Episode 332: The Spanish Juggernaut

least the most important player outside of Central Europe. The period between fifteen sixteen and sixteen fifty nine is seen as Spain's golden age. Thanks to its overseas empire, Spain could bankroll enormous ambitions on the continent, though as we saw in the Netherlands, those ambitions were not always wise. But Spain's involvement was critical because he kept the specter of a World War afloat so long as it remained

intimately involved. But in one important respect, the difficulties between the Habsburgs of Austria and the Habsburgs of Spain were quite similar. Like their Austrian cousins, the Spanish Habsburgs ruled a large empire that proved difficult to sustain and manage.

The Empire had recently grown bigger, with the Union of the Crowns forced on the Portuguese by Philip the Second in fifteen eighty The young Don Sebastiano had died and most of the Portuguese nobility had died with him in the disasters Battle of al Caasari el Kabir in Morocco in fifteen seventy eight, effectively extinguishing Portuguese ruling house that

had ruled it since the teen eighty five. It was a shotgun marriage forced by an invading Spanish army, but one which many Portuguese came to appreciate for the access it gave to Spanish wealth and trading opportunities. Portugal itself only brought another one point one new million subjects to the Union, but it had claims in Brazil, Africa and Asia.

These positions, though, were thinly held, with perhaps no more than thirty thousand Europeans and fifteen thousand slaves in Brazil by sixteen hundred, facing around two point four million indigenous inhabitants scattered across the vast but largely unexplored Amazon. A few thousand Portuguese manned forts in Angola and Mozambique, while around ten thousand more were posted across India or the possessions east of the Cape that were governed from Genoa.

Spain itself had around eight point seventy five million inhabitants in Castile and the associated lands of Catalonia, Aragon, Valencia and of course the Basque provinces. Contrary to the trend everywhere else in Europe, Castilian population growth had stopped around fifteen eighty, the onset of poor harvests, plague, emigration to the colonies, and above all the burden of war and

taxation all taking their toll. By sixteen thirty one there were only four million Castilians, and around one million fewer than forty years earlier. Spain's overseas colonies were likewise affected by population decline, but in this case it was the direct consequence of the conquest itself, which brought disease and overwork for the indigenous population, reducing it from a number of thirty four million to around one point five by

sixteen twenty. At that point there were around one hundred and seventy five thousand colonists and a roughly similar number of African slaves and peoples of mixed descent scattered across Mexico, the Caribbean, the western and northern coasts of South America,

and around Manila in the Philippines. The statistics helped put Spain's colonial empire into perspective when compared to its European dominions that at one point five million subjects in the southern Netherlands, over a million apiece in Milan, in Sicily at about three million more in Naples. The importance of Spain's overseas dominions and colonies were only magnified by the poor state of its own economy. Apart from the re export of American silver, Spain's main contributions to European trade

were raw materials and some food stuffs. Growth was inhibited by the country's system of cartels with monopolies over particular products, a practice that extended to colonial trade, with the crown's collaboration with Seville making it the only port accessible to the Americas. Harvest failure and onerous fiscal burden resulted in people leaving the land as they migrated to towns or colonies, weakening the survivor's resistance to aristocratic and clerical encroachments on

their remaining common lands. Private investors and merchants relied on silver receipts to fund consumption, since the country failed to feed its own population and had to import much of its food. The inability to produce useful goods and sufficient quantities prevented Spaniards from benefiting from growth and colonial trade that expanded in line with the rising white population in

the Americas. Dutch and other foreign merchants crowded into the market, obtaining special concessions to use Spain's Atlantic ports around the year sixteen hundred. By sixteen fifty, as a result, there were over one hundred and twenty thousand foreigners in Spain, notably in Seville, where they formed a tenth of the city's population. Though the colonial economy did finally start to

diversify later on, silver was Spain's predominant interest. The New World produced fifty thousand tons of silver between fifteen forty and seventeen hundred, literally doubling the existing stock in Europe.

