Charles, before we started recording, you were just telling me the differences now between consulate what High Commission and embassy. That's really interesting. Just quickly go through None. that. The distinct, the, the fundamental distinction is that a Commonwealth country will have what we call a High Commission, a British High Commission and therefore a High Commissioner. Whereas a non Commonwealth country will have a an embassy.
And then a consulate will be a sort of smaller enterprise that doesn't have a diplomatic or at least a, not a sort of, I suppose, Tier 1 diplomatic capability. And therefore would be a, would be a, a processing place for visas and passports and, and that kind of thing. And I think for me, I, you know, what we were talking about just before we started recording was that I haven't, I've, I spent some time, Naomi, working on what was called ironically,
defence diplomacy. I mean, it's, that's sort of not as funny as it sounds because that it is absolutely a thing. And this is part of what's, you know, what gets described as soft power. And there are so many ways in which soft power plays out and and sort of is deployed. But I think my OK, I wasn't there.
But my feeling on it is that in fact, as time has passed since countries became independent from the British Empire, and I will just pause here to say that I'm not advocating for the continuation of an empire as it was. What I am trying to set out is a case by which from the outside or or at least partially from the inside, in the time that I was there, it seems that the British have really lost lost a grip on how to relate to other countries that that you know.
And of course we can go through all the terrible wrongs of the past and all that nonsense that gets exploited now for all sorts of gain on on both sides. But I think what I really mean is that the, even the Commonwealth, I, I think that the United Kingdom doesn't behave in a, in a properly interested fashion towards those sorts of countries. And I, and I think that's a, that's a massive mistake.
And say the defence diplomacy thing, which I basically means that in some way there's a relationship between the Foreign Commonwealth and Development Office and the Ministry of Defence. In order that there's a British military presence in a particular country, there always is via the defence attache or military attache or whatever,
whatever he or she is is called. But in addition to that, there might be a team that that's loosely attached to a High Commission, usually because this is less so in countries where where there isn't a Commonwealth connection, but, but that involves liaison with the host nation armed forces and therefore the projection of what is described as soft power via training or, you know, sharing of information and, and this, that and the other. And it's, you know, you can see
how this comes into play. I mean, my experience of it was in mostly Eastern, but a little bit Southern Africa. And it's, it's evolved absolutely for sure. But I think also even in that arena, they've, they've lost, lost grip and, and also it's a very competitive space.
And I saw this, you know, I'm going back nearly 20 years now, but I saw this, the, the competition between particularly the United States and in fact, funnily enough, the Nordic countries in terms of presenting the greatest offerings to these nations in order that you would secure particular concessions to be able to do whatever it is. And then, and then if you do then go and look at, as I say, in my experience, Eastern Africa, what happened, particularly in Djibouti was
very interesting, which was the Americans first sort of foot on the ground was the camp that they put in Djibouti. And then you look at how all the, the port infrastructure has, has sort of developed in, in that region around the Horn of Africa and all the rest of it. So it's, it's a big topic, but it, but it goes back to this, the idea that in some way, you know, the Commonwealth is
special. And of course, the, you know, the one anomaly, the significant anomaly, it's not the only anomaly, but the, but the one very significant anomaly, of course, is that Rwanda became part of the Commonwealth, having not previously been part of, you know, what one might describe as the Empire. So anyway, we could go on. But but yeah, it's just, it's just an interesting, an
interesting point. And I think like so many things, it's easy just to gloss over the what seemed like not terribly significant distinctions, but I think I think they are significant, but perhaps not so much in the way that they that they necessarily should be. But you, you were just talking about, you know, South Africa's relationship with the United
Kingdom on that front. And sort of, you know, how well actually I'd, I'd be really interested to know now, particularly given South Africa's stance on Israel, how do you think relations are between South Africa and the United Kingdom? No, they're not as good as they used to be, but our relations with most Western countries appears to be deteriorating. I, I, I would like to just jump in here German for May and say I need to just challenge a couple of things that that Charles said there.
My first question is, did the British Empire end? And I would argue that it didn't, that it just changed into something different. And I mean, one analogy or one comparison we might use. This is the Roman Empire, for example, which was very much a military operation until it morphed into the Roman Catholic Church and suddenly it became a soft power operation instead. And I, I would draw some
parallels there. But the other thing that I would just say is that that I don't think we should ignore the, the wrongs in inverted commas of the British Empire.
