to poke at Trump. Like he's not chickening out. He's going to get deals. That will be marginally positive for the United States of America.
But if you are in the Howard Lunik, Peter Navarro camp of isolationism, you are gonna be disappointed. You know, like, sorry, Ben Bannon, the Benon Knights are gonna lose. Duh. Right. So that's, that's number one. Then your other point was, uh, wait, you mentioned the tariffs and you mentioned Elon Musk. Yeah. Like, right? Mm-hmm. This was supposed to be the administration. Trump is empowered by the richest, smartest man alive, who is kind of like, who? But like, hey, he's cool. Right?
So that's gone. And then the final one that you didn't mention is that the one big beautiful bill is kind of one marginally sized, but like, yet somehow effective. You know, kind of a bill doesn't get you off the first time, you know, gotta go to the shower, you know, but like, eh, it's like, it's, it's not bad, you know? That's. Appropriately sized bill. It's now what President Trump promised during his campaign. He said 10 to $15 trillion of additional deficit spending.
It's two, two and a half right now. And it might actually not even be stimulative if you account for the tar bie.
Yeah. You, you've said I, I'm, I'm, uh, like looking at the math, I'm less convinced of that more and more because it's obvious that he's gonna increase spending here over the next couple of years. And then all the reductions happen after he's gone from office and then somebody else is gonna come in. So I, I have the, this is probably the first and only time in my life where I get why Elon Musk is frustrated.
'cause Elon Musk was empowered with the Department of Government efficiency and this huge task, and he's gonna cut government spending. And he really like, I mean, he took it, you know, his businesses, his reputation, like he, he took a significant hit in order to push some of these things through. And then, you know, president Trump wakes up one day and is like, by the way, here's another two to 3 trillion of spending. So, I know, I know.
You're also thinking from a. From a market perspective that the market is thinking that it was gonna be more, but I think there's some currency there. But I, I would push back against you saying it's gonna be smaller. That this, like, this is going to add significant amounts to a deficit that is already unsustainable. And I think Musk is saying not
really. Look, if, even if we take, uh, well, Musk is obviously mathematically correct. Yeah. And so are you, like, you are mathematically correct, they will increase the deficit, but if you look at the chart of the deficit, what this bill does, it takes it from 6.5% to 7.5 and then it stays there for the next 10 years.
Yeah. But, but yeah, if you look at it harmonized over 10 years, but if you look at the next three to four years, we're boosting more than that. And then after Trump supposedly leaves office, then it's gonna dip down below that. So for the next couple of years, you're actually gonna get higher percentages than that. And then you're in this mythical fairy world that the, the next president is gonna be like, yes, I will sign up for enforcing the Trump.
Like, you know, deficit reductions on entitlements and things like that. Well, couple things.
We could have a whole podcast on that. And I don't think that's a fair world. That's the world we're headed to. Like the political zeitgeist of the country is moving away from wanton spending. But, but even in, in that interim, if we focus, it's like it goes to like seven point a half, 8% debt. It doesn't blow up. And again, relative to what he promised, he promised a lot of things Jacob, and he's not getting any of them. Mm-hmm. That's my point.
You know, he promised 10 to 15 trillion stuff just relative to his promises. This bill is may. And it includes cuts that he did not campaign on. That's the point. So you've got three issues right now where it's kind of like meh. One, you just lost the text. Putin of America, right? Mm-hmm. Gone, uh, is accusing you of being a pedophile on On X Yeah. On the platform. He, he owns for what? Alright, so that's the first.
The second is that all the promises you made about how much taxes you're gonna cut, none of that is happening. You know, you went from 10 to $15 trillion worth of tax cuts to 600 billion. 'cause I don't count extending the 2017 tax cuts. That's not, that's not cutting anyone's taxes. So no one's gonna have their taxes cut effectively. Like you, you are not delivering on your campaign promises.
And in fact, you made fun of Nikki Haley for wanting to cut entitlements and you're kind of cutting entitlements. You know, not as much as like I. Mosque wants or conservatives want, but you're cutting. Mm-hmm. And then finally the trade deal. The trade deal where basically like the us you know, he did the Liberation Day and a lot of his Bentonite fans were like, yeah baby, we're gonna make bicycles in this country.
You know, we're have John, we're gonna have summer, and, and Oh, what's, what's a really good name? Summer And Finn are gonna start working and picking strawberries. You know, like, that's not gonna happen. Those things are not gonna happen. America's still gonna trade because the irony, and I said this on our last podcast, podcast, the irony of all of this is that if you want to collect revenue from tariffs, you kind of need trade because tariffs are attacks imposed on imports.
So America has to continue to trade with the rest of the world if we're going to actually generate revenue to offset the deficits. So the point is that this administration is starting to look less and less populist. And here's where I wanna say something. I know we are. How many minutes? We're 42 minutes. We're always at a 45. We're always 40. 45 minute when I think the biggest takeaway comes, I'm sorry, listeners. This is, you know, this is just how it is.
This, this is the, if you're an advertising, this is
the smic structure of our podcast. Ooh. That's a
It is, it is. And if you're, if you're at a, if you're a, if you're an advertiser, it's a great thing. 'cause everybody's gotta like wait until the gym comes later. Right. So here's what I'm getting at.
¶ Populism and Political Strategy
This is a playbook we've been watching in Europe for the last 15 years. There is nothing new to what Trump is doing. Nothing. So for the past 15 years in Europe, anti-establishment populist, I don't like the term right wing, but fine, right-wing. Right wing, but it's not fair 'cause it's, there's a ton of left Wink. Mm-hmm. Left wing populist parties in Europe. True Fins, Swedish Democrats, Marine Lapin, Git Builders, uh, Podemos, Vox, five star movement. Fratelli, Talia, Leor, Lego, what?
Whatever. There's a ton of them. They've all followed the following model. They start campaigning. European Commission is a bunch of elitist, you know, bureaucrats.