Exports only really got underway after the discovery of rich seams at Potassi in Bolivia in fifteen forty five and Zaktacas in Mexico in fifteen forty eight, and of course the introduction of German mining techniques which I talked about a little bit previously in fifteen fifty five, that used mercury to separate silver from waste. This system relied on disastrous forced labor. Laborer has died at the rate of forty a day working six day shifts at an altitude

in Potassi of six thousand meters high. Increasingly, Indian villages bought exemptions by paying tribute to higher laborers, who constituted over half the workforce by sixteen hundred, but the system was still controlled by a corrupt local elite that was not above murdering a government inspecter with a cup of poison high chocolates. The silver was carried on the back of thousands of lamas and mules down the mountains all the way to the Pacific coast, where the mercury and

food were collected for the return journey. Meanwhile, the presser's cargo was then shipped north to Panama and carried across

the Isthmus for transport and shipment to Seville. Attempts by the local viceroy to improve the atrocious conditions in the mercury mines contributed to a fluctuing production in Potosi in fifteen ninety one and then a steady decline after fifteen oh five, from a peak of seven point seven million pesos in fifteen ninety two to two point ninety five million by sixteen fifty, but the shortfall was made good by Zakateacas were output increased from sixteen to fifteen thanks

to much more plentiful labor, but Mexican production depended on Spanish mercury, leaving it vulnerable if the sea lanes were interrupted. The lifeline rested on a con voice system, which had been established in fifteen sixty four. Two fleets sailed back and forth across the Atlantic most years. The galleons left Seville in August, headed southwest toward the African coast, then passed the Canaries to pick up the trade winds that

took them due west to the Leeward Islands. From there they could steer southwest to Cartagenia in modern day Columbia, or in Panama to Porto Baillo, a journey of more than almost six thousand miles taking around eight weeks. The normal escort was a squadron of eight warships crewed by two thousand sailors and marines, though the large merton En vessels were also armed. Having collected the silver along with any other colonial products, the fleet would then winter in

Havana before heading back to Seville. The other fleet, called the Flota, set out from Cadiz in April or May with two warships. It followed the same route as the Leeward Islands before turning northwest to Hispaniola, Cuba, and then Vera Cruz in Mexico. To deliver the mercury and collect the Zacateca silver. Both fleets had to return via Colombia through the Bahama Channel that possessed the most dangerous section

of the entire voyage due to hurricane and reefs. The galleons sailed twenty nine times during the first half of the seventeenth century, but only two silver convoys were lost to enemy action, one in sixteen twenty eight and another in sixteen fifty six. Spanish trade with the Americas was worth about ten million ducats a year by sixteen hundred, roughly twice that of the Portuguese trade with the East Indies.

The Portuguese also used a convoy system to protect their share of valuable spice trade across the Indian Ocean background Africa. In addition, they had developed presence at axim Elima on the Gold Coast, which is modern day Ghana, to secure gold and slave trades, establishing further forts around the mouth of the Congo River. By fifteen thirty five, the Portuguese were well and truly involved in the African slave trade. By then, already seven hundred thousand enslaved human beings were

being shipped from Africa to Brazil. Slaves cost around eight hundred pesos about eight months wages for an indigenous worker. As the local population died from a variety of causes, the number of slaves imported increased until the fifteen seventies, when the number rose dramatically in an effort to essentially

replace the evaporating native population. Expansion into the Congo and Angola allowed Portugal access to more enslaved humans, and by the sixteen twenties they were sending over four thousand of them per year across the Atlantic. Then, enslaved African labor had effectively replaced native Indian workers on the vast sugar plantations of Brazil. By the time the slave trade was finally suspended in the eighteen fifties, over three point sixty

five million humans had been forcibly shipped to Brazil. Slaves were but one cog in the system that was the international sugar business. By sixteen hundred, business was well and truly booming. By sixteen twenty eight, a fleet of three hundred ships was in constant motion transporting sugar from Brazil to Portugal. And that was just one part of the sugar trade. Spanish, French, and English colonies were also pumping

out the white gold that a fever pitch. Annual exports tripled by sixteen to fifty when forty thousand tons of sugar made its way across the ocean. In Brazil, sugar accounted for nine tenths of all Brazilian export earnings. Impressive, though these colonial developments were space in its European dominions

remained the real physical basis of the empire. Despite a stagnating economy and inefficient administration, Spain managed to send two hundred and eighteen million ducats to sustain the war in Flanders between fifteen sixty six and fifteen sixty four, whereas American silver receipts only totaled one hundred and twenty one million across the same period. Direct and indirect taxes agreed with the Castilian Cortes or Parliament produced six point two

million ducats a year around sixteen hundred. The most important of these that was the Millonis tax, introduced in fifteen ninety, that raised ninety million ducats between sixteen twenty one and sixteen thirty nine, or three times the amount arriving from the Americas across the same period. By contrast, Catalonia, Valencia, and Aragon paid virtually nothing, since their local assemblies refused

to grant regular taxes to the crown. The Church did pay three levies known as the Three Graces, worth about one point six million ducats annually. The Spanish Netherlands provided three point six million milan around two and Naples twice that, but most of these sums were consumed by local defense.