I think we should look actually a lot closer at those than perhaps we're willing to. And that is because the, the actual modus operandi of that of the empire, as it was particularly in the late 1930 twenties, well, in the 19th century, let's say mid to late 19th century, we see the same types of, of act of activities, the same types of manipulations
being used then as we see today. And actually to get an understanding of, I would argue to get an understanding of, of the types of things, activities that we see from the so called deep state, which is an expression of empire, that, that we need to be actually looking very closely at what the, the British Empire did and how it maintained it's influence in, in
certain countries. If we look at Palestine, if we look at India or we look at Ireland, for example, just to give 3 examples, we see the same types of behaviours in each of those theatres and, and we see the same types of behaviours from certain factions today. And, and I think that would help us actually understand what's happening to us now because we are actually on the receiving end of that.
I'm talking about the British people, Europeans, United States. I don't know so much about South Africa, but certainly we are on the receiving, receiving end of the same type of manipulations. And I think there's value in, in being a bit more a bit objective for trying to separate ourselves from, from what we might see as as not quite sure how to put this, but some, some kind of of loyalty to, to Britain as it was at that time. I'd be interested in Charles's
rebuttal of that. Yeah, well, I mean good challenge and I think it is very important to to have challenge and and to thrash this stuff out. I think yes, of course I I do agree with what you're saying on both points. I mean, insofar as the empire having ended. I think what I mean by that.
OK, sorry. Or rather, would I be right in thinking that what you mean by that is that is that in actual fact, the influence that pervades the countries that constituted the empire is, to all intents and purposes still there, it just manifests in a different way. Is that? Is that what you mean? Well, that's part of it, yes, absolutely.
You know, the Commonwealth is, is a soft power operation and you know, notionally the, the, the Crown is still head of the Commonwealth, but it is certainly from a, a deep state point of view, it, it is certainly one of the, the channels that, that we influence the, the same countries that we were actually physically occupying at a certain point.
And, and my, I would, I would question the degree of independence that many of these countries or any of these countries have because, because we still accept and, and those those countries still look up to, in a certain sense, Britain. Yeah, OK. No, no, with that I would totally agree. It depends. Yeah, I know. I suppose it depends on how many layers one wants to consider. There might be in terms of motivation and benefits, perceived benefits on either
side. If if one's to imagine that the empire was supposedly benefiting the ruling classes and indeed the state of the United Kingdom during its pomp, then I I don't know that one can suggest that the same could be said for the
sort of legacy framework now. And I'm, I'm really only talking about the sort of the, the ruling class is part in the, the, the way I see it is that the, the communications and the dealings with countries that were formerly part of the empire and do have terrific resources and capabilities that could still be tapped into. I don't, I just don't see that that's being done effectively it.
I think that depends on what your definition is because you know, I would argue that the British Empire was not about the ruling classes. The British Empire was about the City of London, the British East India Company. It was, it was a financial corporate empire that, that made use of the resources of the state and the, and the cover of it being the British State Empire as to cover the activities, the corporate financial activities that were going on. And, and, and in fact, the deep
state was, was tied into that. If we look at what's going on today, I would argue and we're seeing, you know, the, the, the, the coming out of the shadows once again of the merger between state and corporation and the merger between state and financial institution, that, that it's, it's again changing into something that maybe resembles a bit more of what was
going on in, in the late 1800s. But but you know, if, if that's your definition of what the empire was, then I think what we're seeing today is it looks a lot more like that than than than the idea that it was, you know, pumping up the the so called oligarchy or aristocracy, whatever you want to call it. Yeah, OK. I think actually in in either situation there, what what I would say is, is very stark.
And funnily enough, we've talked about this before, but the one that, you know, as far as the British were concerned, and, and I think we do have to be quite specific because when you consider how other Western nations colonised that the, the, the modus upper and was different in each respect.
But the, what characterised British, the, the British sort of colonial approach, or at least one of the defining things that enabled so much of what you describe was the development of infrastructure in order that a lot of the things that had to happen, which did have a bearing on all the the finance and banking things was, was deliverable.
And what is very, very stark, I would say pretty much without exception, is that post independence, that infrastructure has completely and utterly crumbled. And that therefore has frustrated what one might regard as efforts to continue to benefit the City of London and the bankers. Because you, you know, you do still require things to actually work. And that's the bit that's been lost control of.
And that and you know, and then, then, well, I don't want to sort of confuse the conversation, but then it's interesting to look now at how the European Union has sort of inveigled itself in lots of parts of these world, lots of these parts of the world. And also China again and the influence that China's brought to bear. UAE. There are, you know, lots of other countries have had the chance to, I would say, come in and to a great extent displace what the British might otherwise
still be doing. So I would push back a little bit on that as well because of course the infrastructure has crumbled in these countries, but infrastructure has crumbled in Britain and in the United States and the in the EU as well. Because of course we're in the transitionary economic period where we've abandoned the productive capability that we have and therefore we don't need that infrastructure that we are turning ourselves into a digital services economy.
