Episode 514: The Mexican War of Independence

of extraordinary contrasts. There were vast silver mines in the north that fed the treasuries of Spain, rich haciendas that dominated the countryside, and bustling cities like Mexico City that rang with the sound of church bells and the chatter of merchants from every corner of the Spanish Empire. But beneath the surface there were extraordinary fissures. For three centuries, Spanish colonial rule created a rigid hierarchy that defined every

aspect of life. At the top stood the peninsularres. Those were the Spaniards who had been born on the Iberian Peninsula, and they monopolized every single high office in the land. Below them were the creolis, American born Spaniards. They were wealthy, educated, and increasingly they were resentful of being treated as second

class citizens because of where they were born. Further down the ladder there were the mestisos and indigenous peoples who bore the heaviest burdens of taxation, forced labor, and land dispossession. African descended peoples, both free and in slave, navigated a world that granted them few rights under what was effectively the caste or cast a system. Now hovering over all of it, of course, was a growing sense of instability

that was coming primarily from Europe. In eighteen o eight, Napoleon, as we know, invaded Spain and forced the King, Ferdinand the Seventh to abdicate, with the Spanish crown suddenly without head, the colonies of the Empire were plunged into uncertainty. Who now held legitimate authority, who spoke for the all powerful Spanish monarch, and quite frankly, was obedience still required at all? These were the questions that slowly at first and then

with explosive force, pulled Mexico quickly into a revolution. Now throughout the late eighteenth century war bond reforms had attempted to modernize the Spanish Empire from the monarchs, with their bureaucracy had raised taxes, strengthened the military and placed ever more authority in the hands of the Peninsulares. To many Creoles, this was an insult to indigenous communities and mestistos in Mexico. It was a burden that only deepened their feelings of inequality.

That the ideas from the wider Atlantic were also quick to begin to seep south into Mexico. The American Revolution began to suggest that maybe colonies could after all challenge distant monarchies, and the French Revolution, which followed quickly on its heals, preached equality and the rights of man, though of course the violence of the terror made the elites in Mexico uneasy. And then there was the Haitian Revolution, led by the people of African descent, who overthrew slavery

and colonial rule. Both inspired and terrified observers across Latin America. By eighteen ten, the reality was Mexico had become a powder keg and it was ready to burst, And in the quiet town of Dolores, a priest named Miguel Hidalgo Ecostia provided the spark. On the night of September fifteenth, eighteen ten, conspirators gathered in the home of Hidalgo, a sparish priest known for his unorthodox views, is concern for

the poor and his intellectual curiosity. Word had reached them that the conspiracy to overthrow colonial rule had been discovered, and so there was now no time left. They had to act. Early in the cold dawn of September the sixteenth, Hidalgo stepped outside the church, rang its bell and issued what history remembers as the Grito de Delores, the Cry

of Dolores. We don't actually have the exact words that father hid Alago offered on that cold morning, but contemporaries recall the spirit quote, my children, will you recover the land stolen from your forefathers? Will you defend your religion and rights? Long live our Lady of Guadalupe, Death to bad government end quote. Now these were words that, of course, you could have switched around slightly and put in the mouth of say Patrick, Henry or Moraut in the French Revolution.

This were revolutionary times across the world, and everybody was kind of preaching the same ideas. So it was only natural that eventually Mexico would pick up the baton and run with it, and run with it by the way they definitely did. Now, of course, this wasn't a refined political manifesto. It was something that was actually a little

bit more powerful. It was a call to action addressed to the ordinary people of Mexico, indigenous villagers, mestisos, laborers, small farmers, those who had never before been invited into the political life of the empire, and the rebellion exploded with astonishing speed. Quickly thereafter, the conspirators marched to Guantanto, a much larger town nearby, and within days tens of thousands of people were rallying to Father Hidalgo, many armed

with sticks, slings and only farm tools. They morved first towards the prosperous binding city of Guantanto, where a bloody confrontation unfolded. Royalist defenders barricaded themselves in a nearby massive granary, but the building was stormed after a legendary miner nicknamed El Papilla set fire to the door. The victory, kind of like the bast deal, gave the rebel momentum, but it also set the tone of uncontrolled violence that frightened the creole elites and drove some into the arms of

