Hey, guys, ready or not, twenty twenty four is here, and we here at breaking points, are already thinking of ways we can up our game for this critical election.
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What do we have, Crystal, Indeed, we do lots of twenty twenty four news to get into this morning. We've got a war over wokeness in the Republican primary that nobody's sort of expected between Trump and Desantists will tell you about that. We've also got the debate over the debates, both on the Republican side and on the Democratic side. And RFK Junior gets a bit and very prominent endorsement. YouTube is actually changing their misinformation policy with regard to
election misinformation. We also have a big decision from the Supreme Court that could hurt workers and their right to strike. So we'll break down all of those details for you. In addition, I know this is going to be huge news for our viewing audience. Chuck Todd out at Meet the Press. Kristen Welker is going to be the host of that long running Sunday show, So we'll tell you
about that and what the plans are there. I'll so excited about a guest on just how much military industrial complex money is going to all of the analysts that you're hearing on the Ukraine War. You perhaps it won't be surprised, but still important to dig into all of those details. But before we get to that saga, why are we not in our normal studio?
Yes, we're not in our normal studio because it doesn't exist anymore. We are currently at home. The studio is being ripped apart, renovated, being completely reborn into a brand new iteration of which I think everyone will be very excited. It's the very last week you all have to hear us talk about how nice it is. You can judge
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Yes, so the old set has gone into a cocoon and it will emerge next week as a beautiful butterfly.
That's that's exactly right. We still have got a great show though for everybody. We're going to make sure that we have all of the normal content that you are used to. So let's start here with the woke war of words. President Trump actually kind of surprising people in the campaign whenever he came out and attacked DeSantis apparently for always using the term woke in his campaign. Here's what Trump had to say.
It's gotten sick. And I don't like the term woke because I hear woke, woke, woke. You know, it's like just a term that use. Half the people can't even define it. They don't know what it is.
Ooh, a little bit of a Bethany Vandell moment there are going for President Trump says, half the people can't even define it. I don't like hearing it over and over again. It's interesting always to me because Trump always hones in on something which is someone's political vulnerability, but which other Republicans refuse to say that said. DeSantis also had his response. So Christal, we'll talk about the fulsome nature of this woke war of words after we hear it.
Let's take a listen to what Dessanta said.
Wolke is an existential threat to our society. I mean, it's an attack on truth. It's a form of cultural Marxism, and it really subordinates merit and achievement to things like identity politics. You can't have a vibrant, free society of every institution is dominated by wolk ideology. And to say it's not a big deal, that just shows you, know, you don't understand what a lot of these issues are right now.
Woke is an existential threat to the country. You shouldn't be running if you don't understand it. It shows a mismatching judgment. Trump saying woke, woke, woke, nobody can even define it. What did you make of all of this?
I mean, it's interesting to me. I'm always a little bit leery of offering my assessment of exactly what the Republican base might think about this, because I'm not a part of the Republican base, but it seems likely to me that this reflects a bit of the class split between the DeSantis and Trump base. So, you know, Trump is very much and always has been sort of attuned to what a working class GOP aligned or GOP interested, or more like sort of working class independent base, what
they might be feeling. DeSantis has already proven that he has much stronger support among the college educated portion of
the Republican base, So I don't know. My instinct is that Trump kind of has his finger on the pulse of the way people are starting to feel about this word which is so wildly overused, which you know, originally, I think there was a usefulness to talking about a pushback to the you know, political correctness and the cancel culture and the authoritarian tendencies of liberals and left liberals.
But now when you're talking about like the problem with the military is that it's woke, the problem with bank bail ounce, or that they're woke, the thing just loses all meaning and collapses into you know, nothingness, and I think a lot of people in the country are probably it's done to that, including a lot of people in the Republican base who are like, this doesn't really connect to me in my life and the things that I'm actually concerned about in terms of putting food on the table.
I'm of two minds. So on one hand, I actually saw a recent poll was said that the number one issue for Republican voters is going after what they see as and they didn't use the term woke in the poll, but they basically just said cultural left tendency, specifically by corporations and through the broader culture. So that's one thing. But at the same time, you know, Trump, I think
one of his geniuses. What you're identifying is you're right, which is that the most activist part of the Republican base whenever it comes to wokeness, you know, corporations and all of that, it really is more of a highly educated, more of a conservative you know, who went to college, which again, you know, it's not actually very typical for not only the median voter in the United States, but even for the person who is in the GOP primary, so they might identify and see it as something else.
And I think it gets to what Trump's attack on Desanta's is, where he's always trying to go after him for saying that he's empty, that he's a lightweight, and that is where it is connecting. I genuinely don't know how it will land because at the same time, like we said, it is a word almost drummed into the political consciousness at this point of every American class, status
or not. And I do think it is also interesting from a different angle, which is whenever you think about Trump and his political genius, what he's able to connect to. He does not necessarily go after wokeness. He always goes after discrete issues. And actually that's kind of what we always try to do here. We very rarely use the term woke. I may use it, you know, every once in a while, but more than often or not. Like
affirmative action, we're not describing that as woke. We're just like, affirmative action is bad, and then like we'll go through the exact discrete nature. If you want to talk about the military, I mean, whenever people say the military is woke, it's like, well, what are you objecting to you're objecting to General Millie, you know, citing critical race theory before
Congress and then diversity equity an inclusion initiative. So once again attack things that are discrete and trying to think of some all encompassing term that becomes meaningless because then you end up just in the situation that you describe Chrystal, where bailing out SVB is woke. It could just be bad, you know, like we could just say things are bad and you could talk about things from that nature.
Right, But it's I mean, I've always felt this that I've articulated this on the show a number of times, like the use of wokeness to describe things that conservatives like Ron DeSantis don't like. Uh, we saw this, you know. The first time we really got a sort of clear example of this is when Marco Rubio said, Hey, you know what, I'm gonna support the Amazon workers down in Bessemer.
Not because we need a general pushback against corporate power, not because in general I think workers should have a union so that they have some power within their workplace, but because of the discrete, woke HR policies that happen to exist at Amazon. So it's a way to be very selective about your critique of corporate power without actually
really challenging corporate power the structures that enables it. So it's been very convenient, but it also speaks to you know, DeSantis in his launch, even putting the tech glitches aside and all of that stuff, the language that he has adopted and that he uses is in his media appearances, that he even uses in a stump speech, is so online and so inaccessible. It's the polar opposite of the
way that Trump speaks. I remember when he first ran in twenty sixteen, they were all these analyzes that were supposed to be damning to Trump about how he speaks at like a third grade or a fourth grade level or whatever. But actually he's an effective communicator, maybe an unconventional communicator, but a very effective communicator because he boils things down, he makes them simple, and he uses language that is very accessible to absolutely everyone. DeSantis is on
the polar end of that spectrum. So you know, it's not like Trump and DeSantis are really different from a policy level on the basket of issues you may consider woke. In fact, I think state that very same day Trump was also talking about the woke military or whatever. But their communication styles are obviously wildly different. The issues set that they choose to spend the most of their time on, where that are sort of very clear passion projects, are
also very different. We noted Sager that in Trump's announcement speech, if he mentioned transgender issues at all, it was you know, it was very scarce. Abortion wasn't there at all. So the set of issues that Trump leans into and clearly has an actual like interest in and passion for, very different from the set of issues that Ron DeSantis has used to become a national figure within the Conservative Party.
Smart I completely agree. They're also sparring on the vaccine. This was a fascinating one act actually to watch because Trump has been hearing some pushback from even people who are attending his rallies on the vaccine, and it's leading to a war of words about who supported the vaccine but then didn't support the vaccine and then was pro mandate and then re litigating also whether the Trump lockdown
strategy was his fault or Fauci's fault. And this has actually become a major core contention between DeSantis and between Trump is specifically their records on COVID. Let's go ahead and put this up there on the screen, because this kind of gets to it and why I think it
is going to be difficult for him overall. Ay, there was no bump currently for DeSantis from the twenty twenty four launch as Trump continues to climb even though DeSantis, as I have noted here, has continued his attacks on Trump,
specifically on the vaccine. He has and I've given him credit here for it, has you know, very taken up an aggressive posture where he's calling out Trump by name, responding to the attacks, trying to make himself become the formidable and only challenger to Trump, willing to actually rhetorically spar with him. But on the vaccine itself, this shows you a little bit about why it's going to be so difficult for him. You know, let's go ahead and
put this up on the screen, guys from CNN. This is from Andrew Kosinski where he shows you know, Ron DeSantis actually praised Anthony Faunci for COVID response in spring of twenty twenty for quote really doing a good job. Now, I'm not saying this is a hit piece on DeSantis.