By contrast, silver imports provided only two million ducats each year to the crown at the turn of the century, since the monarch only received the surplus from the colonial treasuries, as well as a percentage of the much larger private shipments that landed in Seville. America's silver's real value was a source of credit. Landers retained faith in the Crown's ability to pay its spiraling debts. With these future imports, Creditors were given concaniations or claims on specific revenues or

jurors where local government bonds paid fixed interest. The later developed into a form of funded debt as they became traded on the international market through Genoese bankers, who handled most of Spain's external credit until sixteen seventy. Spain's addiction to debt was a huge problem. Only a small portion

of annual income could be used on everyday expenses. The vast majority of the silver imported from the New World and the proceeds from Spain's other domains all went to service the monarchy's massive debts, and as we know, Spain was not consistent in servicing that debt. In fifteen fifty nine, Philip the Second was forced to declare bankruptcy when debt

debt total exceeded twenty five million ducats. Sounds like a lot, well, it was, but it was a far cry from the eighty five million ducats that caused another bankruptcy upon Philip's death in fifteen ninety eight. Eighty five million ducats was ten times the royal revenue of Spain at that time. Don't laugh too hearted, old Philip, though, the United States brought in four point four trillion in time, taxes and other income in twenty twenty three, but our debt stands

at thirty five trillion. It's not ten times, but it's nearly eight. To meet its obligations, the Spanish monarchy started doing what everybody else was doing in the seventeenth century. Sold everything that wasn't nailed down. Titles were sold like they were going out of style. One hundred and sixty nine new lordships were created and sold between sixteen twenty five and sixteen sixty eight. That doubled the size of the Spanish aristocracy. Unfortunately, since nobles were tax exempts, all

this did was eliminate another source of ongoing revenue. By sixteen fifty over ten percent of the population of Castile did not pay taxes. You can probably see this is why Spain's Golden Age is going to end in sixteen fifty nine. All this economic activity was directed towards continuing Spanish imperialism. Military expenditure rose from seven million ducats in fifteen seventy four to nine million by the early fifteen nineties.

Between fifteen ninety six and sixteen hundred appeared only four years. Spain sent three million ducats a year just to sustain the army in the Netherlands, while the Dutch War consumed a total of forty million ducats. Between Philip the Second's death and the sixteen to nine Truce, Spanish forces numbered around one hundred thousand men worldwide in sixteen hundred, with sixty thousand in the Army of Flanders, representing the largest

operational army in Europe. Spain also became Europe's leading naval power during those last two decades of the sixteenth century. They played a major part in the victory of Leponto over the Ottomans and the Mediterranean in fifteen seventy one, allowing it to scale down its galley fleet to around twenty vessels, supported by smaller squadrons operating from Sicily, Naples and Genoa. Other efforts to increase in Imperial armada in the Atlantic were less successful, as underlined by the failed

attempted invasion of England in fifteen eighty eight. The new Millones tax funded fifty six thousand tons of new construction, most of it along the northern coast between fifteen eighty eight and sixteen oh nine, creating a fleet of sixty large warships. By sixteen hundred, this was divided into roughly three equal squadrons, with that at Lisbon patrolling the Atlantic to provide additional security for the two critical silver convoys.

A squadron patrolled the Straits securing access to the Mediterranean, and a third was based along the northern coast for operations against France and the Protestant Powers. A small Pacific squadron of six ships was formed in fifteen eighty to protect the silver shipments between Arica and Panama, but attempts to form an additional Caribbean squadron were frustrated by the continual detachment of its ships to assist the Atlantic convoys.