the royalists. Heidalgo's massive but poorly trained army quickly pushed forward toward Mexico City. Panic gripped the colonial government. Yet, at Monte de las Crusis in late October, despite winning a major battle, Hidalgo hesitated. Now why he turned back at this point remains debated. Perhaps he feared a massacre, perhaps he realized that his forces were not prepared to fight an urban battle. The hesitation marked a turning point

in the Mexican War of Independence. Royalist forces were able to recover, and by early eighteen eleven, Hidalgo was captured. He had been then defracked by the Roman Catholic Church and executed, but of course the rebellion and revolution didn't die with him. After Hidalgo's death, leadership passed to a former student of his, Jose Maria Morales, another priest. He was more disciplined, strategic, and driven by a much clearer

political vision of Mexico's future. From eighteen eleven to eighteen fifteen, Morelos led a series of brilliant gorilla campaigns across southern Mexico. Unlike Hidalgo's mass uprising, Morales sought to get trained troops he wanted organization, and he wanted to hold on the territory that they were able to capture, and they worked quickly. Morales and his troops captured key cities imports, including Wahaca

and Acapoco, and created functioning local governments. Morales then called a Congress at Chipakingo in eighteen thirteen, which produced one of the foundational documents of Mexican nationalism. He sent to Mendiento Ste la Nacion the Feelings of the Nation. Much like the Declaration of Independence or perhaps the Declaration of the Rights of Man in the French Revolution. It laid out a program for what it saw as the future for Mexico and also the reasons for separation from Spain.

Its ideas were pretty simple. One gain independence from the Spanish monarchy. Number two, abolished slavery number three and the rigid caste system. Number four, make sure that sovereignty resides in the Mexican people, not in a distant government and not in a monarch, And finally, enshrine Catholicism forever as the national religion of Mexico. It was a revolutionary document both in spirit and substance, a new social order, not

merely a transfer of power from peninsulares to creolos. This is when the Mexican Revolution starts to look a lot more like the French Revolution than the American Revolution, which you could argue was just a transfer of power from one group of elites to another group of elites. This was a total restructuring. After all, the Mexicans appeared at this point to be ready to do something that the

Americans weren't, and that was abolished slavery. And certainly no one in New England had any intention of eliminating their quasi caste system. But of course Spanish power wasn't going to go away instantaneously, and it slowly reasserted itself. A young, dynamic all Royalist officer named Augustine de Terbe harried Morales's forces, and in eighteen fifteen, Morales, like Hidalgo, was captured, defrocked, and executed. And so by eighteen sixteen the war seemed

to be collapsing. Yet independence survived in the hills and countrysides of southern and central Mexico, kept alive by low coo guerilla leaders, most famously Vicent de Guireo, a mixed race fighter whose tenacity would shape Mexico's future. For several years, the conflict stagnated, neither side could win outright, but events

thousands of miles away reshaped everything. In eighteen twenty, Spanish army officers revolted and forced King Ferdinand the Seventh to restore the Constitution of eighteen twelve, a liberal charter limiting royal power and expanding rights to Mexican conservatives, especially the Creolos and Catholic hierarchy. This new liberal order was alarming. They feared a couple of things. They feared weakened church authority, They feared property reforms, and they feared reduced power for

colonial elites. Suddenly, many who once fought for Spain began to wonder if independence might actually protect their interests better than remaining tied to a liberalized Spain. No convert was more dramatic or consequential than Augustine de Terbe himself. Eyterbe, once the scourge of the Mexican insurgents, now approached Guerrero with a surprising proposal, what if they joined forces and

created a broad coalition for independence. In February of eighteen twenty one, he unveiled what was called the Plan of Igala, which offered three guarantees, only this time independence from Spain. Unity among all social classes didn't say anything about eliminating the caste system, and by social classes he meant pensulaes, creolos, mestizo's, indigenous peoples, and black peoples. But again, unity didn't mean the elimination of social distinctions. And finally, Catholicism as the

sole religion of this new state. Eyturbe's message was clear. Independence wasn't going to overturn society. The idea was to achieve independence, transfer power, and then stabilize society. Guerrero, long committed to a more egalitarian vision, nonetheless agreed, seeing independence as the first necessary step. Together, they formed the army of the three guarantees, and the plans succeeded because it united groups that previously had been so divided. It united

conservatives who feared Spain's new increasing liberalism. It concerned creolos who wanted political power. It brought in insurgents who had fought for an independence for a decade, brought in merchants who simply want instability, and it brought in local communities longing for relief for war. The new coalition quickly swept across Mexico with astonishing speed. Spanish authority crumbled almost overnight.