And alongside that comes the totalitarian digital grid that we are all familiar with. And, and the in fact, the restrictions on travel, the restrictions on freedoms that are coming with that don't need that infrastructure either. So. So I would suggest that that it's maybe not as simple as as as that. OK, yeah, I mean, I I agree with you that that's exactly how it's
being put forward. But I think, you know, just considering what Patrick Wood was talking to John by the other day, you know, we're to an extent talking about technocracy and the the idea that that's how the situation can run. Of course, it's still unproven. And let's just think about something we've we were covering on. Well, not, not you or me, but but that was dealt with on Wednesday's news programme this week was lithium, for example,
is constant bang on a bit. You know, whether it's rare earth minerals or this, that and the other all of this stuff, despite the fact, yes, it is digital and therefore it's apparently not tangible, of course it is there. There is a massive amount of infrastructure and resource requirement for this. And I think that that is totally overlooked. You know, the, the idea that this stuff can just build and build and build without there
needing to be an improvement. If they if this is is to actually play out without there being an improvement in the way in which that happens. Because at the moment, for example, the, the United Kingdom's plan for digital everything is, is, has got holes a mile wide in it because they don't have the materials to be able to do what it is.
And that's why I, you know, I do go by and it's to sound sort of mundanely pragmatic, but I, but I do think that that one cannot ignore the requirement for an infrastructure that does deliver whatever it is, however conceptual. The final point actually is there are still people and things that need to be in place for that to happen. And that's the bit that I see as having changed so radically from
the days of empire. And when we, it doesn't matter whether we're talking about the East India Company or whatever it was, but the, the system underneath which the, the banking operation sat was a well oiled machine. And I don't see that that that is the case now. So I, I, I totally agree, but that's absolutely where, where we seem to be going as a country.
So this is not exclusive to, you know, the empire as it was or is, but but I think it's it, you know, the the idea of a collapse is, you know, something that people really do have to consider, but in but in every regard. I mean, I would completely agree with that bit than you said there, Charles. I would argue that the empire that that that was and I as I say that I would argue still is is in a state of collapse and and you know, an expression of
that. Of course, you know, the, the empire can only be built on people and, and what we have seen of course in the last 100 years is a collapse in standards right across the board. So inevitably the expression of empire that we see is in a state of collapse. They make bad decisions, they make wrong decisions. They, they don't recognise the need for, as you say, the, the, the, the fact that they do still require infrastructure if they're going to develop this digital control grid.
At every level of society, we see this, this collapse in, in intellect and, and ability. And so inevitably, whatever the expression of empire that we have is going to come up in the same type of, we're going to see the same type of collapse. I would I would suggest. Yeah, OK. I'd say. Yeah. I mean, I in a sense, it seems to me like we're we're sort of talking about the same thing, but from perhaps slightly different angles in that we're both talking about collapse.
And I suppose, yes, to be fair, what I'm describing by collapse means that my perspective is that that's a failure. Is that, that that therefore suggests that actually Britain has lost, you know, the United Kingdom has lost it, the grip it once had. But but I mean, that's a, it's, you know, in a way, a slightly more semantic point on the issue of, of recriminations. And you know, how awful all this
was. I, I, I really was only talking about the way in which that relates to to the very dull sort of. Sometimes overt political discourse and and the egging on of countries to to call for reparations in the church getting involved that it just just the type of thing that is just so, so utterly pointless, frankly. And and it it doesn't in any way address any of the things that you're actually talking about. So this is so it's, it's totally superficial and you know, it's a
directory. Yeah, yeah, it's totally, an utterly, totally an utterly. And and you know, you think of how you know that then pushing on to something like slavery and like the National Gallery or the National Portrait Gallery. I think now, well, if just for a number of years, it's certainly on the website. I can't remember if it's beside
their paintings. You know, every single portrait or painting has has a, a sort of, it was like a Fact Check of whether or not the artist or the subject of the painting or whoever commissioned or paid for it had any links to slavery. OK, if all the things, you know, what, is there anything else you'd like to write about it? No, no, no, we'll just, we'll just concentrate on that one thing. And of course, by slavery, they only meant the slavery of.
Well, I always describe sort of African people. I mean, it's so it's just so unbelievably superficial and narrow and and inflammatory, but yeah, so that I think that's really what I meant. But no, I mean, otherwise, yeah. Gosh, I I would totally agree. And, you know, we talked, I think it was last week. I absolutely we're talking about the the Roman Empire and all of it. I mean, it's it's endlessly fascinating.
And in fact, Jim, again, this came up to a certain extent with EM Burlingame on the the idea of, of civilizations and and that kind of thing and and how how this idea of sort of power and influence persists, but through the people. And I thought, I thought, I thought that was very interesting. Well, Mike, do you not think that there is a case to be made, as difficult as it might be for Empire? No, I don't. I don't think that that because what's the cost for that?