There's no question that he obviously departed from that. What I am saying and trying to show people here is that trying to re litigate a moment in time three years ago is going to be very difficult and dicey, especially because all Trump has to say, Crystal is he praised my response at the time. He departed from it a little bit later on. But also he you know, was kissing my ass and these endorsement videos, uh defending
me on television. There really was no split between the two until basically after Trump had gone ahead and left the White House. And so that is why I've always believed that DeSantis best line is the one he actually used recently. He said, you know, they were asking about how do you pronounce my name? Is it DeSantis or DeSantis? He said, the way that you just say it is winner. I'm the winner. I'm the one who has actually won
recently in this race. It's a forward looking and it's more a positive one that not only primary voters could connect to you, but people across the country could connect to But then he run into the Gordian knot of Trump, who Republicans don't believe actually lost at all. They do think he is a winner. Maybe Desanti is just a bigger winner. So yeah, look, it's funny. It's a hard situation.
It's funny to me. You liked that line that Dessanta's it's not or DeSantis it's a winner. I thought it was really terrible. I thought it was Oh, I thought it was so cringey. But anyway, again, I'm not the audience for it, so listen on the COVID stuff. I think DeSantis I really thought this was going to be his in and his avenue of attack on Trump. He thought this would be the way that he could separate himself.
And you know, it was a year ago, a major energizing issue for the Republican base, and I think he's having trouble letting that go even though people have moved on, Like it's just not the energizing issue for anyone that it was at one time. So yeah, they can go back and forth this war of words. Honestly, it's kind of I think it's kind of like wasted time for both of them at this point. I think the other thing is, you know, Trump just gets away with stuff
that other politicians can't get away with. So if another politician had kept Anthony Fauci on that might be devastating for them. Somehow Trump just gets away with these things. So personally, I don't think that this is going to be you know, the winning issue that Ron DeSantis wants it to be. Also, because Trump is able as he this is what he's so good at. He muddies the waters. You know, he'll be He'll be using the video of DeSantis praising him over and over again and kissing his butt.
That's one way to muddy the waters. Another way is to point out these areas where you know, DeSantis agreed with like the COVID conventional wisdom of the time. So I think ultimately this Wassue issue was probably a wash for both of them, and you know, uh not the ground that the GOP primary is going to be fought on.
Trump also, you know, displayed his you know skill, I guess in this He's like, look, I never supported the mandates, but I created the vaccine and it was great and you know, actually correctly noting that over seventy five percent of Americans did actually receive at least one dose Yeah, in the vaccine. Well, I say, before we part, yeah.
Yeah, so on that, you know, the other as you're pointing to the big argument in favor of Ron DeSantis that his donors really point to and respond to is that he's electable. He's more electable than Trump, and you know, he may be in the right place with regard to to vaccines and sort of like hinting at vaccine skepticism or anti vaxxism within the Republican primary. It's not a
popular position to be in for a general election. As you're pointing out, overwhelming majority of Americans got a vaccine, and overwhelming majority of them were happy with that decision and feel like the vaccines did something. You know, it wasn't everything that was promised, but helped reduce the risk that they would be severely ill or hospitalized or dead
from COVID. So this is another issue where I feel like, you know, Trump can get away with the more moderate position in the primary, and it actually gives him a stronger case that he's the more electable candidate in the fall and a stronger reality that he may be a more electable candidate in the fall.
Well, here's what he had to say, Jeh, for yourself.
Everybody wanted a vaccine at that time, and I was able to do something that nobody else could have done, getting it done very, very rapidly. But I never was for mandates. I was I thought the mandates were terrible. And you know, there's a big portion of the country that thinks that was a great thing. You understand that not a lot of the people in this room, but there's a big but there is a big portion.
Well he's explaining it, and you know, I've always actually thought that, especially even amongst the republic voters, people sixty five plaus were overwhelmingly likely to get the vaccine. So you know, it's one of those where I genuinely don't know. I personally am not inclined to believe, based upon all the polling that currently exists, that COVID is going to be the number one issue in the primary. People are always generally forward looking whenever it does come to elections,
and especially whenever it comes to switching candidates. They always want to see a contrast about the future. It's yes, of course, the future is determined by what people have done in the past. But that's why I continue to think that DeSantis's best option is leaning into being a winner. The economic boom of Florida, the net in migration, turning America into all of that now, whether it's cringey on
the winner line or not. I mean, I think what I'm baking in is I just don't think he's all that politically talented as a speaker, and Trump is Trump is compelling, and you know, and this is one of those factor things of which we can go back and forth all the time, and the country, you know, goes back and forth between whether they want somebody like Obama, the ultimate eloquent speaker, and then somebody like George W. Bush,
you could barely string a sentence together. So it's one of those I just never know what mood the overall electorate is in. Do they want somebody's kind of whiny, not all that politically talented, but you know, can speak cogently in a sentence, or do they want to see the show whenever it comes to Trump.
I mean, Bush famously even had the like relatability, like even though he's this totally unrelatable plutocrite, you know, born into a political dynasty family, he had that you want to drink a beer with him vibe like that was always the famous thing about him that people responded to Biden for, you know, all of his agedness and feebleness
at that point. I mean he has a little bit of that as well, where people felt like, ah, this is somebody that I sort of relate to, and you know, he was always good at sharing empathy with people when they were going through very difficult times. I think the part of the problem for him is he's lost a little bit of that. Now people are seeing less of that in him. That's kind of the core of his appeal.
So yeah, I don't know that DeSantis has either the like, you know, the eloquence of Obama or Bill Clinton either or the really compelling speaking style of like a Trump or a George W. Bush who was also to sort of boil things down and make them relatable. I also just to go back for a minute to the piece we put up about how he didn't get a poll
bump from his launch. It's kind of devastating. I mean he really needed that, you know, like it's a big problem, and whether that's because of the tech glitches or the content of the launch or the way the media cover whatever, it's a huge missed opportunity for him. Even Niki Hiley got a bump from her launch, and you know, did
a very conventional rollout. Sometimes there's no reason to reinvent the wheel, and you know, maybe it doesn't matter because a lot of times those those initial launch bumps fade anyway. But that was really the moment when he needed to prove like, Okay, now that I'm in the race, things are going to be different, and he wasn't able to
pull that off. And I think it shows some weaknesses in terms of the type of judgment that he makes and the type the part of the GOP base that he's super responsive to that's not necessarily reflective of the larger GOP base. So there are some, to me, some real warning signs in the fact that that launch went so poorly that he didn't get any kind of benefit from the polls and from having all of the media.
You know, there's not going to be that many times for Rondasantis when all of the media is focused on him, just given the show that Trump creates and the looming indictments and all of that stuff. So when you have those moments, you really can't afford to squander him and them, and he definitely did.
Yeah, let's go to the next one because this is important. It kind of gets to that about the energy around the Santas, Let's go and put this up there on the screen, which actually shows that the Desanta's campaign, through the new disclosures, had forty thousand donors in the month of May. So that means that the campaign relied very heavily on big donors. For its eight point two million dollar one day they had an average donation of two
hundred dollars plus, which is colossal, as he says. For comparison, Bernie Sanders had a twenty six dollars average per donation whenever it comes to day one. That figure, just for people who understand again, two hundred dollars is much much more than the typical grassroots support. This is actually something that we used to see a lot in our early analysis of the Democratic primary whenever it came to candidates like Corey Booker or Elizabeth Warren, people who had connections
or better ones to big donors. And what it matters and why is that, you know? Whenever it comes to Trump, Trump has always been a absolute fundraising juggernaut and he actually would often match Bernie Sanders whenever it comes to his math In twenty twenty for the ability to drive small dollar grassroots fundraising from a massive email list of people who just love him and are always willing to that, you know, button and look for DeSantis. I guess, you know,
to defend him just a little bit. It's not like they tried to hide it. You know. They literally had a big donor conference at the Four Seasons Hotel in Miami after they launched. That was the very first thing that they did. They were clearly lining this up for months before. Part of the pitch on why he's maybe the only one to do it is he's got all these billionaires that were backing him, Ken Griffin, many others, the more college educated base of the Republican Party, the
people who like DeSantis. Why not lean on that, you know, take the money if it's going to be there. These people are much disportunately high income. But the reason why that you should be at the very least a little bit concerned about this if you are part of the DeSantis team is getting people jazzed with their dollars is the ultimate sign that they will come out, they will vote for you, they will do everything possible for you.
And as we've seen the Scott Walker campaign, the Jeb Bush campaign, and so many of these other campaigns having a lot of money, it only works to a very very small degree.