By August eighteen twenty one, the last Viceroy de de ju realized that resistance was impossible, and so he signed the famous Treaty of Cordeba, recognizing Mexican independence. On September the twenty seventh, eighteen twenty one, e Turbe marched into Mexico City at the head of the army of the Three Guarantees. Bells rang and crowds shouted vive in Deepenzia. After three centuries of Spanish rule and eleven years of bitter conflict, Mexico was free. But of course independence did

not bring peace. In fact, it opened a new chapter of political turmoil. That new chapter that we'll get into right after this. Now, Mexico had won independence, but they had done so without really agreeing on what independence actually meant. This is kind of a repeating theme throughout this period in history. There was no constitution in place, There was no consensus on the structure of government. There was no agreement about the role of the church, the army, or

the regions. The Viceroy of New Spain vast diverse and deeply unequal had fractured long before independence was achieved. Now the question was how to put it back together again and again. It's worth remembering at this point that Mexico stretches from the present southern border of Mexico all the way up to present day Colorado and California in the United States, So this is pretty massive territory that everyone

had to deal with. Between eighteen twenty one and eighteen forty, Mexico would try out empires, republics, dictatorships, and federal systems, all while still searching for a stable political identity. Interestingly enough, Mexico's first experience in government was another monarchy, because Augustine de Turbe, the gentleman who had switch sides, charismatic popular with the military, quickly became the leading figure in post

independence Mexico. While the Plan of Igala had envisioned a European prince leading a constitutional monarchy, no one was willing to accept the invitation, So in May of eighteen twenty two, a newly convened Mexican Congress declared Eyterbe Emperor Augustine the First. At first, the crowds cheered, but beneath the surface opposition

quickly grew. Mexico inherited a financial crisis. There was a crushing debt and a devastated economy, not the least of which devastated because of two decades of on again off against civil war. There was also massive regional divisions. Provinces resisted central authority and many wanted federal autonomy. There were political factions. Republicans mistrusted monarchists, clergy feared reforms, and military

officers everywhere jockeyed for influence. So when Congress criticized the emperor for his inability to deal with these myriad problems, Emperor Augustine the First simply responded by dissolving Congress opponents then soon rallied behind a rising political figure who's going to play a role in Mexico's story all the way through the US Mexico War, and that is Antonio Lopez Date Santa Anna, a young officer whose ambition oftentimes outpaced

his experience and skill. In eighteen twenty three, when Santa Anna was still a young military officer, he and other leaders, most notably Guadalupe Victoria and Bisante Gerrero, proclaimed the Plan of Casa Mata, calling for the restoration of Congress and the end of Eturbay's emperorship, and each Bay's support quickly evaporated.

He abdicated in March of eighteen twenty three after not even two years, and went into exile in Europe, only to return in eighteen twenty four to be executed as a trader under a law that had been passed that he didn't know about. Whoops, reading is helpful, folks, And so the empire had lasted honestly less than a year, and Mexico now faced the task of trying to build

its first republic. In the wake of the empire's collapse, political leaders gathered to craft a new constitution, influenced this time by the United States model and shaped by the Mexican realities. The Constitution of eighteen twenty four established one a federal republic, two states with considerable autonomy, three a bicameral Congress, four a president and vice president. Five Catholicism

as the official religion. And so it was in many ways an effort to try to marry old Mexico to the new Mexico that wanted to emulate in different ways the burgeoning power of the United States at the time. There were two independence heroes who were chosen to lead the new republic. President Guadalupe Victoria. He was a moderate, He was somewhat idealistic, and he was extremely widely respected, which was something that Emperor Augustine didn't have. And then

there was Vice President Nicholas Bravo. He was much much more conservative and suspicious of federalism. But you know what, at last, Mexico at least had a constitutional framework. Unfortunately, it's one thing to write down the rules on a piece of paper and quite another thing, as we know, to execute those rules. Because the real challenge lay ahead governing a fractured, impoverished, and often deeply divided country. And

so throughout the eighteen twenties, two major factions crystallized. There were the Federalists and the Centralists. The Federalists favored strong state governments. They advocated for the reform of the church and military privileges. They drew their support generally from liberals, intellectuals, and many provincial leaders, and they were also associated, interestingly enough, with the Masons back in the United States. Then there

were the Centralists. The Centralists, as the name probably suggests, one and two A had established a strong national government. They defended the church's role and the special privileges of the military called military pueros. They were supported by conservative elite, high clergy and many army officers. These ideological tensions are going to define Mexican politics for decades and honestly, in many ways still define the Mexico that we know today.