And, you know, I, I, I really find that a hard argument to to agree with. You know, it comes back to the the famous scene in in the Life of Brian where they're talking about what did the Romans ever did for us and of course the aqueducts and all this kind of stuff. Well, yeah, OK. But one, one of the things we got to remember is that the, you know, the reason that infrastructure was built was to make the trading and effectively the rape of the countries possible.
You know, at the, at the, the, the, the idea of the modern nation state is based on the principle. It comes from the Treaty of Westphalia. It's based on the principle. If you look at the first clause of that treaty, it talks about each nation operating for the benefit of the other. And through that comes peace. And this is the basis of the modern nation state.
Now that is totally anti empire because if you, if you're recognising that peaceful coexistence comes from the fact that you can benefit as, as a nation from helping your fellow
nation benefit. That is a very different approach to going into a country, colonising it, installing infrastructure, installing a legal system that suits you and withdrawing without giving any decent compensation, withdrawing the raw materials from that company so that you can profit and build your productive capacity. Right. There's, there's 22 very different approaches there. And I think that that, you know, for all its faults, and I'm not denying there are many, many
faults with, with bricks. Bricks seems to be more aligned with the Westphalian principle than other forms of of about. I don't even want to call it empire because I'm not sure that it is. But you know, if we believe in the idea of peoples and nations having sovereignty, then they have to be allowed to develop independently and how we can assist with that development as long as it is a bilateral assistance and not a unilateral assistance.
And that that that would be that would be my answer to that. This is a long conversation, but I think that that, you know, there is strength in people who come from a common background and have common outlook working as a nation. I mean this is the whole principle of of a nation. That's that's a lot of that's where a lot of the strength that we have comes from having a common basis for what we're doing, whether that's that is a family level or a community
level or a nation level. But I think that's where the, I think that's where the the conflict starts arising is at what point? No. In what sense? Well, for example, China has 1 1/2 billion people. I mean, that's not even a nation. That is not just an entire civilization. But then you could compare that to say, I don't know, Liechtenstein, which has what, 40,000 people? But, but that, but that's based on the implication that that people have to be managed.
And, and you know, with that, that, that gets in the whole conversation about, about what our form of governance should be. But, you know, I, I think that, I think that the, the, the principle that we're talking about here is, is 1 where we, no matter what size of, of organisational unit that we have, that we're looking at our neighbours and, and, and we're looking at them as friends, not,
not in, in competition. That we've got to Blatter them over the head with a big gun and, and make sure that they're, they keep low while we rise to the top. That we could the, you know, that we can, we can actually cooperate and function and recognise that, that, that other groupings, no matter what size they are, might have something
to bring to the party. And, and that we can work together to, you know, and this, this, this comes back to this issue of whether we can actually outgrow the whole issue or, or concept of geopolitics and, and think more in terms of, of a genuine recognition of and a genuine respect for the differences that we have. And that those differences might
actually bring solutions. But that only works if we are prepared to consider people from other countries or other groupings as as friends rather than people that are just trying to steal our lunch. Well, I was just going back to I, I don't mean to be too much of a parent, but but might use the word assist And I, I just, I was going to ask what you're talking about relationships between countries and, and the
notion of assistance. I was just wondering what what you meant by that and how you sort of see that. I can't remember what I said. No what? What? OK, annoyingly I can't remember exactly what you said either, so we have to listen back on on no. What's my what Mike was saying is that instead of going into those regions, colonising and imposing your politics and your beliefs etcetera, you rather allow them to grow and if yours is more advanced than theirs, then you assist.
And so you're asking what I mean by assist? Yeah, yes. Well, I mean, OK, cooperate, whatever, whatever, whatever term we want to use. But but you know, The thing is that we're not going in with guns and saying right, this is the way it's going to be that that actually we do have to respect the approach that.
So, you know, if, if, if, if a country that we consider to be, you know, a bunch of uncivilised heathens, if we view them that way and, and therefore we have no respect for, for their wish to live in a particular way with a particular lifestyle. You know, then we may have a tendency to go into that country and, and say, no, this is the way you've got to do it. And if you don't want to do it that way, tough luck because we've got the guns and you don't.
This isn't the right, this isn't the right approach. That's not cooperation. You know, it begins with respect, respect for, for the, the culture that that exists in another part of the world. And if, if the answer from them is no, then the answer is no. And and we should not be weighing in with our boots just because they have a particular rare earth under the ground. OK, Yeah, good.
Yeah, I, I, no, I mean, the, the reason I ask is because again, slightly going back to where we started the conversation with regard to all the various projects that in particular the United Kingdom has running in countries all over the world under the apparent heading of assistance. And having having been in a position where I've supposedly been providing that sort of assistance.