Yeah. I mean, then again, Joe Biden had like zero grossroots support right he became the Democratic nominee, So it's important to keep the counter in mind. In general, I agree with your analysis, though it was actually Obama who first had this insight that even if you can get someone to contribute like a dollar or two dollars, they become personally invested in your campaign. They're more likely than to volunteer, they're more likely than to engage online, they're
more likely to show up and vote. So there's a strength that comes from that. It indicates the level of you know rondo stance has very high favorability in the Republican Party. I'm not saying people don't like him. I think people do like him. But there's a difference between yeah, I like this guy and like I will walk across broken glass for this man. And Donald Trump has that from his hardcore supporters, like they will be there to show up and vote, they will click the you know
box to send another ten dollars his way. The other issue for everybody in the Republican Party is the fact that Trump has used and abused his fundraising list, the amount of you know, like asks that they make of that list, just constant email bombardment of send me more, send me more, send me more, has created a real donor fatigue for the entire Republican Party that everybody sort of suffers from, and behind the scenes a lot of
Republicans apparently complain about. So that's another piece. And then the last part reason why this is significant is because if you are dependent for financial support on a millionaire or billionaire class, then you have to be sensitive to their concerns and you have to, you know, moderate what you're saying on Ukraine as one example, if that's an
issue where they're uncomfortable. And there are quite a number of issues where the sort of elite donor class of the Republican Party may be at odds with the broader GOP base, and so it makes it a little bit politically trickier for you to navigate if you've got to keep those people happy who don't reflect the wants and desires of the working class part of the Republican base that desantisis so far really struggle to win over.
And I have the numbers in front of me, which just to prove the point, the average donation for the fourth quarter of the Trump campaign was thirty four dollars, So compare that to the two hundred. I mean, this is what people just don't get. And you know, previously comparatively, in the two weeks after Trump was charged, his campaign received three hundred and twelve thousand donations in two weeks,
with an average donation of forty nine bucks. This is a fundraising juggernaut of which people are deep always have underestimated, and it is a good proxy for voting. I mean, you know, once again, literally from January to March, he received half a million donations. I mean, that is again
very on par with Obama and with Sanders. These are very rare, very very rare political phenomena for people to be able to do that, which is why the vast majority of them pursue the DeSantis model and they go to or the Biden model really and go to big donors. As you just said, though, it's not like it can't work. It can work, so we shouldn't say that you know that it can't, but it is a strength, it is a major strength.
Yeah, the more I think about this, match between DeSantis and Trump, the more that it feels there's some echoes of Bernie and Elizabeth Warren, for sure. I mean, on paper, they support a lot of the same things Bernie and Warren do, right, but their approach and the base of their support in the way they communicate about those policies
is just it's just totally different. And so you know, their support, where their money came from, and their ability to succeed ultimately in the process also ends up being totally different. And so yeah, I'm not saying it's exactly the same, but I do see a lot of similarities there in the way that this is unfolding. I think the best analysis is the difference between them is the like wind track beer track distinction, and that certainly is reflected in these fundraising numbers.
Certainly, absolutely right, Let's go ahead to twenty twenty four, some big news about the debates, about who's going to get allowed to debate, and so much more so, let's go and start putting these up on the screen, guys, because we're gonna go ahead and show people. First of all, whenever it comes to DeSantis, his team does not want NBC or CNN to co host the debate. Trump, however, is wary of Fox and of Murdoch's perceived turn to DeSantis. I wouldn't even call it perceived. I would say it's
just absolutely correct. Then you've got CNN and NBC who are salivating to host the GOTV debate, but the deadlock is making uncertainty over whether any of it will literally happen at all now. As Alex Thompson here notes, Trump's campaign believes his opponents actually need the primary debates more than he does, obviously because he's behind them in the polls.
If Trump doesn't show up, what does DeSantis do? Neither have committed currently to the first debate in August, and if they don't show up, what do the others do?
This is a very important thing, and I will just say once again I do while I want Trump to show up further debates because I believe that people should debate, and I believe also, you know, it'd be fun to cover here on breaking points saif yes, just purely selfishly, if I were him, There's no way in hell I would show up to these debates, No way, because it is makes them all just seem like squabbling children who
are going after his scraps. When you're the king, why put yourself in a position where somebody can come after you. It denigrates them to a lower status by just saying you're not even worth my time. I don't have to do this now. For DeSantis, this is very, very tricky. Do you show up to the debate where you become the center or attacks? Chris Christie needs to take out de Santis. He wants to become number two. But vig Ramaswami's got to take out De Santis. Nikki Haley has
got to take out De Santis. That's why they're mostly all concentrating their fire on one another. What does DeSantis do? I think if Trump doesn't show up to the debate, DeSantis shouldn't either, because it's again a sign of strength of Nope, I'm the number two. You idiots can all squabble on stage if you want. For example, Nikki Haley hell a CNN TI Hall, nobody cares. Nobody cares because she's a low rated candidate. It's not a media event.
He would basically turn Remember the when was it in twenty sixteen the Republican primary debates where they had two debates the lower polls and then the diople. Yeah, their body of yindle and all them. Nobody cared. Nobody watched it at all. It was irrelevant. From a perspective, he needs to turn if Trump does not show up. That's what DeSantis should do. He should turn the GOP primary debates into a spectacle. Now, I once again want to say,
I do think everybody should debate. I think it's important for a democracy, but unfortunately there is no requirement to do so.
Yeah, I think we should have a law, constitutional amendment, whatever needs to happen to make this required, because American people deserve to hear from the candidates, especially the candidates who want to be freaking president of the United States. It's absolutely an absurdity. I disagree on the DeSantis calculus here. So first of all, let me say that if I was the DeSantis team, I would be doing whatever I could, bending to whatever desires Trump has to try to persuade
him to debate, because I think you need that. I think you need to be on stage with him to have a shot. Okay, so if Trump is like I would rather it's NBC. You may not like NBC or CNN or MSMBS or whatever. But if that's where he feels more comfortable, he's got the upper hand, he's got all the leverage, So I would bend to his wishes, even knowing that it is still unlikely that he is probably going to show up in debate. So that's number one. Number two, Desantus has got to take a lot of
risks here, you know. So is it risky for him to step on that debate stage with everybody else probably like guns blazing directly for him since he's the one that happens to be there, and they're all trying to position themselves to be the Trump alternative, and they're all basically too afraid to go directly after Donald Trump. Yeah, that's that's a huge risk, especially for a guy who you know, frankly doesn't do all that well in unscripted situations. So yes, it's a risk. Do I think it's a
risk he needs to take. I do, And it's at least a chance for him to again grab the media attention that he so desperately needs when Trump is typically sucking up all of the oxygen in the room. So
I see it a little bit differently. I don't think DeSantis can afford to sit out those sorts of opportunities to get in front of cameras and try to persuade people that he is up to the task and that they should supplant the guy that they already really like, Donald Trump, who was already president of the United States once with a newcomer that they like but aren't as sure or as passionate about.
Yeah, you know, look, maybe you're right. I truly don't know. Let's talk about the rules and some of that too. Let's go to the next part here, guys, because the rules are actually pretty important. This gets to some of the pitches that we are. Inside the NBC pitch, they say that they're making sure that they'll be seen as fair and you know, talking, and the De Santa's campaign is upset about the way NBC has previously covered them.
CNN as well. Inside of their pitch they say that CNN can reach more conservatives than Box as well as independent voters, which is a joke.
Cause this is absolutely okay true.
Let's go to the next part here, guys, just so we can show everybody. What we can see here is that they DeSantis actually is making a case that he does not believe that corporate media should even be involved in the RNC process at all because quote, their whole goal is to make the Republican candidates as ridiculous as possible. So the last remaining contenders kind of are ABC News, CBS News, and PBS. Let's get a little bit to the rules here, because this is important. Let's go to
the next one that we can show people. To qualify for the current debates, according to the RNC, candidates must poll at least one percent in three national polls or one percent in two national polls, one percent in one early state polls from two separate carve out states aka like Iowa, New Hampshire, and then a minimum of forty thousand unique donors with at least two hundred unique donors in twenty plus states, and pledge to not participate in
non RNC debates and support the eventual nominee. So interesting for a couple of reasons. First of all, the polling at one percent and all of that, that's not difficult. There's a lot of candidates, But the forty thousand unique donors in twenty and then including two hundred donors across twenty different states, that's actually harder to do. Especially the forty thousand uniques. It means you cannot brute force your way or kind of rich guy your way into this.
Forty thousand is just a lot of people, and it will definitely require some actual like support for your candidacy across the country. The other thing is, and I don't think a lot of people notice this, having to pledge to support the eventual nominee is a huge inclusion into the new debate rules because Trump famously, at the very first debate of the RNC, when they asked him, will you support the eventual nominee, did not raise his hand because he said, well, maybe maybe not. He still has
never answered that question. There's no way, also in my mind, that he would even agree to that. So the RNC might have shot itself in the foot by making sure Crystal that Trump does not show up at all.