Naval expansion pushed personnel requirements up to twenty seven thousand by fifteen ninety, at a time when the army also needed more recruits, and at a time when the Castilian population had effectively stopped growing. As the supply of volunteers dwindled, it became harder to rely on the established system of

issuing commissions to officers to recruit units. The state steadily diversified its approach, retaining direct management of the army and navy but contracting out key aspects of recruitment, logistics, and weapons phill Up. The second co opted local nobles and magistrates to recruit men, and tried to revive the defunct militia to provide a measure of security in the hinterlands

of some of the outlying provinces. Meanwhile, the state monopoly over weapons production, created in fifteen sixty two, was progressively dismantled after fifteen ninety eight, placing effectively all works in private hands by sixteen thirty two. Privatization did not necessarily mean state weakness. For example, private shipyards could build a warship for thirty one ducits a ton in the sixteen thirties, four ducats a ton less than the state run yards,

saving an average of about two thousand ducats per ship. However, such measures were clearly unplanned and unwanted, forced upon the monarchy by its inability to just manage the burgeoning debt. Only five point one million ducts of Spain's revenue in fifteen ninety eight was directly available for the crown to spend because the other four point one million was already

mortgaged to creditors or needed to pay interest. Revenue anticipation increased, reducing the quote unquote free proportion to only one point six million by sixteen eighteen. Meanwhile, annual expenditure had climbed to a colossal twelve million ducats, set against a total revenue that fell from twelve point nine million and filled the Second's death to ten million by less maybe by

sixteen twenty one. Philip the Third broke the long tradition of Spanish property by issuing a debased coin the year after his ascension in fifteen ninety eight. Though he agreed to stop issuing these copper coins in sixteen oh eight in return for increased taxes, he resorted to it again both in sixteen seventeen and sixteen twenty one, driving good

coin from circulation and only driving inflation higher. The crown lost in the long run on this gamble because Spaniards paid their taxes in these copper coins, but the soldiers would only accept silver. By the fifteen nineties, even many within Spain believed that the kingdom was in decline. Many argued that states go through natural cycles of rise and decline, citing examples like Greece and the Roman Empire. In Spain, they called this sevato the alfundo. The ship is going down.

Where people could not agree though, is what a man might do about it. Certainly God could reverse the state's downward trajectory, but man, it was widely believed, could maybe slow it. Most thinkers at the time focused on the crown and the monarchy's credibility, ignoring larger trends of de industrialization and agricultural malaise. But while the ship might be going down, it had not capsized. Many remained optimistic about Spain's position going into the Thirty Years War, which probably

explains why Spain will get involved so early. There was reason for optimism, by the way. Compared to France, Spain's chief European rival, Spain looked unified and relatively strong, and Spain had built up so much momentum, though the Spanish juggernauts would ultimately run out of fuel. Not surprisingly, imperial

defense assumed first place in Spanish stratgy. The very extent of the empire had increased the potential enemies, while the spread of heresy raised the specter of internal unrest that manifested itself most clearly in the Dutch revolt after fifteen sixty six. Defense of the trade monopoly with the Indies also expanded with the acquisition of Portugal, whose colonies were lucrative but now also required protection. However, what gave Spain its mission of defense was a defense of Catholicism that

became essentially fused with national identity. The completion of the Reconquista in fourteen ninety two saw the defeat of the last Moorish kingdom in Iberia and earned the monarch the title of his Most Catholic Majesty from the papacy overseas. Conquest added a new missionary role, as Spaniards saw themselves as civilizing this new world. Defense of the Mediterranean against the Ottomans maintained the ideal of crusade that broadened with

the fight against heresy throughout Europe. The Catholic mission extended to the incorporation of Rome itself into Spain's i'd say, informal empire or I guess sphere of influence, extending beyond its formal possessions. This began, of course, with the ascension of the boorge of Pope Alexander the sixth and fourteen ninety two, who divided the New World between Spain and Portugal by the Treaty of Tortosius, the line being slanted

decidedly in Spain's favor. It evolved into a symbiotic relationship, whereby the monarchy and the papacy each drew benefit from each other, but Spain remained the dominant partner. In an age where monarchs were renouncing Rome, Spain remained respectful. Papal feudal jurisdiction over Naples was formally acknowledged by the payment of an annual tribute of seven thousand ducats, but as