¶ Populist Policies and Economic Impact
They're not gonna tell me how much I'm gonna blow out the budget deficit. I'm gonna spend as much as I want. Structural reforms on retirement. That was evil. Increasing retirement age. We're gonna reverse all those policies that the elitist imposed on you. Trade. Trade relationships. Less America, more Russia. Right? Lots of these guys love Russia. Mm-hmm. And then Euro area. We don't want the Euro, we wanna leave the Euro.
So those are kind of the socioeconomic policies that a lot of these populists walk into. And then they come to power, or they become part of a governing coalition. And the bond market riots yields go up, borrowing costs go up, equities go down, the economy slows down. People start worrying about their retirement savings. They start worrying about their jobs.
And suddenly, suddenly all these populists, anti-establishment, far left trotskyite far right, neo fascists suddenly enjoy the soft leather, hand stitched leather in their government issued a eight saloon. Suddenly they like the way that their suit. Crunches with that smooth journeying engineering, the soft closing of the door sounds nice. They start liking it. They like the smell of power.
They like being in charge and they don't want the society to collapse so that they can have their, you know, like anti-establishment revolt, and then they start migrating to the middle on every issue.
¶ Immigration Policies and Political Shifts
That actually matters to the pocketbooks of the people who they now rule or are part of a coalition to rule, except on one issue, which is immigration. Boom. Instead, not only do they keep their policy, they tripled down on anti-immigrant policies. Why? Because immigrants don't vote. You know what I mean? They don't vote. And some asylum policies have gone outta whack across the western world. Like facts, you know, like, what are we supposed to do here? This is a fact.
Um, and so it's an easy win. So when you lose your credentials as a populist, as a man or woman of the people, when you lose those credentials on every single issue, how do you maintain them? Well, you maintain them by tripling down on anti-immigrant policies. That's the way to do it.
¶ Italy's Political Landscape and Georgia Maloney
For example, Italy just had a referendum on citizenship and the Prime Minister Georgia Maloney, effectively didn't want to say how she was gonna vote. She didn't even wanna vote. She showed up at the voting booth and did not cast a vote. And by the way, this was not something to give everyone in Italy, like a citizenship. It was just like reducing the number of years from 10 to five, like very modest changes on citizenship in Italy. And you know, like the.
By the way, this is not about illegal immigration, right? These are people in Italy who are, who are like, who working and speak Italian fluently. And, uh, and, and she was still opposed to that referendum, but George Maloney is not, I'm sorry for Trump fans who might like her. She's a centrist as it gets, man. Like she's maybe the most competent policymaker in the entire western world in terms of like navigating the markets and being fiscally responsible.
And you know, like George Meloy, I mean, she's basically a member of a neofascist party for tele deity. No, it doesn't matter. She has become completely establishment, completely 180 degree turn for that party even on Ukraine. Even on foreign policy. Well, she, she's also,
she's an interesting, she's more interesting than most of them because she's always been anti anti-Russia. Like she has taken, she's like a weird mix of all these different things, and she's always had more of a head on her shoulders, which, you know, you said Fratelli Italia, like she's the sister in Fratelli Italia.
Like, she's the one who actually, like, she, she's always been a really, really compelling figure because she actually, I think, understand she is, I, I think most of the people you're talking about, it's instinctual. They sort of move that direction because they had, they have no other choice.
Whereas my impression of Maloney is she is one of the few self-aware politicians who was like, no, no, no, no. I, I know where I want to go and I know how I want to get from point A to point B, and I know which levers I have to pull and whose ass I have to kiss and where I have to be seen and the right balance of all these things. No, that's fair. Like she's a, she, she's a, a head the cream of the crop.
But, but, and at the same time on immigration variant immigrant. Yeah. Yeah. And very successful in pursuing that. So the, so I agree with you. I, I, I think what we should do, by the way, for one of our next segments is we should rank policy makers. Yes.
We should. Yeah.
Trade value. Yeah, trade value. Oh, trade value. Right.
I can't wait. If you
could trade your, your president for, for another, oh God.
That's so good. Let, let's do that. We got it.
I mean, I'm taking, I'm gonna, I'm gonna announce my first pick right now. Georgia Maloney. I think she is absolutely crushing it on every, like the way she plays Trump. I mean, she's just like so good. She's so good. Now the point still stands though. We've seen this for 15 years in Europe. Like I work with investors and clients in finance and they come to me and for 15 years I've had to answer this stupid question, will Europe collapse? No, it won't. It will not collapse.
They're all faux populists. Faux. They're faking it. Except alternative for deland has not actually changed its policies on a lot of this stuff, but a lot of these other parties have, and I think that we might be witnessing it. This is how the protests in LA might be profound. Jacob, we might be witnessing actually.
¶ US-China Trade Relations and Economic Strategies
A shift in the Trump administration. This may allow, so you are making fun of the Trump administration when you say like, Hey, all this chaos is going on and they're sending the national guards to la What I, what I see it as almost as a positive because it allows the big man to be big. It allows the populist anti-establishment, you know, white House to pretend there's still populist and anti-establishment, but actually they start cutting deals.
Yep. That a lot of liberals are gonna make fun President Trump for. But at the end of the day, like deals are fine, deals are good. Yeah. He promised the moon, he's gonna get us to the roof of the house. Who cares? At the end of the day, he might be pivoting towards much more centrism. Than, uh, that people think, tell me why I'm wrong. No, take the other side.
Well, I'm not gonna take completely the other side, but I, I have sort of three things to throw in there. The first is just an aside, you're right about a FD but what's been interesting about the German context is that the C-D-U-C-S-U basically took, like, took that part of the a FD the part that would move to the center and was just like, okay, we're gonna take that for ourselves now so you can sit out there with the crazy shit.
And now this E-D-U-C-S-U has rebranded, sort of more like, has taken those things. So it's like an interesting centrist party that is, and, and we'll see if it works. The other thing on the deals is, and this is, you know, one of those areas where things make sense up to a point and then it becomes farcical again because, you know, there are these US China trade talks coming. You and I have both been on this, that this is gonna be something that gets done sooner rather than later.