Yeah, I think that's certainly impossible. I mean, given that criteria, probably right now, possibly the only two that qualify based on the donor criteria are Trump and DeSantis. Maybe there's somebody, maybe a nicky Haley or somebody else may qualify right now, but that really is the barrier, is the donor numbers versus the polling numbers, because you know, even some of the lesser known contenders are going to at least get one percent in enough polls to be able to make
the debate stage. So I do think that that is the bigger issue. But yeah, I mean Trump likes to keep his leverage. He's he is very unlikely to submit himself to that pledge. And you know, it's not a crazy universe to imagine that if DeSantis did by some you know, stroke of luck or fate or whatever when the Republican nomination, Trump would love to hang over their heads like, Okay, I'll run third party event and we'll
see how that goes. So, you know, which is a real problem for DeSantis's core alone ability pitch as well, because you're gonna be a whole lot lesstable if Trump is out there intentionally playing the role of the spoiler. So I do think that might be a bridge that he's not willing to cross.
Yeah. I actually saw Larry Elder apparently spoke to a reporter about this. He said he was kind of criticizing the forty thousand. He's like, oh, that's you know, so difficult, all of that, and it gets to you know, some
of the difficulty. DeSantis and Trump obviously are going to have no problem hitting the forty thousand unique donors, and also people across with smaller candidates who even have pulled at one or two percent, people like Nikki Haley, Tim Scott, Vivid Ramaswami, Asa Hutchinson and all of them, they may have a real donor issue. And actually you're very likely to see them probably step up their online campaign efforts as these rules have now been announced. So let's all
watch August. It's really not that far away before we get to the very first debate. I'm excited.
Yeah, it's going to be fun. We're gonna have our new set, got room for panelists. It's gonna be awesome.
Yeah.
Wait, all right, let's go to the next part. This is uh, Jack returns. Jack Dorsey has returned to Twitter. He's even got a blue check, so there's something going on. It certainly does. And one of the things he did whenever he surfaced for the first time on Twitter in quite a long time, let's go ahead and put this on the screen, was tweet he can and he will. To a YouTube video of RFK Junior appearing on YouTube, where it says Robert F. Kennedy argues he can and
beat Trump. Somebody replied, are you endorsing or are you just predicting? And he said both, okay, so whatever that means. So I guess that means he is certainly endorsing him, since he did technically say that he would. He also tweeted out this video against Joe Biden shows you that this the moment that Biden fell, and he just said, open the democratic crimes and debates. This isn't fair to anyone.
So clearly I did a video. I mean, obviously, you know, there's literally no question why the why there should be no democratic debate? RFK Junior and Mary and Williamson, anybody else really who can qualify absolutely has the right and really the responsibility, I think to challenge him and to ask him, like, why are you fit to remain in office? We're going to talk probably tomorrow, Crystal about this new effort by Biden insiders to prove that he actually, yeah,
he's old, but he's not that old. He's he's a spry old chicken. We we promise, you know, he gets up at nine and works till six. And I'm like, uh, you mean like everybody else in the country. Okay, not all that inspiring. This also comes on the heels crystle of Elon announcing that Twitter will be hosting a space is actually later today with RFK Junior, moderated by Elon Musk. Let's put this up there. Twitter spaces says, heads up, we're doing maintenance on our infrastructure to help us handle
bigger spaces. There may be some minor turbulence in the next day for hanging with us, and Elon confirmed that the system is being upgraded and stress tested in advance of the RFK Junior interview on Monday, So big get for RFK Junior. He will be there at I believe it's Monday at two pm Eastern time, so a little bit after this show will air for most of the general public, and we'll have a big analysis for everybody tomorrow on what happens.
Yeah for sure. Yeah. Elon after the DeSantis one, I think, in some like feeble effort to pretend like he's not biased in this race, was like, oh, of course I'll do spaces with any presidential contender. We'll see if that ends up being the case. I know that Marianne had replied like Hey, I do one too, and I don't think she's heard back yet, so we'll see if that actually,
you know, invitation extends to everyone. But I think the more that RFK Junior or Mariann are able to get high profile endorsements, high profile interviews where they're in the public consciousness, I mean, this is the whole plan from the DNA is basically like, We're just gonna pretend you don't exist. We're going to pretend you're not quote unquote serious or not quote unquote qualified. We're gonna pretend like
Biden has no real competition. And so, yes, you may be nervous about the fact that he you know, can't walk across the stage, and that he's in clear mental decline and that he only works from like twelve to four Monday through Thursday. You may be worried about him serving as president at eighty six years old, but sorry, you just don't have another choice. And so the more that you have this kind of visibility for his challengers, the more difficult it becomes for them to sustain that narrative.
And we saw this playbook a number of times in the Democratic primary last time around, where the very first phases we're just gonna pretend you don't exist. Even with Bernie, who had been you know, so like so prominent and has came so close in twenty sixteen if they hadn't rigged the primary, even with him, they tried to just pretend you didn't exist at the beginning of the twenty
twenty primary. And then you get to a certain critical mass which like, okay, well we can't ignore you completely anymore, so now we're going to smear you. Now we're going to attack you, like that's the next phase. And I think we're rapidly approaching that phase because it just becomes more and more difficult to deny that there are other alternatives that people don't have to stick with Joe Biden,
that there should be a competitive primary process. And so I actually love to see Jack, you know, coming out in talking about the Democratic primary, calling for debates. And we need a lot more people like him who have prominent positions to point out the fundamental hypocrisy of a party that is run around with their clothes on fire talking about the sanctity of democracy and then are doing everything they can to short circuit the public having an
actual democratic choice within their own primary process. So, you know, I just saw an article this morning from I think it was ABC that was, like, you know, so far the Democratic primary has been successful at shutting down left
wing critics who say there should be a debate. But the longer this goes on and the more the polls build for or RFK Junior in particular and Marion as well, the more that that builds, the more difficult it's going to become for them to hold this position that they have right now.
Yeah, as you said, let's go ahead and put B seven guys please up on the screen. You reference the Maryann Williamson tweet that she replied, and she says, Hi, Elon, you had offered a space discussion to all presidential candider to try to get in touch. I would love to take you up on the offer. We'll see maybe RFK
Junior we'll bring it up there as well. And yeah, look, I actually as bad as the DeSantis one went, I genuinely hope this one goes well because I think people like this deserve a forum and a chance, and I want to see more of them, and you know, if they can, maybe they should even publish it as a podcast.
I actually hope that there are no technical glitches, so then we can just clip out things that he says and we can talk about the editorial rather and so can other media outlets rather than you know, focusing on all that. So right, anyway, we'll see, be right.
And I would still never recommend to any candidate that you launch on Twitter spaces, not only for the technical glitter reasons, like it was poorly conceived of to begin with. It's set, the audio quality sounds like crap. It's a very impersonal kind of forum. It just doesn't lend itself to the sort of like staging that you would want to make your big first impression on the country, but as a forum to have a discussion and have, you know,
high profile and get asked some tough questions. And yeah, absolutely, like I would recommend this to anyone, especially candidates who are being shut out completely of the mainstream press and who are they're trying to just completely invisibilize. If you've gott an opportunity to grab some attention, you do it, even if there are risks inherent in that. But yeah, don't don't launch on Twitter spaces would probably be the advice here.
Yeah, I agree with that.
One. Okay, the same time, we've got some other social media platform or I guess content platform news for you. Famously, YouTube has been very aggressive about taking down any content that suggests the twenty twenty Elie was stolen, even sometimes when that content is trying to debunk those claims. Well, they have just announced that they are changing that policy. Let's go and put this up on the screen. This is actually a big deal, so they say, scoop. YouTube
reverses misinformation policy to allow US election denialism. In reversal of its election integrity policy, YouTube will leave up content that says fraud, errors, or glitches occurred in the twenty twenty presidential election and other US elections. The company confirmed why it matters. YouTube established the policy in December twenty twenty, after enough states had certified the twenty twenty election results.
In part of their comments here from YouTube, they said, two years, tens of thousands of video removals, and one election cycle later, we recognized it was time to reevaluate
the effects of this policy in today's change landscape. Now, the way Axios presents this saga is very like, you know, they make it sound bad that the decision was changed but people have to understand the reality of how this was enforced because even you know, our old outlet, The Hill, they played some Trump clip where he's talking about a bunch of nonsense. They're not endorsing it, They're just trying to cover one of the most prominent people in political life,
and their content is getting taken down and banned. And it's not just them, I mean this happened. This also happened to Kyle where he was trying to do a segment debunking some of these claims and it gets hit and taken down. So the way that this policy was applied was horrendous and counterproductive. And also, you know, we
have a commitment here to free speech and anti censorship. Anyway, the way to go about these things is to debunk, to debate, to you know, meet these like spurious claims with facts and truth, which is what we tried to do. We went through painstakingly all of the lawsuits that were filed and tried to explain to people, here is why there's no there there. That's the approach to this, not
just blanket takedown. So you know, selfishly, I'm very glad, I'm very happy about it because we always had to be very nervous anytime, Like for example, when we took Trump's launch speech for his campaign, we were very concerned about whatever he says they could hit us with, even though it's not like we're endorsing these claims. But if you don't come out and say, let me debunk claim by claim by claim, and even if you do that, they may still take it down.