I mentioned, this was symbiotic. While money flowed from Spain to Rome, even more went directly into Spanish treasury thanks to papal sanction. The three Graces and other ecclesiastical levies were worth a combined three point six million ducats a year to the Spanish monarchy by sixteen twenty one, accounting for a third of total ordinary revenue. The close ties

to the Universal Church reinforced Spain's imperial mission. Though Charles the Fifth's imperial title passed his brother, not his son, Philip. His legacy enhanced Spain's own sense of empire, and Spanish warships and troops continued to carry flags with the Imperial black double eagle well into the seventeenth century. So while there were issues, it's unclear as to whether or not

the Spanish really understood them. And crucially, if the Spanish didn't understand the kingdom's long term economic problems, neither did the French or the English. Other Europeans believed that Spain's vast American colonies would give it unlimited resources to fight indefinitely. They might have been right had only the Spanish correctly used those resources, but Spain was more realistic. Spain had

no desire to intervene anywhere and everywhere. We saw how Philip the second went back and forth for a significant period of time before attempting twice to intervene in England's affairs. Philip had spent several years in Germany in the late

fifteen forties. He knew Many German princes sure Catholicism gave the Spanish Habsburgs some kind of unifying impetus, but they were more than willing to work with the Lutheran princes Spanish influence declined when the Imperial court moved from Prague to Vienna in sixteen twelve, though to be fair, in part the decline of Spanish influence was due to Philip

the Second's faith in the emperor to protect the Catholic faith. Similarly, Austrian influence was declining in Spain, and the situation grew only more poignant under Philip the Third. Unlike his father, Philip the Third had no personal experience of the empire, and it is assumed even less significance in his political calculations.

The new monarch had been described as quote the laziest ruler Spain has had end quote, echoing Philip the Second's own assessment that quote, God, who has given me so many kingdoms, has denied me a son capable of ruling them end quote. After an initial brief interest, he is widely supposed to have left government in the hands of his favorite, the Count and later Duke of Lerma, and retired to a private world of self gratification. As a result,

according to one historian, quote nobody ruled in Madrid. A world empire was run on automatic pilot. Quote. Such criticism is a little unjust as It creates this false division between a supposedly dynamic Spain under Philip the Second and a declined Spain under his son. Philip the Third, attended Council of State daily from the age fifteen and was already signing documents for his increasingly frail father by fifteen ninety seven. He inherited his father's exalted sense of majesty

and retained the final decision on all important matters. The real difference lay in the more realistic attempt to put this form of absolutism into practice. The king concentrated on his symbolic representation of power through intensifying his father's already remote, inaccessible, lofty majesty by physically removing the monarch from government. Practical business was devolved to the Duke of Lerma, who now

dealt directly with the ministers of government. While I do not want to rehash the Dutch revolt, which lasted until sixteen oh nine, it's important to be cognizant of it as we turn to the outbreak of war in sixteen

eighteen in Prague. The revolt of the Netherlands became Spaceyane's most pressing problem during the later sixteenth century and continued to shape its policy in the first half of the seventeenth It dictated how Madrid reacted the problems elsewhere, since these couldn't be tackled fully, at least until the Dutch

had been dealt with. While it did not cause the Thirty Years War, the revolt heightened the international tension and militants everywhere, and everyone was quick to draw parallels between it and their own struggles in Central Europe. It's important to understand the political, stretrategic, religious and economic situation in the Netherlands in order to comprehend how Spain is going

to respond to Austria's difficulties. After sixteen eighteen, attempts to impose stricter controls over the Low Countries from Spain created opposition amongst Protestant nobility, particularly the House of Orange. Orange also owned the principality of that name in southern France and was related to the Counts of Nassau in the Rhineland. Resentment deepened with Spanish demands to continue with high levels of taxation despite the conclusion of peace with France in

fifteen fifty nine. Philip the Second's insistence on a more active persecution of heresy added religious motives to the mix, and popular riding widened into an ill coordinated revolt after the year fifteen sixty six. Philip only poured gasoline onto the flames in April of fifteen sixty seven by sending the vicious Duke of Alba and ten thousand troops north