My question, not just now, but even at the time was always, was always to consider putting the boot on the other first and, and imagining why it would be that people, wherever they may be, would consider that they actually want assistance and what the what the purpose of such a thing might be. And, and I would say, of course, I totally agree with you. I mean, the the idea of just sort of tipping up somewhere and saying, right, we'll have that and we've got guns.
So, you know, just keep quiet or, or indeed, you know, die, make die makes an offer, whatever it is. I think honesty frankly, and it should be, it should be no different from a transaction between an individual. If if somebody has got sort of, you know, lovely carrots or marrows in their garden and you want them and you say right, well I'd be interested in, you know, in some of those, what
would you like for them? You know, why should we regard that just because we are supposedly, and I absolutely say supposedly more more developed, more civilised, more powerful, whatever whatever qualification that that somehow gives us the right to first of all, consider that we can get what we want.
But but also that we that we sort of have any kind of a right to do anything other than simply declare honestly to whichever doesn't, not even a country, you know, region, whoever's, whoever is controlling a particular resource that we're interested in. Why? And I appreciate this sounds hopelessly naive, but, but, but really to consider that anything other than saying we really like your XY and Z, would you like to enter into some sort of mutually
beneficial agreement? And I think this is this goes back to to what I've observed with the with the post empire countries. Is that that bit And OK, we of course, if one considers that all of it's to an extent intentional, then fine, that explains it away. But but I don't think that is the case for absolutely everybody, certainly not on the corporate spectrum where actually maximising profits is what matters.
But the the cat handed way in which people try to negotiate and make arrangements in order that they can try to satisfy both parties, It's just woeful. But it's so, it's so flipping obvious. You know, you're quite right. You don't have the guns, you don't have the inherent suggestion that somehow you're better.
But but, but nonetheless, the, the without corruption, without the pouring of significant amounts of money into the pockets of people that shouldn't be taking control of it, very little of this would be possible because the, the absolute lack of respect for the simple process of coming to an arrangement that satisfies both parties. And and that is exactly where we should be with it. So, so going back to your question, Germ, as to whether, you know, whether empire can be good.
I mean, I, I, I don't, I, I, I don't see how. I mean, it's, I, I said earlier that the British Empire was characterised OK by a lot of things. But one of the, one of the great legacies has been the road rail shipping networks, which, which given the time at which they've done in the terrain and all the rest of it are absolutely
extraordinary. Of course, almost all now totally redundant and and broken, but unless those were going to be of significant benefit for the people that were living in those places, then then frankly, none of that should have happened. You know, what use, what use does somebody living in, well, let's say Eastern Africa sort of in the interior have for a railway, unless it is simply to to dig stuff out the ground, take it back out and what are
they going to get out of it? You know, supposedly our education voting, but of course that's tax and control. So yes, I mean, I, I'm afraid to say I don't see that. I don't think there's such a thing as a sort of benevolent empire. And we go back to the, the idea of the, the, you know, the Monty Python, you know, what did, what
did the Romans ever do for us? Well, I mean, I think it's quite clear, although we wouldn't be having this conversation, They, they, they laid the template, they set out the means by which all of these things can be done and, you know, further carried out by others along the way. I mean, you know, to an extent the Normans and, and that the baton was simply picked up in the, well, sort of early or pre Victorian period and and rolled out again. So the the the only, the only.
Well, in fact, Charles, you know you can, if you let's pick a time in history where we start. If we look at the, the original Silk Road, the original Silk Road trading empire was as far from the European side was, was based in Venice and, and the Lombard area. This created a banking system which was known as the Lombard banking system. You go to the City of London now you see Lombard St you see and, and you see all these references back to that original Venetian
empire. And, and so you can follow, actually, you can actually follow that as it, as it moved westwards from, from Venice and, and through the, the Dutch and the Netherlands and the Dutch East India Company into the City of London and so on. So, you know, this is a, it's a continuous process rather than sort of an empire collapsing and, and reforming somewhere else. It has moved, moved across the world.
So it's ended up in London and now it's sort of headed, you know, in more recent year, decades headed West so that you can't ignore the, the Wall Street part of that as well. But nonetheless, it it's, it's still there as it was. Yeah, I know. I mean, I I would totally agree. I I mean, I'm simply talking about sort of rehashing the same template. I'm not, I'm not specifically saying that's that's British, but I mean, no, it's, it's
fascinating. I think when one examines it in those terms, it's it's everywhere. Just it's exactly, it keeps keeps rolling. Yeah, but but I just, you know, I don't see that that one can ever say there are perceived benefits for the the whatever they're called. You know, there's the sort of the victims or the the nations that end up having this superimposed on top of them. And I mean, but I but I mean do
you do you have? Just before you ask Jeremy this, I'd just like to make one other point and that's this whole issue of British, because a lot of people, of course, are or get very sensitive about once you start accusing, because then maybe we're British ourselves. We sometimes get upset about it being attached to the word British. And I was just, I just want to, before we move on, make the
point. There's quite an astute observation by David Scott and that was that we have an occupying power in this country and we we should perceive it as being parasitic in nature. So it's not British, it's not an expression of the British people. It is something that has been imposed on this country at this point in time and maybe if we recognise that we can begin to to think about ways that we might want to deal with it. Sorry, what? Was your question, Charles?