This tension between those who want a much stronger federal government between those who want more autonomy for the states. Honestly, we see this playing out with Moreno and some of other modern political Mexican parties even today. So it's worth guys knowing your history. As I'm guessing you know, at the center of almost every political storm, though, stood a man whose presence is going to just loom over nineteenth century Mexico who I mentioned before, Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna.

It's a name you want to continue to remember. And even President Victoria, even though he had enormous wide respect in a lot of sort of individual legitimacy and charisma, even he struggled to hold the fragile republic together, not the least of which because he had to deal with rebellions within his own party. Vice President Nicholas Bravo attempted a conservative revolt against the federal government as early as eighteen twenty seven. Now it failed, but it highlighted the

volatility of the Young Republic. And then, of course there were just the constant fears of encroachment from Europe. There was fear that the Spanish would attempt a reconquest at some point, and so in eighteen twenty seven, this after the failed Conservative coup, influenced Congress to decree the expulsion of almost all remaining Spaniards from Mexico. Now this is understandable to an extent if you are afraid of, let's say, you know, a fifth wing coming at you from within.

But the problem was is that the vast majority of these people were the merchants, administrators, and technocrats. This further weakened the Mexican economy and its bureaucracy at frankly the worst possible moment. And all of this happened around eighteen twenty eight, and in eighteen twenty eight was the year for the next Mexican presidential election, and the election for Victoria's successor became a chaotic struggle. There were a couple

of people who were running. Of course, Santa Anna, who I mentioned remember keeping in mind, but then there was also Manuel Gomez Pedrasa. He was a moderate. Santa Anna was a staunch conservative, He will be throughout his entire career, very pro military, relies on the Church for a lot of his support, so on and so forth. But Pandaso won. Despite that, Santa Anna refused to accept the results. He launched a rebellion, arguing that they had cooked the electoral

books and that the people had been cheated. Riots quickly engulfed Mexico City. Congress overturned the election and installed instead Santa Anta's ally, Vicente Guerrero, another independence hero now Visan de Guerrero was a man of mixed African, Indigenous and Spanish ancestry, and so to a lot of extent, I guess the elevation of Vicente Guerrero represents some of the more ambitious goals of the Mexican Revolution, and his government

was quite revolutionary, particularly from a social standpoint. He almost immediately moved to abolish slavery nationwide, which was both a moral and political triumph from Mexico. Now conservative elites despised his administration. He attempted tax reforms and used a lot of egalitarian rhetoric that frightened both the landowners and the clergies. And so then in eighteen twenty nine, Spain did in fact launch one final campaign to try to retake Mexico,

landing forces at Tampico. Guerrero intrusted the defense to Santa Anna, who defeated the expedition and became a celebrated national hero. Now, ironically, Santa Anna's fame now threatened Gorreano's rivals more than Spain did. Vice President Anastasio Bustamante, a staunch centralist, overthrew Guerra, who then retreated to the south, continued resistance, and was eventually captured and executed. If you're starting to see a theme here as to why it's difficult from Mexico to establish

stability early on, congratulations, ten points for you. Bustamante's regime sparked widespread uprisings, and Mexico was now in a cycle very familiar in unstable New nations, every presidency followed by a contested election and a rebellion. And so instead this time, what politicians came up with was what was called the Plan of Vera Cruz. In eighteen twenty three, and this was a consequence of Santa Anna's revolt that same year,

this time against Bustamante. Fighting spread across the nation, and as part of the plan, Bustamante finally agreed to step down and Santa Anna, ever the political chameleon, stepped into the presidency, beginning a period of direct rule by Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna. Now, his first term as president, which lasted from eighteen thirty three to eighteen thirty five,

was unlike anything Mexico had ever seen. He campaigned as a liberal reformer, won by a landslide, and then promptly left Vice President Valentine Gomez Farrarias to run the government while he returned home to rest. Gomez ferrarius who might not have been as close to an ally as Lopez thought he was, immediately launched several sweeping reforms. He reduced the influence of the Church, at least formally in government.

He curbed military privileges, He secularized education, some major step forward from Mexico at the time, and he pushed for fiscal modernization throughout the country. Now, these reforms thrilled liberals, but they enraged conservatives and members of the clergy, and so, sensing that the political wins were turning, suddenly, Santa Ana decided to return from his little retirement party to the capitol.