along what would become known as the Spanish Road. Alba, as we know, would occupy Antwerp and other major towns, building new fortresses to attempt to control the inhabitants, and instituting an incredibly repressive tribunal to root out both heresy and treason. Though the numbers executed fall a far short of the one hundred thousand claimed in Protestant propaganda, the situation was significantly appalling, for sixty thousand refugees to flee

northwest to Germany and England by fifteen seventy two. The revolt continued back and forth until fifteen seventy seven, when the two sides signed a truce which allowed the seven northern provinces to unify under the so called Union of Utrecht treaty. In fifteen seventy nine, this, though neither side realized it at the time effectively partitioned the Netherlands. The Spanish held the five southern provinces and the rebels the northern seven. Neither side could seem to gain any advantage

over the other's territory. The victory over the Turks at Leponto did allow the Spanish to devote more resources to the Dutch revolt, under the command of the Duke of Parma, who developed a method of warfare and a strategy that became known later as the Flanders School. That's worth paying a little bit of attention to this because these fighting styles are going to be critical in understanding the Thirty Years War. The Flanders School took a careful, methodical approach

to warfare. Parma opened each campaign by sending his cavalry in all directions to confuse the enemy, while shifting his main body of troops from town to town, reducing Dutch strongholds, especially those along the more numerous waterways that were vital to move troops and supplies. The Dutch had strengthened their urban defenses with concentric rings of fortification in the manner of the Italians, intended to keep the enemy at a

distance and prevent him from bombarding their homes. Their expertise as dike builders enabled them to flood the surrounding countryside as well as the usual system of ditches around their positions, while further outworks extended the garrison's field of fire. Such fortresses required huge numbers of men to attack them. Besiegers were forced to date trenches parallel to the enemy's works

to protect themselves from the defender's fire. Once they had entrenched their own artillery to provide covering fire, would then begin the difficult and laborious process of digging towards the selected point of attack, stretching out a second and possibly third parallel as they approached the enemy works. Each time they would bring their guns forward until at last these were entrenched in a point blank range to batter a

hole in the enemy wall. An energetic garrison commander would organize sorties, especially at night, to harass the besiegers, destroy their trenches, and spike their guns. To this extent, nothing had changed since medieval or even classical warfare, and moreover, the besiegers themselves often had to dig an entire outer circle of entrenchments to protect attack from a relief army. Given this dangerous and lengthy process. It became customary to

summon the garrison to surrender at various points. Sometimes the defenders would agree to capitulate if not relieved within a

certain time. Garrisons that surrendered at an early stage were more likely to be granted the honors of war, entitling them to march out with their families, possessions and symbols like flags, and maybe even one or two canon Those that surrendered later often had to do so as prisoners of war, though only the officers would actually be interred, since no government could afford the cost of keeping ordinarily

soldiers incarcerated. Rank and file who were captured were generally impressed into their captors' service, accepting this as the only way to ensure their survival. Now, the last opportunity to surrender came once the inner Wall had been breached. If they refused to surrender now, they would face an assault and their town would be given over for plunder and sometimes massacre. Spain's determination to crack the Dutch defenses led

it to create Europe's largest army. Once Parma persuaded the five remaining loyal provinces to readmit Spanish troops after fifteen eighty two. Already by October of that year, the army of Flanders totaled over sixty one thousand men, while the monarchy maintained a further fifteen thousand in Italy and over twenty thousand in Spain and its other possessions. There were only around two thousand cavalry in Flanders, while a quarter

of the troops elsewhere were mounted. The Spanish system overall was tactically extremely flexible, since troops were accustomed to working in small groups throughout sieges and during campaigns. Now. Of course, Spain had an international empire, so only a small portion of its armies were actually Spanish. While the officer corps were still dominated by the nobility, at the turn of the seventeenth century, it was becoming more and more professional.

That process would accelerate during the Thirty Years War. Parma's war machine was effective in the Netherlands. By fifteen seventy nine, the Spanish had recovered and began recovering towns and cities they had previously lost. This then encouraged England to become involved, though their aid was more theoretical. In fifteen eighty eight, the Dutch formed a confederacy and called the States General, which decisively shifted both the war and the Dutch government

in general toward a republican form of government. Truly, it was the Netherlands economic growth that sustained the state during this protracted struggle for independence. The northern province's population doubled between fifteen twenty and sixteen fifty, already reaching one point five million by sixteen hundred, with numbers boosted by the influx of a further one hundred and fifty thousand refugees fleeing south between fifteen seventy two and sixteen twenty one.