Oh, just whether with your question about empire and and there being any benefit from it. So I was just wondering whether you had a sort of counter, you know, whether you could see a way in which it can work. No, I largely do. No, I largely do agree with with your comments. I was obviously asking for the sake of of devil's advocate.
Yeah. However, and this is obviously perhaps a more personal tug of war, but I am a result of effectively the British Empire's expansion, my parents too, and my grandparents and in fact the entire Afrikaner nation if you think about it. And so if they are no perceived benefits, then it kind of negates quite a lot of stuff that that matters to us now. Things are what they are obviously, and you can't reverse anything. So then I guess the conversation comes around, well, comes around
to what happens next. So South Africa, for example, is no longer part of the Commonwealth, but I think Canada and Australia still are. Should they in essence, disconnect from the Crown? I think that's, that's not a, that's not a, a question that we can answer. That is something which is absolutely for the people of those countries. But I mean on, on the, you know, I'm also a product of that expansion in a sense, because, you know, I come from Northern Ireland, Presbyterian family.
We were sent there as part of various settlements, settlement operations in the in fact, I can't even remember exactly when our family ended up in that country. But but the point is you're, you're asking where does that, where does that leave you? And I think this is, this is a
tricky thing. I think it becomes what we're seeing in terms of of this sort of pressure for reparations or the pressure for the pressure on the Afrikaans nation within South Africa and so on. Is it and just a continuing expression of the same types of divide and conquer tactics that we've seen from empires in the past. And you know, the fact of the matter is you are there and you've been there for whatever number of years that that.
It, it would be incorrect in my opinion to that then say well, you've no right to be there anymore, so get out this, this would not be the right thing to do. I think we've got to, we've got to start recognising that black white in South Africa or Protestant Catholic in Ireland or whatever it happens to be, we have been on the receiving end of manipulations of a different type of people. And that actually we are all the victims of that in the sense.
And we shouldn't be actually even thinking about it in terms of victimhood anymore, in my opinion. But we should be recognising that we are friends and the enemy is something different and we should be coming together on that basis and not, not resorting to to falling into the same old trap which is imposed on us by them to believe that
somehow we are enemies. And so, you know, I, I think we got to, we got to start recognising what has happened in a, in a slightly different way over the last few 100 years and recognising who the the, the instigators of that have have been and who's actually has been on the receiving end of those activities. And maybe we recognise who the real enemy is at that point. Yeah. Well, what about Israel, for example?
I mean, we know that there are many commentators who we personally know who will argue against the existence of Israel. But people who are born our age now in Israel, it's not their fault what happened in 19 in the 1940s. No, but they have to they, they, they currently do not they, they're currently the people that are pulling the triggers
charm. And so, so you know, they have to begin by recognising what it is that they're pulling the trigger on behalf of. And they've got to, in my opinion, they've got to stop doing that and they've got to stop doing it yesterday. And they've got to actually recognise that the people that they're pulling the triggers on have rights. So that's, that's where that
conversation begins. But, but I, I'm I'm afraid I agree that that state that that that state of Israel actually does have no right to exist as it's currently constituted. Now what you do with the people that live there, that's a different question. But the entity itself does not have a right to exist. Is it would be my personal opinion because it is the creation of of the of British manipulation. Are there other examples do you think? I mean, obviously they are.
Sorry, let me rephrase that. What other examples are similar to to Israel? I think South Africa is quite different. Because we are talking about Empire and the expansion. No, I mean, you could look, look, Jeremy, you could argue that every border in Africa was a creation of empire and that it's all fake.
And, you know, and I think, I think that I think that there is very much an argument for saying to people, well, you know, this border was drawn in order to inflamed tensions between people's tribal groups, whatever it happens to be in Africa. If we're taking Africa as an example. And, and we need to say to people, you know, what, what's your view of this? Do you feel that you're part of
the Zulu nation or some other? I mean, I, I don't know the names of, of many of the, the, the, the nations in, in Africa. But the question is, do do those borders get redrawn or do people now have some kind of feeling of, of connection to the entity that, that that there happened to be surrounded by? But that happens through conversation rather than conquest at this point. It would would be how I would argue for it. US also.
Well, the United States, you know, you know, no matter how you look at it, the United States has a lot of things to be proud of. It's got a lot of things to be absolutely ashamed of. And, and the effective genocide of of the native peoples is and the continuing suppression of those peoples is something that has to be addressed. It's I think there's no question about that. The question is what, what you do about it?