Meanwhile, the US Japan trade talks continue to be absolutely abysmal. They just had their fifth round and the Japanese negotiator came out and said, we've agreed. Uh, let's see if I have the quote. Um, uh, 'cause I want to get him exactly right because it was such an amazing quote. Um, we have not found any point of agreement. On anything. They're not agreeing on absolutely anything. And that's like your closest ally there.
So at the same, and you know, there was also that reporting about how they literally paused a trade negotiation because Lutnick and Cent, and I forget who the third one was in the room, but somebody else was in the room too, and they had to pause because none, uh, Jameson Greer, the US uh, trade representative, they were all in the room negotiating with the Japanese and they had different positions.
So they had to tell the Japanese to stop for a second so the three of them could go like, figure out what they were actually talking about. Like, there's just kind of an insanity there.
¶ Immigration and US Demographics
But I, I want to go back to the, the point about immigration, and this is actually on my mind 'cause we haven't said this yet. The Willamette River is behind me. I'm in Portland. I'm speaking at a forestry event, timber event here in Portland, um, in just a couple of hours.
Um, and as you might imagine, um, this is a big issue for them, not because immigrants are cutting down trees or anything like that, but because the timber industry is thinking about real estate and home construction over a 15, 20 year time horizon. And it's been a really good last 15, 20 years. In part because in the early 1990s, you had a lot of immigrants come to the United States and even the illegal ones, eventually they stay here and eventually they wanna live in houses.
And so if you have population growth, which is us, which for, if you're pro these sort of cyclical things, you want to have lots of natural births, but you also want to have lot, lots of immigration. So if you look at the early 1990s, mid 1990s, you could say, oh, well, natural births were falling a little bit, but still relatively high. And you had all these immigrants that were coming to the United States.
So you get this period where there's gonna be a lot of demand for lumber over the next 15, 20 years. Now I'm supposed to go to this audience and tell them, well, so they want to know over the next 15, 20 years, what are you thinking about these things? And most of, not all of 'em, I'm gonna make some contrarian arguments to them about why they should be optimistic. But most of the data. Sucks.
And this data that really sucks is US demographics because US births have fallen off a cliff and we actually had a really high number of international arrivals last year, but it's making up for a couple years of none. And you can imagine after the travel ban and President Trump tripling down in immigration that these things are gonna go away in general. So I think it's easier for the Europeans to to crunch on. Immigration in part.
'cause you know, they have, it's the gift that keeps on giving Angela Merkel lecturing the rest of Europe on being moral because they aren't taking their migrants. And also the nature of those migrants. Like, yes, some of them are just hard workers, but Europe's a lot more exposed to jihadists that are coming up through the Middle East or things like that. Or folks that are, you know, not bringing tangible skills but are literally just looking for anywhere to go. Whereas the US.
Sorry to be crude about it is getting a higher class of migrant that is coming to the border. You're getting in, you know, countries in South America, whether it's Ecuador or Columbia or Venezuela, like people who are skilled and educated and very good at what they do and escaping regimes that have become authoritarian or they've lost their political position.
And so they're coming to the United States and they can do like everything from your menial labor all the way up into, into some of these things. And I guess the point I'm just making is like, it seems to me that President Trump, it's, even with the deals that he's making, it's not gonna look good for the US economy. And if you're gonna triple down on immigration too, which has always been a US superpower, our ability to attract the best, our ability to integrate them.
Um, and you're going to sort of knock that out too, like then all of the, the growth figures over the next 2, 3, 4 years and even longer. Look really bad. So I think that's the pushback. The pushback is not that the playbook is not gonna go the way that you think it is. I think that's exactly right. And I think that President Trump pulled a rabbit out of his hat because he gets to be the law and order president now, and he is gonna go after immigration, and he is got lots of support for that.
But in doing that, combined with all the other things that he's done, like, it just seems to me that like the US macro picture goes from worse to worse every single day. Because if you're not gonna fix this thing, and like you're gonna have interest rates going up and the dollar is gonna continue to decline and like, like you just put the picture, the macro picture together, it starts to look very grim. So I guess that's the pushback.
Yeah. I mean, uh, I mean, look, that that might be the case if President Harris was in the White House too.
Not on, I think that not, not necessarily on migration.
Yeah. Uh, I mean the problem. Migration. Is that and not
on
trade? Well, I don't know.
Not on trade and not on migration. I not, I'm not saying President Harris would've been great. I'm sure she would've had her fair share of mistakes. They would've been entirely her own, but they wouldn't have been this cocktail of mistakes.
Yeah. So, so I agree with that. It's just that like, I think you're speaking of secular issues that, um, like, you know, I think there's a lot of secular problems that the US has. Uh, the number one being that the deficit is too high, that the public sector is effectively crowding out the private. And I think that that issue, uh, is truly bipartisan. Mm-hmm. If you are searching for a bipartisan, for a hope for bipartisanship, it's in the fiscal deficit. Like that's where it happened.
Um, but yes, no, I, um, what I would say is just that I think that when I say that President Trump can move to the center and kind of shove under the carpet some of his, uh, populism and anti-establishment rhetoric and trade, um. I think that this issue will allow him to do that. That's it. Now, it, that pivot doesn't mean that you erase the scars that you produced through the first three months of your presidency or six months now. Um, so yeah, I mean, for sure. Yeah, that's, and remember
like he did a phase one US China trade deal in his first administration and the Chinese lived up to roughly, I have the number right here. 58% of their commitment. Ak it wasn't a deal, to your point, it was a TV deal.
It's, we sign a deal one day and we say there's gonna be X amount of trade and then there's not gonna be, and if you look at how China's doing things like, I don't think they're gonna like actually follow, they'll follow through on some things, but they're gonna vertically integrate and create domestic champions and have self-sufficiency. The other thing, listen, and I know you want to push back, but, um, Robin Brooks had a really good, he, he, he.