With seven hundred and sixty thousand inhabitants by sixteen fifty, Holland's population far outnumbered that of the next largest province, Friesland, with around one hundred and sixty thousand. Holland was also the most heavily urbanized province, with one hundred and seventy five thousand people living in Amsterdam and another three hundred and sixty five thousand and twenty two other cities. The concentration of people, wealth and talent fueled economic growth, securing

Dutch primacy in world trade by fifteen ninety. This rested primarily on shipping, both in terms of construction and transport for European and world goods. The colonial trade caught the contemporary imagination, but the Baltic and Northern Sea remained the

most important seas for activity. The Dutch fishing fleet totaled two thousand, two hundred and fifty boats in sixteen thirty four, while seven hundred and fifty ships were employed in the Baltic and Mediterranean trade compared to only three hundred in colonial traffic. Ships in the European trade could make up to four trips per year, but a voyage to the

Indies took two years. Much of the colonial trade was linked to European industry, such as the eight hundred boats that visited the care be in between fifteen ninety nine and sixteen oh five to collect salt to preserve Northern

Sea fishing catch. Nonetheless, the spice trade was extremely valuable, with the two thy, seven hundred and ten tons landing annually at the turn of the century worth one hundred and thirty seven tons of silver compared to the one hundred and twenty five thousand tons of grain shipped from the Baltic but that was worth only eighty eight tons

of silver. Interestingly, despite all the economic growth in Holland, the Dutch still paid more to sustain the war effort than they had ever paid in taxes to the Spanish. To me, what this really illustrates is the pure failure of Spanish diplomacy and diplomatic strategy. Had Spain been able to come up with any reasonable settlement, there certainly would have been thousands of Dutch who might have taken the deal, but Philip Parma and Spain remained intransigent and suffered the consequences.

It's worth wondering if the outcome of the Thirty Years War might have been different had the Spanish not spend decades shooting themselves in the foot. The other thing you need to know about the Netherlands leading up to the Thirty Years War is that the Dutch were leaders in European arm sales and manufactures. The Dutch were so good at producing the top tiered weapons needed by European early

modern armies that they never had to give discounts. That being said, the Dutch government would routinely release suburplus weapons to its allies at a reduced cost those manufacturing the weapons however, didn't care who they sold them to. Case in point, the moment the hostilities ended with Spain in sixteen forty eight, the Dutch were selling weapons to their

former enemies. The trade in weaponry accounted for around five percent of the total Dutch economy in the mid seventeenth century, which was a massive amount for a world that was still overwhelmingly agrarian. Like the Spanish, the Dutch also reformed their tactics and strategies during the Long Dutch Revolt, and these reforms were influential during the Thirty Years War. Most

of these reforms are associated with Maurice of Nassau. His reforms were intended to address problems common to all European armies and were highly influential in Germany and Sweden. Nasau developed a four part approach to military discipline. The first was drill, which really had not been a major part of European warfare since the fall of the Western Roman Empire. The second was order units were to move in concert

with one another. The third was internalized drill. The idea was to move from warrior mercenaries to disciplined soldiers who did what they were told. The final element was stressing rewards and punishments. Overall, the goal was to create a citizen army reminiscent of the old Roman legions. The Dutch also had their own techniques for logistics, including recruitment. These reforms are also part of a changing relationship between rulers

and subjects. The German princes and other territorial rulers could already summon their subjects to perform landfloge or assistance against invasion and natural disaster, as well as gertvlage against lawbreakers. The development of the Imperial Peace strengthened these powers by fifteen seventy, since rulers could now call upon subjects to

uphold imperial law and defend the empire. Although territorial estates disputed whether these powers extended to conscripting subjects to fight offensive wars and generally refused to vote taxes for these, princes saw new militias as a way of extending their authority over their subjects and believed that regular drill would spearhead social change in line with the disciplinary and moral drives.

Like these measures, implementation of the territorial defense system relied upon the same network of parish priest, village headmen and princely bailiffs. However, princes encountered resistance from their territorial nobility, who refused to allow their own tenants to be incorporated

into local militias and armies. The result was a compromise, since the reforms dependent on the estate's agreement to pay the drill sergeants buying new weapons, then provide beer and other inducements to encourage men to turn up for training. Militia enrollment was eventually restricted to electoral towns in Brandenburg, while in Saxony nine six hundred and sixty four men were selected from the electors ninety three thousand able body tenants.