That starts with a conversation. And it's not about sort of, you know, the, the, the, the types of, of reparations that we're talking about. It's, it's how to look into the future and what, what, what happens in the future. It's, I think what's happened has happened. And, and you don't solve that problem by just necessarily just
by throwing money at the issue. Because if you just if you throw money at the issue but don't resolve the fundamental problems that exist, then then you're not actually solving anything. But this goes back to something that you have said a number of times, Mike, that we need to take responsibility firstly at our, at our individual level and then in our family level and then our community level. Because when we have those conversations on, on the ground level, that is where we have
influence. We we don't really have influence over what's happening at the top. We don't have direct influence. But if you know, I've said, I've said many times that that the top, whatever that is, has no direct capability to control world affairs. It has to use layers, various layers of middle management, no?
I'm sorry, what I'm saying is, what I'm saying is that the the expansion of various empires has never come from people on the ground, has come from the top using the people on the ground. That's right. So, so yeah, so we've got to have a we've got to recognise that and and make a decision about whether we want to whether we want to be involved in that or not. And the same goes for whether we
want to go to fight in a war. For example, the, the, the government of the day says, well, we're going to have a war with country X. And so you've all got to join up and you've all got to get involved and whatnot. Well, you know, if we look at the the first and Second World wars, there were a few people that were not prepared to, to do
that. And they, they found various ways of some of them in the First World War didn't survive as a result, because that was something that was viewed very dimly by the state. The Second World War still viewed pretty dimly, but at least they weren't shooting anybody as far as I'm aware. Correct me if I'm wrong, Charles, but you know, countries can only prosecute wars abroad if at this point in time if, if people are willing to go and
take part in those. Of course, we're seeing that change in the next decade or two because more and more autonomous and and remotely controlled computer controlled AI controlled capability is being developed. And I think that is a step that we definitely don't want to be going in. We don't, but I, I'm, I'm, I think we should reserve judgement as to how that would actually play out. I think, I think there's, there's such a ridiculous sort of hyperbole surrounding all
that kind of thing. And the, the notion that just because in well, what's become sort of conventional warfare, you know, if you, if you have control of the air and then you can begin to assert dominance over particular pieces of ground, whole ground, you know, and how you, you shape the, the battlespace. As a result. The idea that this can be done remotely or, and, or autonomously and that there can be an enduring effect, I think is, I think is a complete misreading of the situation.
I think you can, you can create devastating sort of human casualty with these sorts of things. And I think, you know, we're specific, well, specifically talking about, let's say drones for the time being, because they're, they're in relative terms, sort of cheap and easy. But, but in terms of enduring effects, I, I would be, I'd be very, very doubtful about that. And I, I, OK, everywhere is
different. Of course I would cite say Afghanistan over the period, you know, 2001 onwards and how, how utterly failed any effort was at what was called ground holding. The, the, the whole, the operations there that were described as being to, let's say, liberate and then take control of and, and and re redevelop a particular area where I think without exception, utterly hopeless it is.
I think people have a massive tendency to underestimate how difficult this sort of thing is and what it really means. So I, I don't know whether beyond the the initial horror of, of casualties, I don't know whether any of these, whether any of these effects will be felt in a sustained context. I, I'm afraid I, I'd rather doubt it actually. But yeah, sorry, Jim, just go back.
And just to qualify, I mean, not, not, I'm not suggesting I, I struck a, a personal nerve, but I, but I do think it's very important to make a distinction. No, no, no, no, but I, but I, but I, it's, it's, it's a point very, very much worth making because first of all, it brings out the sort of nebulous question of, well, I mean, you know, how far do we go back with all of this? And that's a perennial problem to a certain extent. SO11 wants to try to be
consistent. And I think you're very, you know, he's very opposite to bring in Israel, for example. I think I think that that absolutely is a totally different situation, which we probably haven't got time to quite go into. But I'm sure that people have who've certainly followed UK column and and listened to this podcast for a period of time and understand exactly what I mean
by that. And I think there is, there is absolutely a distinction to be drawn between the banking and corporate influences and then the state, state activities in terms of, you know, sort of colonial subsuming of, of
countries into an empire. And then the, the settler communities who go there to, I would say, do, do the, the part that I was talking about earlier, which, which relies on mutual benefit, you know, you can't, you can't simply, I mean, by and large in, well, actually all, let's say all of the parts of Africa that were settled in by Europeans, agriculture was the, the, the absolutely the main practise of that.