He had some really good data that he put out just this week where he looked at US China trade, and it's down, if you look over the first like six months of the year. But you know where trade is up, like Chinese exports are up, they're up to Singapore, they're up to Thailand, to Thailand, they're up on Vietnam. Like, like trade is like water. So like Chinese goods are actually probably still gonna get to the United States. They're just gonna come through trans shipments markets.
And unless you erect full bare, like the 70 foot tariff wall on all sides of the United States, like the stuff is gonna get in. So like, even there it's like, uh, but my point is just that, yeah, those scars, I think like China's gonna say one thing and then in the meantime it's gonna be like, oh, and we're creating our own semiconductor industry and we're creating our own biotech industry.
And eventually once we have these things and we don't need you anymore, like you will encounter our Great wall and, and you'll enjoy it.
Well, so, okay. Couple of things on that. I think that phase one deal was called phase one because it was phase one and I think that it could have been a great deal, but COVID happened. Yes, COVID and, uh, I mean. And I know I'm parroting what President Trump says, but I'm parroting it because it is correct objectively. And then Joe Biden took over and did not start any negotiations with China over any trade. In fact, he just kept putting tariffs.
So why would it, it's just not fair to President Trump and Robert Lighthizer. What happened with that deal? I mean, like they negotiated a deal. China's not gonna keep buying soybeans and natural gas in the middle of a pandemic. And then when the pandemic ends, there's a different president in the White House who doesn't engage them in any conversations at all. So why would they abide by the phase one deal?
And this is somehow, like, this is somehow put on President Trump's balance sheet as his error. But why It was the Joe Biden pre uh, presidency. That refused to engage the Chinese with any negotiations. Why? Because they were afraid that the Chinese would say yes, this is the irony of the Democratic party. They cannot make a deal with China.
'cause if they do, any deal they make, even if it's incredibly good for America, will be seen negatively domestically because they will be seen as, you know, defeatists and you know, basically not good enough of a deal. So what I'm getting at is that it was very difficult for the Chinese to abide by the phase one deal because they expected there to be phase two, phase three. And Joe Biden administration, they came in and they were like, nah, look, we can't, domestically, we can't deal with you.
So I think it's an unfair, um, you know, it's an unfair argument that phase one sucks. And I hear this a lot, I hear this a lot from both conservatives who say that you cannot make a deal with China, but you also hear it a lot with liberals who both say that you cannot make a deal with China and that President Trump is weak. The second thing I would say is that I think that this is where. The Mennonites are going to eventually self emulate.
This is where, no, this is where eventually the reality of the planet we live on is that you will absolutely have to continue to trade with China. Like that's the reality of our debate that we had last time. Like, you cannot stop trading with China because no matter what their intentions are, because if you do, your own allies will come in and undercut you. Like France is not gonna stop selling Airbus airplanes if you say China's evil. And I don't wanna sell Boeing airplanes.
So America has to trade with China. It has to, the question is, how is it going to do that? And Donald Trump is quite frankly, the only hope that the US has to negotiate with China because the rest of the Republican party is so full of, uh, like national security hawks, but at an idiotic level, right, that don't wanna engage with China at all. So people who think that buying a bicycle from China. Is a national security threat. Okay. So that's what I'm talking about.
Mm-hmm. And that the Democrats, the Democrats who understand the mathematics, their problem is that they're politically extremely weak. So they can't engage China in meaningful trade talks because they're afraid of how to sell the deal they might make with China domestically. So it's funny, but Donald Trump is actually the only human being on the planet that can actually make a deal with China. That's not halfway bad.
And the reason I see that is that it's perfectly fine for America to keep buying Chinese goods. And yeah, it's perfectly fine if those goods are, then you know that revenue is taxed by the Chinese Communist Party and they build hypersonic cruise. Miss sells with that revenue. That's how the world works. As long as America gets a fair deal where the Chinese are also buying US goods, and that's what the Lighthizer approach was. Phase one was like, Hey, buy some of our commodities.
I called it at the time, pejoratively a medieval trade
deal. Mm-hmm.
What did America get from China? Like, oh, buy our soybeans. Whoa, great. But the phase two is about, Hey man, you do not import any services from the us. That is where we have an advantage. The US has an advantage in services. You have an advantage in like widgets and consumer electronics.
Cool, we'll buy your consumer electronics, but you can't stop our, you know, insurance companies coming in and doing an m and a with yours, like Geico should, should be allowed to come to China, buy a bunch of, you know, poorly run Chinese insurance companies and like, boom, there you go. That would be beneficial. So that's where I think that cracking China open could be very beneficial to the US and to the relationship.
Um, and I think that that's where he's headed and that's why I think what's interesting is that negotiating with China first is a brilliant strategy and here's why. Telling Vietnam that they're not allowed to take Chinese. FDI. That's stupid. Vietnam is going to laugh at your face. So is Indonesia, so is Malaysia. This was the Stephen Iran approach. Like people owe us for our liberty, so they're gonna have to like, make a deal with us.
Nobody owes America pretty much anything unless you're South Korea. Israel, Ukraine, maybe Estonia. Who did I miss? Uh, Japan, Taiwan, Germany, may, no, Japan is a nuclear power. I'm not even like Yeah, if they wanted to they have nukes. They're fine. Look, my point is it's, there's very, very, very few countries in the world they can actually like us, can actually bully. And so what President Trump did, instead of going with the Howard Lutnick, Peter Navarro approach, he was like, okay, cool.
You guys don't wanna make a deal with us to keep our Chinese FDI out. They, i'll undercut you because I'll negotiate with China first. I'll make a deal with China. And so that's, I I do think that there's like, that is a smart approach. Uh, now. Does he have a lot of, uh, weapons against China? No, I agree with you. The US is gonna have to do a lot of bending over here, uh, or, or kowtowing, however you wanna describe it.