Nobles were unable to dodge the system entirely, since their fiefs were long associated with the obligation to perform military service. Local affairs were charged with registering the male population, dividing it into groups according to age, marital status, and fitness, and then selecting unmarried young men for regular instruction by professional drill sergeants. Men were grouped into companies of a standard size, with communities providing complete units and smaller parishes

combining into a field one. Militias were never intended to replace standing armies. Their purpose was to provide immediate local defense against incursions while serving as the primary garrison forces for strategic fortresses. The biggest innovation wrought by the Dutch was to make war a business venture. The Spanish still believed medieval loyalty and oaths of bond would bind their men to their commander even after the money ran out. The Dutch had no such pretensions of grandeur. They knew

professional soldiers needed to be paid regularly. That was the biggest change the Dutch brought to war. They combined it with economics. By sixteen hundred, the Dutch revolt was truly draining Spain of resources. It had lost about fifteen hundred men per year since fifteen eighty two and seemed to

be losing ground everywhere. Spain. Despite what should have been the obvious naval superiority they had, were unable to resupply their forces in the Netherlands due to effective Dutch defensive measures. The Spanish could not get past the various small island chains with their larger galleons, making it difficult for the Duke of Alba to keep his armies in the field. Hence, Alba had to find an overland route, which was called

the Spanish Road. It wasn't really a road, more of a marked path that moved troops from Spain's Mediterranean coast to the English Channel and ultimately Low countries. The march from Milan to Flanders through Spanish territory was about one thousand kilometers long, but because the Spanish had to avoid France,

they had no other choice and it was the safer option. Hence, between fifteen sixty seven and sixteen twenty, over one hundred and twenty three thousand men traveled the Spanish Road to Flanders, compared to just seventeen thousand, six hundred men who got to the same place by sea. This fact illustrates the difficulty of logistics in the early modern world, which will be crucial in the Thirty Years War. Europe was in the early seventeenth century still very much a patchwork continent

of various kingdoms and principalities. Moving through different territories might be possible, but only with skilled negotiation and planning. In sixteen oh nine, the Spanish and Dutch agreed to a truce. It wouldn't hold, but for the moment at least, it seemed like Spain had managed to extricate itself from war with three European powers, the Netherlands, England and France. Recall Spain support the Catholic faction before Henry the Fourth ultimately

won the French crown, establishing the Borban dynasty. Hence, after sixteen oh nine, it looked like Spain was in a good condition, though it could hardly afford to embroil itself in a new conflict before paying down at least some of its existing war debt. Nothing at the time suggested that the coming conflict in Central Europe was imminent, but as we'll see next week, conflict was just around the corner now here. I want to pause for a brief moment and talk about some changes that are coming up

with the show. Essentially, I'm realizing that the writing might be on the wall. I am going to be taken out, but not by a human competitor. AI is coming for me. Artificial intelligence is already producing podcasts, and it's going to be able to produce podcasts much faster than I can. This has taken me about ten years to get to this point. I'm sure I could do it in about fifteen minutes. So as a consequence, we're going to cut

some of the depth. We're going to go back to briefer episodes that cover more terrain in a faster period of time, because I'd like to get to the end of the show before my end. Now we'll see how this goes, but ultimately there'll be more shows produced more quickly, and hopefully that'll be a good thing. It's also due

to the changing structure of advertisement. In order to get my hosting for free, I have to keep the ads, and those ads and numbers seem to just continuously go up, and so shorter episodes will just mean less of those, which I think is for the best. Now, if you'd like more detailed episodes, those are always available. You can check out Western SI podcast two point oh the links in the show notes there. If you don't like the ads at all either, you can get the ad free

version of this show for dollars a month. So there are options out there. But look forward to a couple of coming episodes in the next few weeks that look to be shorter, but hopefully will come out with greater frequency. As always, this has been one of the most interesting and love desires of my life, and I have enjoyed producing these programs. I very very very very much want to get to the modern age and finish before the robots finish me off. We'll see if I can do it.