He declared that Farraria's reforms were excessive, and now switching sides, he aligned himself with the Conservatives and not the Vice president, but he left in charge. He overthrew, in fact, the very government that he had been elected to lead. This is one of those bizarre moments in history where people

switching sides lead to rather interesting results. Now, what's fascinating is that at least one thing was becoming clear about the Santa Ana period in Mexican history, and that is that Santa Anna was not loyal to any particular ideology. Santa Anna was only loyal to Santa Anna period, full stop. And that's going to be something that repeats throughout Now with conservative support, Santa Anta dismantled the eighteen twenty four federal system and in place put the siet de Las,

or the Seven Laws, which were passed in eighteen thirty six. Now, these transformed Mexico into a centrist republic. States became a military controlled departments, voting rights were now really restricted, and the presidency gained sweeping powers close to a monarch. There was now a supreme conservative power that oversaw the government. This shift, of course, outraged federalists across the country. Revolts spread everywhere. There was a revolt in Zacatecas, which was

crushed by Santa Ana. There was a revolt throughout the Yucatan which nearly succeeded. And then, of course there was the secession of Texas, which led to the Texas Revolution between eighteen thirty five and eighteen thirty six. I'm going to come back to that one later on. The loss of Texas severely damaged Santa Ana's prestige, especially after his capture at San Jacinto, which is that we'll talk about

in future episodes. That being said, one thing did endure after eighteen thirty five eighteen thirty six, and that was the centrist regime for at least the moment there would be going no going back, that is, to a federal republic. Now. After Santa Anna's defeat in Texas, conservatives rallied around Bustamante again, who returned to the presidency in eighteen thirty seven. This, unfortunately resulted in a couple of issues cropping up Bustamante

faced a lot of things. There was economic collapse, there continued to be regional insurgencies, and there was growing discontent with centralism. That leads me to one of the most interesting parts in this period of history, which is called the pastry or. In the eighteen twenties, during one of Mexico's many internal uprisings, a French baker in Mexico City claimed that Mexican soldiers had looted and destroyed his pastry shop.

He demanded compensation, an extravagant sum. Through diplomatic channels, his complaint was soon folded into a much larger list of grievances by French merchants who argued that Mexico had failed to protect foreign property and honor debts. Backed by the government of Luis Philippe, France demanded six hundred thousand pesos in reparations, an enormous figure for a cash strapped republic.

While Mexico stalled, France quickly escalated the situation. In April of eighteen thirty eight, a French naval squadron arrived in the Gulf of Mexico and imposed a blockade on Mexican ports. By November, French forces bombarded the fortress of San Juande Ulla, guarding the vital port of Vera Cruz. Cannon fire thundered across the harbor, shocking a nation that had barely recovered

from the Texas Revolution. Mexico's defense fell once again. You guessed it to its most familiar and controversial figure, Antonio Lopez de Santana. Rushing to Vera Cruz to repel the French landing, sent Anna personally led troops into battle. During a skirmish, a French cannonball shattered his leg. The limb was amputated, buried with full military honors, and Santa Anna, ever the political showman, transformed the injury into a symbol

of patriotic sacrifice. He would have a prosthetic leg, by the way, made entirely of the silver, that he would have throughout the rest of his life. Militarily, Mexico could not win diplomatically, though it had a lifeline. Britain, eager to stabilize trade in the region, mediated an agreement, and in March of eighteen thirty nine, Mexico agreed to pay the indemnity and French forces withdrew the conflict. Mockingly dubbed the Lagrera de Pastelles. The Pastry War was brief and

it was limited, but its significance was outsized. It marked Mexico's first armed confrontation with a European power as an independent nation. It exposed its military and financial weakness and so the precedent for foreign intervention. It also resurrected in Santa Anna's political career, yet again, proving that even defeat

could spurn someone in to power. The Pastry War over, there was once again a federalist revolt in eighteen forty, because by eighteen forty the political system was near breaking. Federalist rebels briefly seized the National Palace and attempted to

restore the eighteen twenty four constitution. It failed, but the uprising showed that Mexico was still searching, still debating, still fighting over what kind of a nation that it wanted to be, and Mexico was, of course not the only area in Southern and Central America grappling with these issues. Next week, we turn even further south to deal with the variety of rebellions that were all focusing throughout Spain's expulsion from the New World