Um, so that, that I agree with, uh, but I don't think that it's stupid to make a deal with China. No,
but, but I think you're onto something with what you said about immigration because you know, if you had asked me even eight weeks ago, like the bipartisan issue that you could get both sides to agree on and which it has been a bipartisan issue now since roughly 2015, is that China is bad. And what we're talking about here is the Trump administration saying, uh, like maybe China's okay, can we take it from China being bad?
And both sides hating China to, Hey, immigrants are bad and, and China's okay. 'cause we're gonna make a trade deal with them. 'cause we need to trade with them and don't look too closely, abandon all the other guys the problem.
No, I hear you. I hear the problem is that China is bad is for a children's book that's like seven years, like. People in Washington DC who say that have a mental for, uh, like aptitude of a 7-year-old.
Yeah, which I think also probably describes the median voter if, if you look back at Pew data, one of the really interesting things here, and this, this goes to a larger conversation about how like top-down political views eventually make their way to the median voter. Like if you go back 10, 12 years, um, older people were always suspicious of China 'cause they remembered the Cold War and China was communists and they remembered Mao or stories of MAO or things like that.
But younger gen, the younger generation in the United States actually liked China, like had no negative feelings about them, didn't remember the Cold War, weren't thinking about communism. And if you trust the data on the Chinese side, it was relatively true. That has changed over the last 10 years and it's changed, I don't think, because young people suddenly decided to hate China. But because they have been fed an unceasing diet, to your point of the 7-year-old point of view.
And it's one of the only things that they get any kind of bipartisan agreement from, which is China's a threat. And this has been a, this has sort of been a, a refrain in US politics for a hundred plus years that China's a threat and they were the original, not the original immigrants, but like, you know, you think about what happened in the early 19 hundreds out west, um, with Chinese immigrants, um, and all of that sort of dynamic there as well. So, no, I, I hear you. Yeah. So
I hear you. But I, but I would say two things. First of all, um, there can be a bipartisan consensus that, you know, we should all go to the moon and live in its craters, but you cannot do anything about it 'cause it's insane. And so what the United States of America has now found out over the last eight years is that if we don't live in a bipolar world, if you don't have your allies supporting you, then saying China bad is vacuous.
In the 19th century, people understood the reality of multipolarity, which is you can have an adversary and you still have to trade with them because if you don't, your own allies will undercut you. This is a very important game theoretical dynamic that you know, quite frankly, I described like six years ago, people thought I had three heads when I described it. It's been correct US has continued to trade with China.
Actually it's increased its trade with China over the last five years despite a consensus. Why? Because you cannot unravel this relationship quickly. In fact, in fact, you trade with your enemy in a multiple or ordering of the world because the French, the South Koreans, the Japanese, the Japanese who are right next to China, supposedly at risk of war with them, the Japanese are not gonna stop selling goods and services to them. And that's because geopolitical power is based on material wealth.
To accrue that material wealth, you need to actually trade with your adversary. So I think that China is bad meme. It's a meme, it means nothing. And you cannot actually do foreign policy or trade policy based off of it. Well, no. If it meant, on the other hand, if
it meant nothing, then he wouldn't have to do the pivot to immigration because like his base and a large swath of the American electorate does think China is bad. And he's been selling that since the first term. So he does have to do some, some like, um, some PR management around that. Because if he's gonna make a deal with Xi Jinping, he has to at least, and it doesn't have to be much like he has shown that he can do it fairly easily with the Magac crowd and his supporters.
But he does have to just say like, Hey, you know, I got the deal. Like he kowtowed to me, like I'm the guy. China's with us now. Like they've made the deal. Like they have to make that move.
The second thing I would say to you, and this is more controversial. But I think that the American view of China has peaked in terms of how negative it is. And actually the pure research, I'm looking at it right now, the pure research study that you point out, uh, it basically negative view of China was, uh, it was 50 negative, the 55 negative 35 positive in 2014. And then right around when he started making those deals, it kind of actually narrowed.
Mm-hmm. And then COVID just absolutely exploded to negativity. Right. It's actually rolled over. That's good. Now it's still in the seventies, but it's gone from 83 to 77 over the last three years. And the favorable view has gone from 14 to 21%. So I think we've seen the peak. I don't think it's gonna go down to 50 50, but it's interesting. Yeah, it's interesting that there is a decline, like the number of, uh, people who believe.
Who have a very unfavorable view of China in America was in 2024 was 43%. The varies down to 33%. So that's a significance decline. Um, and I think part of that, by the way, part of that is that Trump is the president. And I think part of that is that Trump understands this multipolar dynamic that in a multipolar world, China's clearly an adversary of the US. And to be fair to the Chinese America is clearly an adversary of China. But that doesn't mean that you can decouple.
It's just impossible to do that
Well,
and, and, and it's impossible because of the multipolar world, unless of course the rest of the world decides to follow America on this. But it would require China to do something like invade Taiwan or be extremely negative in some way, or like to change the dynamic of the planet. And so that's where I think the deal is inevitable. And the weird thing that most of our liberal listeners don't want to hear.
The truth is that only really Trump can make a deal with China, just like only Nixon could go to China. As the old adage goes,
yeah, the the Democrats. Have been stuck on China as an issue literally since FDR, you know, sort of picked the wrong side. And, and, uh, Truman picked the wrong side on the Chinese Civil War, and it's been a bugaboo for the Democrats ever since. Like, you could tie the decisions in Vietnam to the Democrats, insecurity about their decisions about China in the Korean War, and they just, they have not been able to clean out the skeletons in their closet.
Um, one other thing I want to, I wanna say, and then we can either go here or then we should talk about California secession, which is this also what you just said underscores why it's so important maybe for the Trump administration to get a deal. Now. I reject the notion that he thinks the world is multipolar. I will, I will go with you. That he has an instinct for where power is and that he could see that China is a big power that he needs to interact with them.
But I, I don't think it's like intellectually codified that way. I think it's just instinctual. But you're right in the sense that US and China, they're trading more in an absolute sense. It's going much. And that China's actually a bigger share of US exports in a lot of different areas than it was even five years ago. But. That's not true for China. China's been reducing its dependence on the United States. So even as it imports more, the US share of some of those things has gone down.