It's so ridiculous. Look, Crystal, you and I have said this directly to youtube' space, you know, and time and time again, I've been very outspoken about this policy and why I hate it, which is that the idea that broadcasting what a person of public interest says is an endorsement is ridiculous. It's ludicrous on its face. When you're in the news, you play what people say and then you talk about it. You can say afterwards if you
want to, whether this is wrong or not. But also I even object to the idea that we are supposed to be compelled to fact check what we it is not we are allowed to program our show in any way that we want. And also, yeah, look you can hate it. You can hate it if there are right wing YouTubers out there who are doing videos about how
the twin election was stolen. But if you set a policy about trying to ban that type of stuff, there will come a time where soon, maybe in the future, you have questions about election mishaps or something going on in this country and you try to do a video on it, and it is going to get taken down, or they can set a policy in which they adjudicate what is correct and what is not. At the end of the day, it is up to the legal system
and it is up to our actual viewers. I'm doing a whole monologue today, by the way, about this about fact checking, community notes and Twitter, and it's so important for people to understand platforms have no business adjudicating truth, especially whenever it comes to small c civics issues like democracy, like voting, like elections. These are belong to the public. They belong to all of us. They are our elections.
Our public officials set the rules and the things and the debates around them, and if people lie about them, well a that's on them. And why I hate this as well is what was the reason that all these Republicans lost in twenty twenty Crystal or twenty twenty two, Crystal. Stop the steal. People aren't stupid. A lot of people hate it. They hate it so much drives them completely insane.
That was a literal democratic check on something that people did not like, and obviously Republicans did not make enough of a case that it was true enough and in fact made it such enough of a case simply vote against them that many of them lost across this country.
It is so important for people to understand that democracy itself is the single best check against lies, against disinformation, and the idea that you need some overall thing to come on top and to tell you what's true and what's not for people like us, or how to run our business, for people like us, how to run our content. I would never presume to do that to anybody. So anyway, I'm very glad to see this policy. Person. My advice to YouTube. My advice to YouTube is stay out of
this game, stay out fact check label. You know, even today, every once in a while, now I said it, this video will have some stupid COVID warning for what linked to Wikipedia. You know, it's like, it's like, how is that useful to anybody who is watching this? You know, it's one of those where the the entire It's a narcissism of these platforms to think that some stupid Wikipedia type label is going to in any way influence.
Or change well, they don't actually think that. They just want to cover their asses for advertisers. That's that's all it is. They want to be able to say to advertisers like, oh, we put in a warning and here's the link and whatever, so that they can feel comfy having their ads run whatever. That's what it's really all about.
I do have a theory about why they changed the policy now, which is Trump just did his big CNN town hall where he spotted a bunch of you know, election nonsense, and it just becomes really clear, like, okay, so are you going to hit CNN because they didn't robut every single claim in real time or whatever? Are you going to take their videos down? It just becomes really clear. Number one, they always have had a different policy about what corporate media can get a with and
when an independent media can get away with. And number two, I mean, the presidential cycle is underway. Are we not supposed to play Trump's speeches or take his comments live for fear that he may say something that is ludicrous and incorrect. That's just a preposterous standard that makes no sense ever, but especially makes no sense when you're in
the middle of a presidential election season. So I sort of think that the CNN town hall may have been the breaking point where they realize, like, all right, this policy doesn't really make sense. It's not really sustainable. Our hypocrisy and our like double standards here are being too blatantly exposed. So we gotta change course. We got to make a different decision.
Listen, I absolutely hope. So it's a stupid policy for all these people stay out. Let the public look at the information, everything that is out there and make up their own mind. You have no quote unquote responsibility or even obligation to try and quote unquote fact check whatever is out there. That's not your job. It's the job of the people. And the sooner that people understand that, the better. It drives me absolutely crazy every time I see stuff like this.
All right, we have a big Supreme Court decision that we wanted to break down for you all that could have huge ramifications about workers' ability to strike. Let's put this up on the screen and then I'll tell you some of the backstories. So this is from more perfect union, they say breaking. The Supreme Court has ruled in favor of a concrete company that wanted to sue a union
because a strike cost them money. The eight to one decision means the company, Glacier Northwest Incorporated, can sue the union over a strike where truck drivers left wet concrete in their trucks. So we covered the story previously, but just to remind everybody the backstory here. What happened is you had workers represented by a Teamsters local who were in the middle of negotiations with this company, Glacier Northwest,
and those negotiations were not bearing fruit. The union was dissatisfied, the workers were dissatisfied, and so they decide to go on strike. This one does. This is the way that if you're in a union, that you leverage the power that you have as a worker in the fact that the company needs your labor in order to succeed. That's the way you leverage your power. So they walk off the job at a time that was after the I think warning truck drivers had already gone and they had
wet cement in their trucks. Now they actually tried to mitigate some of the economic harm to the company, which I would argue they're not necessarily required to do. But they sought to mitigate some of the economic harm by keeping the drums in the truck running so that that wet concrete wouldn't just instant what concrete wouldn't just instantly
harden and damage the trucks. Yet, because they were on strike, there's still was some economic harm to the company because they were unable to deliver that that material, and so they lost money on the fact they were unable to deliver that material, and I think they just had to dispose of it ultimately. And they also argue that there was some risk there could have been damage to the trucks if it had been allowed to harden in the barrels.
So Glacier said, all right, we're going to sue you the union because the workers went on strike and caused us economic harm. Well, a state court said, no, you can't do this, because number one, this isn't really even our jurisdiction. This is we're talking about federal laws here that you know are in play. The National Labor Relations Board, they're the ones that should investigate and should decide whether this was like egregious behavior on behalf of the union
or not. This went all the way up to the Supreme Court, and that's how you end up with this eight to one decision that now sends it back down and says, yes, you can actually sue this union over the damages from this strike. Now, let me say a couple of things. First of all, law clearly recognizes that if you are a worker engaged in a strike, you can't engage in violence, you can't engage in direct vandalism, and those sorts of things are out of bounds. And
you know there can be suits in state courts. That's like very clear cut. But why this is so troubling and so damaging is now you're sending a message to all companies and all corporations that if you're economically harmed at all by a strike, you may have an ability to sue the workers and sue the union. You can imagine what kind of a chilling effect that we'll have
too on workers who are considering striking. Well, the whole point of a strike is to use your labor, I mean, to cause some economic harm that puts pressure on the employer to come to the negotiating table and bargain so that's why this is such a potentially damaging decision. The
one dissenting justice here was Katanji Brown Jackson. She argued, the majority is inserting itself into an assessment of labor disputes that is lawfully the purview of the National Labor Relations Board, and that the court is overstepping their jurisdiction. That's basically what the State court had argued as well.
She also argued that the court is putting the onus on workers and their union to avert any economic damage to Glacier the company, when it was actually on the company to take steps to negotiate in good faith with the union and try to mitigate their own losses. Put this next article from Reuter's up on the screen. This gives you a sense of some of the arguments here that were made by the justices on either side of this issue. Their headline is US Supreme Court hands defeat
to organize labor in truck or strike case. So Amy Connie Barrett is the author of the majority ruling. She said the union's actions had not only destroyed the concrete, but had also quote posed a risk of foreseeable, aggravated and imminent harm to Glacier's trucks. That harm did not come to pass, but she's saying it could have come
to pass. And she says because the union took affirmative steps to endanger Glacier's property rather than reasonable precautions to mitigate that risk, the National Labor Relations Act does not arguably protect its conduct. Again, that should be left to the Natural Labor Relations Board to adjudicate. But that's what they argued. And just to give you a little bit of a taste of the katanji on Jackson dessent, she said,
and I thought this was well put. Workers are not indentured servants bound to continue laboring until any planned work stoppage would be as painless as possible for their master. So that is the way that she was arguing. The other side of this last thing to note here, Sager, guess which side the administration took. They took the side of the company and said they should have the ability to sue. It should go back down to the stakehoord
and they should be able to adjudicate it. There So, mister most pro worker, pro union president and history, once again stabbing workers in the back.
This is bad for a variety of reasons, because what people don't understand is that even the standing the ability to sue, for example, we would and every other media company on earth would cover things dramatically differently if we did not know that the bar was incredibly high in order to try and sue people who were in the media.