So if you're looking sort of since 2008 mm-hmm. The United States has become more, dependent is the wrong word, but more exposed to exports and trade with China. And China. While it's still huge, it's still a huge vulnerability enough that they have to make the deals like they have to be at the table. They have to make a deal here too, for the things that are going on in their economy, but the graph is going in the opposite direction for them.
They have been successful at very slowly diversifying from the United States, finding other export markets, building up vertical champions. So if you keep going, if you like extrapolate out, the United States is gonna become more dependent and China will become less dependent.
Which to your point is maybe why the United States really has to say, look like this is our last, it's, it's not so much about, you know, it's only Trump can do it, but this is the last moment where maybe you have enough leverage to make the Chinese take you seriously in a trade negotiation. Literation like this might be the last chance, but that's 'cause if you don't do it now, five, 10 years from now, yeah. There's probably not a deal that you like that is gonna be, is gonna be had.
Just to be clear though, um, when you look at the data, a lot of their FDI is going into Vietnam and Mexico so it can access us. Mm-hmm.
Yeah.
So it goes both ways. It does, it goes both ways, right? US trade imbalance with China has massively corrected, but it's trade balance with the rest of the world continues to be negative because this is all Chinese trade going from Vietnam. So like, but that, that means also for China, that final demand for China is not changing yet the final demand remains in the US and Europe for their goods and Japan.
So, you know, like, and, and especially because they have not done anything to boost their consumption. Mm-hmm. True geopolitical sovereignty. Like if Xi Jinping is listening, turn the TikTok camera on. Okay. And very appropriate that it's TikTok camera.
Yeah. Very. Um, president Xi, you want to be independent, you wanna be sovereign, then you need to do what you don't want to do, which is boost consumption in your own country, over capacity, over production, the stuff that rankles the west, the fact that you don't import enough Western goods. This is all a product of an unbalanced macroeconomic feature of China, which is that people don't consume enough.
So what I would say to you, Jacob, is that, uh, China hasn't really, really shifted where the final demand is coming from. It's still America and Europe. They have just kind of like diverted it, but the final demand is still there. And also their own demand in internally hasn't been supported.
Now, the irony here is that as China boosts its consumption, which I think it will have to just because of macroeconomic amount as it does that you might say, aha, they're gonna buy more Chinese goods and so on. But like, nah, I think they'll still buy more. Like if they boost their consumption as much as I think they need to in order to become truly sovereign, they'll still import more from the US and Europe. Now they'll.
They'll buy a ton more Chinese goods for sure, but the trading balances will actually correct in a positive way where everybody can kind of sink kumbaya. Uh, nonetheless, we kinda like went off, uh, from immigration to trade because, you know why? Because that's where the geopolitical, I think, uh, gravity takes us in every conversation we have. We end up going back to these trade negotiations and the rebalancing of the world. And I think that it, it's just, you can't escape it. Right.
We started talking about immigration, what was going on in la but we can't escape talking about this issue 'cause it's so important. Well,
and this is the great, I mean, geopolitics has plenty of blind spots and if you only. Use geopolitical analysis, you will get some things wrong, but this is the great virtue of geopolitics and the way that it cuts across disciplines and connects things that on the surface don't seem connected. Like there is absolutely an inextricable.
Have you seen has, I would challenge, uh, listeners, if anybody has seen anyone analytically tying what's happening in Los Angeles to the US China trade deal, like deal making that's happening. Like that is the first place my brain went and all I'm seeing from the media is, oh my God, it's the end of Los Angeles as we know it in the United States coming apart. This seems like, no, no, the.
All of these things are interconnected, and you have to be a very interconnected, you have to be a deep generalist and have enough, it's this weird combination of humility and arrogance to say like, you know what, like, I know enough about all of these different things to try and create this map of connections. And maybe I can start ascribing causality to some of these things could, because most people will just stay in their lane.
The immigration expert will stay in their lane and the trade expert will stay in their lane and the California politic, like, you know, you have to connect all these different things together. But let's close on this, um, with, with our last 15 minutes here.
¶ California Secession and US Political Polarization
Um, you sent me some stuff about California potentially seceding. Um, I don't think this is gonna happen anytime soon, but they are trying to get a question on the 2028 ballot, which would be, should California leave the United States and become a free and independent country if at least. First they have to get half a million signatures. If 50% of registered California voters cast ballots and it passes by 50%, then there can be a study about whether that's gonna happen.
So it's not like these things are gonna happen like imminently or in real time, but we should talk about the notion of California secession and about the idea of secession in general. I don't think it's a zero, and I think you were right to send it to me.
Yeah, so I think, uh, you know, this is, you know, I can defend President Trump with a lot of different things, but I think that where, uh, and this is not just his fault, obviously it's fault of the left and the right, but I think that if you want to think about the greatest danger to the United States of America, it's not the deficit. You know, it's not China, it's not any of these issues. It's really itself.
And so, uh, the last time, as you said, national Guard was, I. Invoked by the, uh, called up by the president against the wishes of the state was the issue of segregation, which fundamentally was what the Civil War was about as well on some level. And now also also by the way, about
low class labor that was paid nothing that everybody utilized, including the north. Like there's a nice little throughput there too.
Oh yeah, that's, that's a very good point. Yes. And underclass, right, uh, uh, in the labor market. Uh, great tie in. Um, and so, yeah, I think that, uh, this is another example, another example where the US federal government is trying to do something that the states don't like. And in this particular case, it's about immigration, but it could be about anything. You know, it could be about the, uh, other issues.
And don't forget, don't forget one of the things that launched this whole thing on Friday, last Friday before the protest started against ice, there was this, uh, news item that we now forgo, forgot, which is that the White House was seriously discussing withholding federal funds. From California because of the transgendered athlete who competed, and I think she won some, uh, athletics championships in California. And then Governor Newsom retorted, I don't know if you saw this on Friday.
It was like, it, it flashed across the news on Friday and was quickly forgotten because LA got it. It went into this, um, whole situation, but covering, Newsom returned it by saying that he's gonna withhold some 70 odd billion dollars that the California pays into the IRS when it collects federal taxes. Hmm. So California, in other words, is definitely what we would call a, uh, uh, what is it? Um. A have, there's have nots and have states, right?
California's a have state, and I, I know people love to make fun of California, but boy, do we make money here.
Well, not, not just California. I mean, Los Angeles is, I had this data pulled for this for exactly for this. It's the second largest city in the United States. It's the 24th largest city in the world just ahead of Moscow. The greater Los Angeles area has a GDP of over a trillion dollars. That's larger than the GDP of Switzerland or of Poland, or even Argentina.
So just the Los Angeles area that you're picking a fight with, with right now would be on the menu of global powers in a truly multipolar world.
Right? So, so this is where I think, you know, why do I say that? I, I say this because forget the National Guard. Forget the Marines. There was a news item on Friday that was actually worse, which is that President Trump says, I don't like that a transgendered athlete competed in one. I'm gonna withhold federal funds. Governor Newsom says that I would hold the money we pay into the treasury, forget ice, forget National LA Guard, forget the protest. This happened without any of that.
It happened because one transgendered athlete competed and won some stuff. So the threshold for people to lose their shit is very, very low. You know, it's like a couple, you know, like a healthy couple has fights all the time, but an unhealthy couple like fights over really dumb things and endos fights escalate right away within like five minutes to like divorce. And that's what this was like. One human being who happens to be transgendered wants some stuff. I'm gonna withhold federal funding.
Well, no, I'm gonna like pull the plug on California financing the United States of America. What? You know, so. So I think that this is very unhealthy and so when you made fun of my Canada pick. In the top 10. What did I say to you?
I, I don't remember.
It was a hedge. It was a hedge. It was a hedge. Because my view is that the probability of this stuff getting really bad in the US is very, very elevated. And I can tell you that the people that are the happiest, other than the media will love this stuff other than the media. I think that the happiest people in the world are in Beijing and Moscow and, and and elsewhere because these kind of fights are real. And I think it's very dangerous.
And, and if the US were to kind of start on this path, like that is a redrawing of geopolitics at a level that I think most people can't comprehend mentally. Now, how does it get resolved? Well, I think that it's just in the world we live in today. Perhaps what needs to happen is some form of canonization, and this is a very Republican conservative view.
Uh, traditionally, traditionally it was a Republican conservative view, but I think President Trump has obviously become, uh, far less about state's rights because he controls the federal government. But in Switzerland, the cantons have massive power, massive power. In fact, the federal government has very little power and cantons, even to the point where they, they enforce immigration laws and citizenship laws of the country.
So, for example, the federal government has minimum requirements for you to become a Swiss citizen. Like you need to do X, Y, and Z to become Swiss. A Canton will come in and say, no, no, no, you need to do X, y, z, alpha, omega, and beta as well. Like you need to do these three things. In addition, in this Canton, you know, and cantons in Switzerland are states, but some of them have population of like 30,000, you know, so it's not like these are not large entities.
And I think that the United States of America may have to. Over the next 30, 40 years, adopt that kind of a state's rights, cantonal canonization view of the world. Because if one human being competing as a transgender athlete causes us to get to a point where we're talking about withholding financing of the US government, I think like that's not a healthy situation that the US is in. And so I, I can see this happening more and more.
In other words, I think we're finally at a point where both Republicans and conservatives and liberals and Democrats may be ready to accept what we call in the US context, states rights, and which I call in the global context canonization.
Hmm. Uh, it reminds me of that episode in the West Wing where Martin Sheen is debating the guy from Florida. I can't remember the exact, uh, phrase phraseology that he uses, but he's basically like the, you know, the Florida governor who he's running against is like complaining about all the things that the federal government does, and Martin Sheen, president Bartlett is like, okay, great.
So we'd like our tax dollars back, please, if, if you're gonna complain about all these other different things. So, once again, the West Wing and Aaron Sorkin predicting some of these things,
I mean, that takes Yes, but the problem with that Jacob. Mm-hmm. But the problem with that, Jacob, is I'm not sure that makes any, any sense. Mm-hmm. In Florida's case, or Texas's case or California's case, there's, there are many states in the United States that are wealthier without the federal government. Now you might say, well, wait a minute, Marco, like, the state of California is in a deficit. Yes. And just to be clear, I am not at all advocating for any of this. I'm analyzing.
I personally, I can tell you my personal view, like I do not want to live in an independent California. Because lemme tell you, there's gonna be some growing pains. For the first 10 years or so, this is a one party state, and the one party that runs this state has gotten very comfortable running it poorly. So no, like I'm not advocating for that, but I am seeing like, look, if the, if the relationship was redrawn, there'll be a whole lot more money for California to keep to itself.
Mm-hmm. And same with Texas, and same with Florida. I, I, I haven't looked at the data, so I might not fully know what I'm talking about, but I know I'm talking what I'm talking about in terms of California. Yeah, California will be fine. The rest of America less so. So this is where I'm not sure the Martin Sheen in that, in that exchange is actually correct. Yeah. Like would Florida suffer if it was independent? Would they have more or less money? I don't know.
Yeah. And I mean, your Canada pick. I, I'm still gonna go after your Canada pick because it's ironic the way that Trump is treating Canada has led to this like, creation of Canadian nationalism. But like Canada has the same issues internally, uh, in, in some sense, some of them further, further developed. Um, but maybe the way that the United States is much further to develop is like doing these things, things actually actually creating a stronger Canada. But
my point was, my point was like, the reason that I want to have Canada as a pick, the reason why I wanna halt Canadian assets in some way, shape, or form, is it's a hedge against some apocalyptic decline of American, uh, stability due to, um, polarization. And if, if the United States of America were to split up, Canada is the most powerful country in North America by default, automatically. A like, it's the end of, end of story, you know?