Whenever you're talking about public officials, you would basically have a British type system or in many of the other Western countries, where they can effectively file a complaint against you for anything, and the First Amendment and the level of legal protection does not apply to the media. What ends up happening a fusion of the state and of the media. Now we already kind of live in that system, but we have at least more free speech protections for
people who want to use them should they try. The threat of legal action itself, Ask anybody who is in business, the threat itself is chilling whenever it comes to speech. The same can be said here just to standing, the ability to sue will and can guide future strike actions
which are dramatically in favor of the company. So it's very obvious here who benefits from this change in the from this change, like in the current way that we look at things and will have a bad effect, especially is kicking people when they're down, because you know, they're trying to increase the unemployment rate already and to try and limit you know, whatever power the workers had in a tight labor market. So it really is it's especially bad timing.
Yeah, and it's it's disgraceful to see that, you know, the uniparty at work here, that you have only one descent from Kataji bron Jackson. And kudos to her for, you know, in a very well argued descent, I would say, and very strongly worded, but ultimately she's just one person on the court. You know, there's a lot of talk about like the liberals and the conservatives on the court, but far too often the two sides tend to agree
when it comes to bolstering capital and crushing labor. As regular viewers of the show or you know, regular people who exist in America know the law is already overwhelmingly on the side of the bosses, especially when it comes to the right to organize and now the right to strike. So these little levers of power and leverage that working
class people actually have. I don't think it's an accident that at a time when you have this gigantic gulf between huge support for labor, huge support for workers, huge support for organized labor and unions in particular, but you have such low union density. I think that a lot of companies are seeing, you know, the movement at Starbucks, the movement at Amazon, at Arii, at Chipotle, all these
places across the country, and they're very nervous. So this gives the Supreme Court a chance to sort of check workers at a time when union support is super high, but you still have very low union density. So it's an attempt to try to keep them from gaining any sort of traction within the American economy. I think it could be really devastating, because you know, every strike is going to cause some economic harm to the company, and
now they've opened the door for no matter. Let's say you're you know, more perfect Union actually did a great video on this, but that I recommend to people. So let's say you're a Starbucks worker and you go on strike, which a number of locations they have. Let's say the
milk spoils. Let's say they lose some customers. Whatever happens now, Starbucks, Howard schultzen Coke can come out and suit the workers and sue the union because they dare to voice, you know, to exercise their right to strike, to demand better conditions, fare, wages,
whatever is that they're after. So I think it could be incredibly damaging, really devastating, and you know, it's not surprising, but it's really sad to see the Biden administration and almost all of the liberal and all of the conservative justices team up to crush workers in this way.
Yep, absolutely agreed on that, Crystal.
All right, have some big media news for you guys. Chuck Todd moving on from Meet the Press. Of course, that is the Sunday show. He also does Meet the Press daily. Does he still do that? Oh it's online only. That was already scores scores of people watching him over there on on Peacock streaming. So he is moving on his out from Meet the Press. Kristen Welker, longtime NBC News reporter and journalists, will be replacing him. There. Let's take a list into how he announced it.
Welcome back. I have a personal announcement. Well today it's not my final show. This is going to be my final summer here at Meet the Press. It's been an amazing nearly decade long run. I'm pretty really proud of what this team and I have built over the last decade and frankly the last fifteen plus years that I've been.
Here at NBC.
So Sager, you know, are you okay? Like, how are you? How are you handling this news? I know you're pretty baraff.
Well, you know what said, Meet the Press was a great franchise. It was, though it was one of those things which it belonged to the monoculture era and we should have just left it there the.
Idea, so Well said, yeah, that's so true.
At that time, there were only three networks you know, sorry there were three yeah, three big networks, three cable channels. There was not a variety of ways for the public to get information from public officials. The Sunday Show was the main format in order to interview these people to get you know, Iraq war and all that stuff, get it out there. And Tim Russert was he was okay, you know, in my opinion, I don't think he was like the god that people think that he wi was.
I actually an effective interviewer though.
He was, But he also let a lot of things slide during Iraq which I don't think it should be forgiven for so anyway, I'll I'll let it. I'll just leave it and say I think he was a little bit too cozy, but yeah, he was a decent interviewer, I think when he wanted to be, and we should have just left it there After he died, it was sad. But from that point forward the franchise tried to use
the Gravitas in an ever changing way. It was basically two thousand and six onward, the Internet comes and absolutely explodes. You have a variety of different ways that officials can get the word out. The Sunday Show continues to diminish, and then now at this point, even putting in somebody new, it just doesn't have the same power that it once did. I mean, the idea is is that the Sunday Show
was this like prestige time slot in TV. And don't get me wrong, and it still can and does compel big interviews every once in a while, but it's usually legacy figures people like George Stephanopolos and others who will get those big scores, and it just doesn't matter in
the way that it once did. So I think also that Chuck Todd and NBC also did damage to the brand by trying to turn it into a daily show, basically relegating it, you know, once again to Cable then the cancel it to move it to TV or to move it online, which shows just how unimportant it really is. And you know it like it dies with a whim with a with a whisper, like you know, with a whimper. Really yeah, it goes out. It should have died a long time ago.
Well, I mean, and it will. It will continue on in a lessened form. You know. Kristen Welker actually like no problem with her on a personal level. She seems like a really nice lady and I think people genuinely, genuinely like seem to like her, that her colleagues that
work with her at NBC. This is also not though like a blockbuster marquee choice, and it to me is in line with the philosophy of managed to cline that you have seen implemented at both at you know, MSNBC, Fox News and Cianna and basically where when they're big stars depart, it's not like they're looking to make that new big deal and bring in something that's going to be game changing, They're just kind of bringing in someone
who's safe, who can sustain. So, you know, the classic example is over at MSNBC, Rachel Maddow, their star for years and years, the quarterback of that whole lineup, the only person who really was able to sort of consistently bring in a ratings charge. She significantly diminishes her role. She's only on there once a week, and they bring in Alex Wagner, who's just like, you know, she's a placeholder. She's safe, she's comfortable, she's not going to rock the boat.
She can keep, you know, whatever audience is handed to her from. I think it's Chris Hayes, who's at the eight pm hours. She can kind of hold on to that audience more or less and hand the ball off to whoever comes. They're not making, you know, they're not shooting for the moon anymore, and I think the choice of host here with Kristen Welker reflects that as well. This is not a household name, this is not huge
star power, this isn't a marquee deal. It was sort of an afterthought in terms of how this was sold and how this was even mentioned. Your point about the relevant of the Sunday Shows, I think is also really well taken, and in some ways, I mean, part of this is not Chuck Todd's fault, right, it's like structural
changes in the media media ecosystem. But then the fact that you have this just like very standard, establishment friendly, not particularly talented person who's at the helm, that doesn't help anything. One thing I will say, this is consistent with the block we just did, the conversation we just had about debates and how you actually need politicians held more to account and willing to subject themselves more to interviews.
Part of the problem too, is that they're just less likely to the big politicians are less likely to sit for these interviews, so that makes it less relevant, which is a shame and a degradation of democracy. And then the other reason they're less relevant is there's just, you know, there's not a lot of interest in helding their feet to the fire. So, in a strange sense, what the Sunday Shows were originally intended to do, I think we need more than ever in American politics, in American media.
It's just that these shows are not really capable of being the same function that perhaps they once did.
Yeah, it's just one of those where the format was derivative of the time and they thought that it was because of them, and it wasn't. You know. Yeah, it's like you said, like Chuck Todd, in some ways it's not his fault, but I mean, it certainly doesn't help that one of the most boring individuals to ever be on television. But you know, that kind of gets to what in the old times you could not even be all that good, and you could still be, you know,
commanding a massive and a large presence. But today that's just not how it's gonna work, and people have options. DeSantis literally hasn't done a single corporate interview. You know, even Joe Biden actually was just reading, is the first president since Dwight D. Eisenhower not to do an interview with The New York Times. But he has done with Substack. He has done one with you know, what was that guy's name, Brian something.
I forget his name, Oh, Brian Tyler Cohen.
That guy, Brian Tyler Cowen has it as a Biden interview. I did this whenever I was actually, I'll be honest, this was my core pitch whenever I was in a White House correspondent I went to the Trump White House and I said, hey, you guys say you hate the New York Times, You're always sucking up to them. I'm like, what about new media? What about people who are on the internet, people like me? And they were like, yeah,
that's a good point. You should do it. And so like that, it goes to when politicians have options, they're going to use them. They're going to play people against each other, and they're going to get the voice out in any way that they need to and to reach the most amount of people. Some of that today does include linear TV, but a lot of it includes online. And yeah, you know, as long as that's the reality, these shows are just not going to survive. There'll be in a period of managed decline.