And, and that's why I think that that's literally how I defended the pick. I use, I use the term it's a hedge. Mm-hmm. But, but, but forget about that issue for now. The bigger point is that, I know it's difficult to do this after an hour and a half of talking about LA riots, but forget LA riots. Forget them. I, I wish they hadn't happened because we would still be talking about this.
Jacob, you and I would still have spent an hour and a half today talking about this issue because one human being who happens to be transgendered, she competes in a athletic meeting, wins some awards. Whether you agree with that or not is not the point. If you're very passionate and you disagree with it, God bless you.
It's fine. Not, I'm not, I'm not criticizing, I'm just saying it's one human being and it leads to the governor of California and the president of the United States of America basically talking about divorce. You know, that's like, that's like two parents talking about divorcing themselves because one of their kids. Came home and said they wanted to do bed instead of soccer. And the dad is like, fuck no. And the mom is like, no. You have to let them express themselves.
And they, and in five minutes they're talking, let's divide up the assets. Yeah. Well, I'm gonna take the house. You know, like, I mean, that's, that's unhealthy. That's un that's unhealthy. If I am objective and, and I, I, you know, we used to do this at Strat for, uh, you know, something would happen and you pretend you are like a journalist writing about it. Mm-hmm. Writing about an emerging market country.
Yeah. Yeah. If you are just writing an objective analysis of this issue that happened on Friday pre-writing, you would say this is an unhealthy level of polarization over a, over a issue that's not relevant at all to the future of America. Sorry. Both liberals and conservatives, 'cause both of you are not gonna self emulate because the liberals are like, yeah, transgendered rights matter. The conservatives are like, this is terrible.
I'm gonna tell you as a geopolitical strategist who works in finance, that no, this will not determine the fate of the United States of America at all, no matter which size wins. And yet it led to a talk of divorce. That's unhealthy.
Well, that's bad.
That's a bad sign. It
is bad. And to your point, uh, you don't even have to pretend to do that exercise. The way I do this now is I just go to the People's Daily and I look at how the People's Daily summarizes these articles in English about what's going on in the United States, and it's exactly what you would expect. They're just very coldly, dissecting exactly what happened. And when you get this like Chinese Communist party view that is translated into English of what's happening in the United States.
Yeah, it's very sobering. And to your point, like Xi Jinping, like while his negotiators are there in London, even if you're right, and even if like China has less leverage than I think it does in Beijing, everything is going according, not to the plan, but to the way that they think about the world. If you're a materialist, if you're a Marxist, if you're like the way that the Chinese leadership has been educated for generations, everything is happening the way it's supposed to happen.
And maybe that leads to hubris eventually, but like all of the things that they were expecting to happen always does. Yeah. But like right now, in this moment, oh my gosh. They're like, oh my God, it's happening. The the capitalist hegemon is eating itself alive. Wow. What.
And just, and just, you know, like I, I know we're, we're pushing one and a half hours. So like, I do like to tie everything with a sports analogy. Yes, do it. But, uh, our, uh, our Lord and Savior, the one to whom we bestow all of our gifts and prayers. Bill Simmons, the great, he often talks about body language, right? Mm-hmm. He's the body language doc.
He calls himself the body language doctor, for those of you who don't know what I'm talking about, bill Simmons podcaster, historian of basketball. Uh, we're modeling our, our, our analysis of geopolitics to his analysis of, of basketball. And he will often say, I watch the bench when I go watch the game live. I'll watch the bench and I'll watch during timeouts are, are all the players engaged? Are they high fiving?
Are they talking, do they have side passionate side conversations about what happened in the game? Mm-hmm. And, and it's so funny, it's such a qualitative analysis, has nothing to do with data empirics. It, it goes against the grain of sports analytics. But he, he says like, look, this really matters. Chemistry really matters. And, and there's nothing better than body language.
You know, a bunch of dudes playing a sport, man, like body language is going to come into it, you know, and that's what we're doing here. Like, yeah, we can talk about National Guard. Is it legal? Is it not history? We can talk about trade tariffs policy, there's multipolarity, blah, blah, blah. At the end of the day, like it's a really bad sign that the body language of the United States of America is where it is today.
And you, if you are, and if you're sitting here listening to this and saying, that's Donald Trump's fault, you know what? You got your head up your ass. It absolutely is not his fault. He is a symptom Yeah. Of the fact that that's already there, right? So like, it's not, it's not his fault if he, you know why that's important to say? Because. Whether you love him or hate him, once he's gone, it's not gonna get better. And I think that that's very dangerous. And it's dangerous for investors.
It's dangerous for people in the US And I would say it's also dangerous for countries around the world. Mm-hmm. Uh, I, I say it's actually dangerous for China. It's dangerous for Russia. It is dangerous for a, it's, it's just there's very few things that I, a truly devoted nihilist believes is just universally bad. But the idea that the United States of America dissolves or there's a federal, state sort of fight, I think that's universally bad, is gonna create a vacuum.
It's gonna create, uh, potential jingoism and Rev. And it's just gen, genuinely a bad place to go.
Well on that, Rosie, an optimistic note.
¶ Future Topics
Anything else you wanna tell the listeners before we get outta here? Mark? We'll come back next time with our Trade Value Leaders, uh, our, our trade value leaderboard. That sounds really fun.
Should we do that next for next week? Yeah,
let's do that for next week. I'm, I'm ready to roll on
that. Yeah. We have enough time. Yeah, of course. Yeah. Alright.
I, I'm, I'm ready. I mean, you already had your first pick, which I'm, I'm fine. You can have Georgia. That's fine with me. I'll, I'll get
through it. Whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa. Wait, wait. Right, right. I, I flag that in a press conference. Maybe. Maybe. Okay. Maybe. Let's see. I just want some time. I just want some time to go over it and, and see, but yes. In the That's awesome.
In the meantime, Marco, stay safe. I know, I know. It's very difficult. Thank you. I appreciate it.