Yeah, politicians use that new ecosystem to just seek out friendly interviews. Like if you're Joe Biden and you struggle to like formulate a complete sentence, which listen I relate to sometimes personally, you're not going to go and subject
yourself to a tough interview. Now I'm not saying Chuck Todd was going to give you that tough interview, but you're going to find someone who's really just going to be like, tell me how amazing you are and did you accomplished so much with such terrible you know, Republicans in Congress, And if you're Rond de Santis, you're going to do the same on the other side. So it's it is that part of it. Even though the broader independent media ecosystem obviously like I celebrate. I think that's
a very positive move forward. I think watching these old dinosaurs die is all to the better. But the fact that politicians use this new ecosystem to exempt themselves from any sort of challenging public scrutiny, that's a real loss.
Yeah, I think you are absolutely correct, Crystal wouldn't take a look at So.
Guys, we've got a potential new twenty twenty four contender that Wall Street is clamoring for on the Democratic side. This is actually like you literally can't make this up. So you guys might recall soccer and I actually recently covered this Wall Street Journal article talking about how sad they were to see a Trump Biden rematch, which look relatable.
All of us are not that excited about that. But the reason that they're upset about it is because they don't think these two men are friendly in enough to Wall Street which is just patently insane. And buried in that article, which I barely even noticed at the time, was them floating Jamie Diamond, CEO of of course Chase Bank, the biggest bank in the country, maybe the world, certainly the country, as a potential presidential contender. Put this up
on the screen from the Wall Street Journal. So here was the quote. They say, Jamie Diamond, whose name has swirled as a potential candidate for years, recently got an earful from a fellow billionaire who wishes the JP Morgan Chase CEO would run. According to people familiar with the matter. Interesting, I should have taken more not of that when it came out, because usually these little nuggets buried in this type of report have a lot more meaning than is
initially laid out. And next thing you know, Jamie Diamond himself is on Bloomberg, which is of course the television station of the ultra wealthy, and he gets to ask specifically about whether he would consider running for president or another public office, and interestingly, he doesn't exactly rule it out.
Jamie, I know last week you talked a lot about succession or about your position that you're not talking about retirement right now. I do need to ask you, though, And your name has been bandied about for years about public office. I mean, I don't think Wall Street's too pleased about the potential Trump versus Biden runoff next year. Is it any Has that scenario ever crossed your mind that you would run for public office or even accept a cabinet position.
You know, obviously it's crossed my mind because people mention things to you and stuff like that. I love my country and maybe one day I'll serve my country in one capacity or another. But I love what I do. I think, Jaden, we're going to do a great job for helping Americans, helping countries around the world. And this is my job. This is what I'm going to do, and I'm quite happy doing it. I still the energy to do what I mentioned. You know that when you don't,
I think people should give up the job. You've got a fabulous management team where I really enjoy working with.
So I'm here, so you know. There, he says, I love my country. Maybe one day I'll serve my country. He says that he's thought about it. It's cost his mind. Okay, so he's sort of holding out the possibility here. But you also had a major Wall Street dude hedge funder Bill Ackman. He took to Twitter he posted a long thread begging Jamie Diamond to run for PRESDA. We'll put this up on the screen. I'm not going to read the whole thing because it's honestly, it's so embarrassing, but
it's also really lengthy. So he says in part, Jamie Diamond is one of the world's most respected business leaders. Politically, he's a centrist. He's pro business and pro free enterprise, but also supportive of well designed social programs and rational tax policies that can help the less fortunate. He's extremely smart, thoughtful, pragmatic, knows how to bring opposing parties together, etc. Et cetera, et cetera. He goes on to say that Jamie Diamond
is the leader that we need right now. We need an exemplary business, financial, and global leader to manage through what is likely to be a critically important decade for our country in determining our destiny. He goes on to say potus is ext weak and incognitive decline. I can't really argue with that. Seventy percent of Democrats don't want him to run. True, Biden's weakness sets up a large opening for a qualified outsider to run as a Democrat.
I guess he doesn't consider the already candidates in the race to be qualified. And he says Jamie can beat Biden in the primary and Donald Trump in the general, but he needs to start now and build name recognition among the broad electorate. He will easily raise billions of dollars I don't doubt that from Democrats and Republicans to fund his campaign, and he knows how to build support. I also enjoyed this part of what he had to say because it's just like kind of a mask off moment.
He says, Bill Ackman JP Morgan stock will go up even more when Jamie becomes potus, as he can do more for the bank and our economy as president than he can as chairman and CEO of JP Morgan. The Bank will be in great shape since he has built a deep succession bench that is more than ready to step up. There is only one better job for Jamie than CEO of JP Morgan Chase, and that is President
of the United States. So he just comes out and says the quiet Bart out loud that this will be great for banks, It'll be great for JP Morgan Chase, their stock will go up because Jamie would be able to do so much for them as president of the United States, as if Joe Biden and Donald Trump didn't already like give the store away to Wall Street and
Corporate America. Overall, it's actually kind of ironic because Sager and I had joke that Jamie Diamond is already sort of President of the United States, or more powerful than the president, because of the amount of power that he holds within the banking sector and how critical that's been. We saw this in particular during the Silicon Valley bailout. There was all sorts of reporting about how instrumental Jamie
Diamond was in formulating what the policy was. Apparently, originally Biden had been kind of skeptical of doing any kind of bailout, and then Jamie Diamond and other figures like him got on the phone. Of course, Jamie Diamond also then was positioned to like suck up the profitable leftovers of the various banks that were collapsing at the time, so benefited him in the end in that way as well. But I always just think it's amazing the way that
these people view the problems in America. They're not worried about like, oh, wealth inequality is too great, or they're not worried about like, oh, we need to be able to get everybody healthcare, or we need to check the military industrial complex. No, they actually think the problem is that our presidents haven't been pro Wall Street enough, haven't given enough away to the titans of Wall Street and of corporate America, which is so wildly disconnected from the
views of the American people. And they also, I think, genuinely delude themselves into believing that there's an appetite among the American people for this type of quote unquote leadership. But you know, they could ask Michael Bloomberg that was his theory of the case last time I was around as well, and you can ask Michael Bloomberg how well this worked out for him. So Sager is just astonishing to me, Like it reminded me.
And if you want to hear my reaction to Crystal's monologue, become a premium subscriber today at break points dot Com.
All right, soccer, what are you looking at?
As we discussed earlier in our show, today. YouTube presumed for years that you were so stupid that you couldn't decide whether the twenty twenty election was stolen, so that they decided to come in and fact check and take down videos. Now it should always be up to you. If you think about where the standard even comes from, it's totally ridiculous. It traces back to the twenty sixteen presidential election. Before that, the Internet had no fact checking
on it, nor should it have. We literally had decades on forums and other places where people spoke freely. They had debates, they argued, and the stakes were never seen as existential. It was only after the twenty sixteen election of Donald Trump that a bunch of people, elites mostly got together and decided that no normal person could ever in good conscience vote for Trump. They must have been tricked into it first by the Russians. Then they blamed Facebook.
Some happily made Russian Facebook ads with a tiny budget compared to the rest of the entire campaign spending, was somehow responsible for swinging sixty five million votes. This led to the fact checking industrial complex. You had Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and others partner withich so called news agencies to come together and to fact checkposts that were seen on
the platform. Once again, underlying this program was this idea, you are so dumb that you believe everything on the Internet and that you trust the Washington Post, the New York Times, PolitiFact, Snopes, any of these others to be able to arbiter the truth in a small d democracy where people make up their minds for themselves based upon the information that is presented to them. They actually undermined
that with fact checking. Fact checking itself is broken and is wrong, as we all learned in the COVID, you know, misinformation debates, as we learned in Wuhan lab, as we learned when the Hunter Biden laptop story was taken down. Their judgment cannot be trusted at a major macro level. So now bring in elon Community Notes. This has been the new program that Twitter has decided to launch where they say that they have solved fact checking with this
program where you leave it up to the community. They say that this one is one where you can come in apply to be a Community notes fact checker. You will get voted by Twitter, vetted by them, and you will come through and algorithmically as well as with human judgment, you will decide whether posts itself need context or not, and then how you decide which context is placed there. Well, the downfalls of this are fully on display here. Let's
put this up there on the screen. When Chris Pavlovski, he's the CEO of Rumble noted quote community notes on Twitter is a really bad idea. It is a fancy word for fact checking, which will eventually be gamed, hijacked, and or cause more harm than good. I've seen this story too often and I won't let it happen on Rumble. Well, you know what's really crazy is that Chris's post here, which literally is an opinion, then had a community note actually added to it. And in it the community note
says all Twitter accounts must meet eligibility criteria. Second, for a note to be shown on a tweet, it needs to be quote found helpful by people who have tended to disagree in past ratings. And lastly, notes track metrics that alert the team of suspicious activity is detected. So in effect, what they did is they added context to Chris's opinion. This is way past even the line of fact checking, and it shows you that if you are able to and want to use the community Notes platform.
When you disagree, you can try and add something to somebody's post that they they did not want there to be in the first place. This is a total, massive overstep in this entire system. The pushback that I've heard so far is, oh, but this is up to the community and not from top down. Okay, once again, just because community fact checking maybe quote unquote better at least in principle than top down fact checking by the news organizations does not mean that these platforms should be fact
checking at all. And in fact, that was really my position, and it's something that I put out there yesterday, which is that people said, hey, this is the best solution to a very complex problem. The solution is dropping the presumption that preventing quote unquote disinformation is the responsibility of a platform at all. One person's disinformation will always be
another's truth in a democracy. And it was really on display there where Chris put out an opinion and then somehow had a ridiculous community note actually attached to it. If you want to defend the Community Notes platform or a program, that's fine, you should reply to Chris's tweet with your opinion. If others find that useful, they can like that tweet or you can quote tweet what's happening with Chris's opinion and add yours and if more people
like it, then that will be seen more. You should not be able to forcibly add context, you know, quote unquote onto anybody's posts that they never intended it to be there. It's actually a changing of the speech that they intended to put. Now imagine also this in a more human context, because we can get bogged down in debates.
Oh the algorithm, you know, some fake transparent, non transparent process in which these people are selected somehow means that we're supposed to just put all of our trust in Twitter. I've seen that, you know, fall apart so many times. But operationalize this to the real world. You're at a bar and you how many people have been in this scenario. You hear a couple of people having a discussion. What
they are saying is completely inactate, wrong and stupid. Would you really want a scenario where people are able to go in and to interject and say, actually, what you're saying needs context? Or do you think that those people should be able to say what they want? And then you know, maybe if you're friends with them. You could come in and just say, hey, I heard you guys talking about this. You know, here's what I think is important, you know, to understand, and then people can shrug and say, huh,
you know, that's kind of interesting. But the point is is that people should have discrete opportunities to speak in this environment. They should not be having things placed directly on top of theirs in a non transparent process which
is supposedly up to the community. And I actually thought Michael Tracy also made a really good point here, which is that in the current program, when communities consist of self selected users who join up because they're invested in a certain cause, like on Twitter, how many times have we said here before, Twitter is not representative of ever everybody.
It is representative of a small, certain select base. Well, then even the amount of people who are engaged in the process is by definition not representative of every constituency that might have a say about whether something needs context, needs truth, or anything added to it. So look, I'm not picking on Twitter or Elon or any of these. What I am saying is that all attempts at fact checking themselves are bad. You know, what we do here
at breaking points is. We don't lob onto somebody else's speech. We try to add context to help people think about things. And if people want to do videos about us and what we've gotten wrong, I think that's completely fine. But imagine a world where if enough people got together that they could interject something in the middle of one of our videos or on top of one of our videos, simply because they thought that we weren't adding context to something.
I object to fact checking in all forms that currently exist. I think Chris over at Rumble got it exactly right. And just because you like this one a little bit more than you like the top down one doesn't mean that all of them aren't bad in the very principle itself. So that's where I'm at, Crystal. I'm getting very annoyed. There are a lot of people who are sending me things, and.
If you want to hear my reaction to Sagre's monologue, become a premium subscriber. Today at Breakingpoints dot com, our friends over at the Quincy Institute have a groundbreaking new report about just how much Pentagon money is going to fund opinions on the Ukraine War. Obviously, this is a vital debate let's go and put this report up on the screen. The headline here is that defense contractor funded
think tanks dominate the Ukraine debate. Some important details contained therein and Ben Freeman, who is a research fellow at the Quincy Institute, joins us now to break down this report. Ben, great to have you, Good to.
See you, Ben, Thank you both.
Great to be here.
Yeah, of course, so give us some of the top lines here.
What we did was, I think we try to investigate what was the hunch we all had was that these defense contractor funded think tanks were dominating the Ukraine war debate. We see it on mainstream media, we see it in the New York Times, Washington Post. And what we decided to do was investigate whether this was true or not. And what we found out was that overwhelmingly, yes, defense
contractor funded think tanks have been dominating the debate. In fact, more than eighty five percent of all think tank media mentions come from think tanks that are funded by the defense sector. So from this, what we determined was, whenever most of your listeners are hearing somebody talk about the Ukraine War, if they're front or from a think tank, chances are it's a defense contractor funded think.
Tank, and why is that important? What does that lead to, at least in terms of incentives, right, because we've tried to look at this previously about the way that debate and all of that is formed. I mean, I have yet to see a single instance of somebody with a dissenting view actually featured in any of these mainstream media, either articles or on cable television, which probably even matters even more. Yeah.
Absolutely, if fundamentally biases the discussion, if the only voices you're hearing from are voices that are paid, at least in part by the defense sector, then chances are the thrust of the debate that we're hearing it's really not a debate at all. It's a bunch of different people operating in an echo chamber, and that echo chamber is being funded by the very businesses that profit from the Ukraine War, in profit from a militarized foreign policy in general.
Yeah, so let me read a little bit from what you have here. You say, first, of the twenty seven think tanks whose donors could be identified, twenty one of them receive funding from the defense sector. That's seventy seven percent. You had a number of these think tanks where you still don't even know where they're getting their funding. So
Lord knows where that money is coming from. And you point out that in articles related to US military involvement in Ukraine, media outlets have cited think tanks with financial backing from the defense industry eighty five percent of the time. That seven times is often as think tanks that do not accept funding from Pentagon contractors. I personally don't have a lot of experience in the think tank world, Ben, Can you help people understand what would be the shaping
influences here? Would your average think tank analysts have an understanding of where the money is coming from? Would there be directives coming with that money? How does this all operate?
Yeah, when you work at a think tank, you are, at least to some extent, you are captive to the folks who are funding that organization. And if you want to test this theory as a think tanker, say stop your funders disagree with and doing it, and see how long that think tank keeps employing you. I assure you be a short lived tenure for you. And we've seen
this over and over and over again. Almost ten years ago, the New York Times did a big exposition of think tank funding, and what those folks found was was exactly this pattern. If folks were saying things that were antithetical to the interests of their funders, those individuals were fired or their roles were reduced. And repeated studies ever since we've seen the same thing happen over and over and
over again. So when you work at a think tank, you know who your funders are, and in case you don't, if you write something that is threatening to them, your higher ups will let you know who those who those funders are and tell you to stop saying those things that are offensive to them.
Well, I think it's really important and it exposes something which people should be looking.
You know.
The irony too, is, like you said, the New York Times understands why this is a problem ten years ago and then proceeds in the middle of Ukraine to go ahead and to cite every single one of these people. I mean, when is the last time that you saw a real dissenting voice in The New York Times or even a dispassionate analysis you know, in any of these articles, Right, Ben.
Right, that's exactly right. And in the report we looked at over a thousand different articles. I mean, this took months to put together, and in all of those articles, we never saw any acknowledgment from The New York Times, the Washington Post, the Wall Street Journal that the folks that they were citing were from think tanks that were funded by the defense sector. In some cases, they're making comments or suggesting the US buy weapons send weapons to
Ukraine that are made by their funders. This is the most direct conflict of interest you can possibly get, and yet all of these outlets they're not disclosing that to their readers, and according to us. You know, I think anybody would agree that's a disservice to the reader because they're only telling part of the story by not revealing the funders.
Yeah, I want to underscore that because I think that's really important. Bad enough that so many of these analysts are coming from think tanks funded by the defense industry. Even worse is that New York Times, CNN, whoever is hosting this analysis, are not disclosing those very direct conflicts of interests. So if you're your average reader, your average viewer of cable news, you have no idea what's going
on behind the scenes. You think these are just dispassionate experts who have nothing at stake in this fight, who are just offering their honest opinion, when in reality there's a lot more going on behind the scenes. I think, to me, that's as damaging and as damning as anything in this report.
Yeah, I completely agree, Crystal. And the other side of this that we see too, is that from the think tank's point of view, they're publishing their own reports, articles and that sort of thing that directly benefit these funders, recommend US foreign policy decisions, particularly in Ukraine, that would be a great financial benefit to these the defense sector funders,
and they're not disclosing it. So you read some of these articles, you read some of these briefs, you know, whether it's from CSIS, Atlantic Council, Center for a New American Security, all these heavily defense contractor funded think tanks, and they're producing things that look a little better than propaganda for the defense sector, and they're not telling their readers about it.
Yep, really, really well said. It's an important thing. It's why it matters to look at Washington and what exactly is coming out of it. And we appreciate you joining you sir, thank.
You, thank you. Yeah, it's our pleasure.
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