And you, you can't make that work without there being a, a benefit for the people who are, who are there, you know, nearby. So no, I, I do, and I don't mean to sound inconsistent, but I do absolutely make a distinction for that. And OK, yes, to an extent. I'm motivated to say that by my own, well, personal experiences in so far as how I've seen it
play out. And, and from having spent, admittedly not in recent years, but having spent some time in South Africa in, you know, a few parts of the country and seen the relationship between the, the progeny of those settler communities, you know, effectively the, the relationship between white and black people with which I have absolutely no issue. I mean, the, we're always going to be able to find exceptions to that.
But but the way in which those people rather alongside each other is, is, you know, it is, it is fantastic. I mean, it's, it's sort of it's heartwarming. And I don't mean that in a patronising sense. I mean, I'd be equally tonighted if people, if, if white people in the United Kingdom behave like that towards one another. But there's such a, there's such a level of sort of mutual love
and respect. And I've seen that all over, you know, sort of southern and Eastern Africa where there are these still white, you know, the, the today's iteration of white settler communities. And they would not have been able to survive had they not been acting in such fashion. That meant that their operations were were working and perceived to be working in the eyes of of people who, let's say, had been there first. But as I say, they'll be falling
into the world. How far back do you go thing? Because ultimately we've all come from somewhere else. So I think that's, I think that's worth saying. And also we have to, we do have to be quite specific about these things. Because if funnily enough, actually a conversation I was having yesterday was about just kind of interesting distinction between say the way that that manifested in Africa as opposed to in India.
There is, there is a popular in terms of people, there is a legacy in say India, but it's but it's completely different. You know, the Anglo Indian community is not in any way comparable to what has remained in Africa. And that that is, that is a, you know, a sort of talking point. It's, it's an interesting thing. So I don't think 1 can be generic or universal about any of these things.
So to be very specific about South Africa, no, I mean, I, you know, you can point to isolated incidents, but no, I mean, essentially I see no issue with, with the, the, the settler practise and, and mentality. And I'm sure there will be people who, who will react against that and that and that's completely fine. But that is the way I see it. Just quickly as we come in for a landing, nice way to circle back to the start of the conversation.
We're chatting about embassies and consulates, etcetera. Charles, do you think that that countries should have visa applications? Hong Kong for example, doesn't require a visa for most countries, but like coming to the UKII require, I have to apply for a visa, which means that I can be rejected. Yeah, I mean that that that's a
really good question. And it's something in which or at least examining that gives gives a really good insight into the terrific small minded, small mindedness and pettiness of ministers in the British government and indeed the sorts of corporate leanings on them. Because it is, it's a little bit like the sort of Trump tariffs. I mean, it's it's a kind of it's a tit for tat. And this been this has been
going on forever. You know, a, a particular country will make a, make a new policy on the visa requirement or the entry charge for a British national to go to that country. And then the next thing you know that the, you know, the situation is being flipped the other way. So I think the whole thing is, is, is absurd. No, I, I personally, I don't think they should. I don't think there should be
any requirement. I mean, I think we know now without biometric gulf, it is perfectly possible to keep, keep a record of somebody that goes into a country when they go across the border. And to, to, to put you through the process of, you know, all that investment of of sort of time and effort to say that, yes, you know, we, we think that it's appropriate that you come here and obviously, no, I mean, I think, I think that's completely wrong.
And that, and that in a way that goes back to the heart of, of what we're talking about, which is this element of there being mutual respect between countries. And, and what really what, what does that say? What does it say if you're saying to 1 country icon, you know, and you come, we're not going to check anything, do what you like. And then to another, you're saying, no, we, we, we're going to do our level best to, to keep you out, but we still want to have, have access to all the
good bits in your country. I mean, that's, that's a, that's a ridiculous message to be sending. I'm sure you agree, Mike. Absolutely. Good, there we go. Well with that in mind I still have to apply for a visa, but with some with some good fortune I won't be arrested and I'll see you chance in a couple of months time. Well, what I would say is good luck, good luck wherever you're coming into, whether it be Heathrow, well, whichever airport, good, good luck.
I mean, this is it, you know, go back to the how all these things have collapsed. I mean, I, I, I know this sort of sounds silly in a way, but I am so embarrassed by the state of the larger, well, English airports and the way in which they treat people. It, it is appalling. And, and yet we have the temerity to, to, you know, in, in going back to the word that that Mike used to, to say that we can assist other countries with, with matters that they might not be able to manage themselves.
We can't run a flipping airport. Obviously, you know, it is a joke. I think we've talked about this before. We probably have and sorry to Chuck that in now, but, but, but you know, really, if you're going to be put, put through all that to get a visa, you should be impressed by what you see. You should, you should feel that that's that, that you'll sort of recompensed in kind. And, and, and I'm afraid that's just, you know, that's not how it is anyway, obviously to be enjoyed.
Make sure you're you're overwhelmingly cheerful and see how many responses, appropriate responses you get from anyone in in the airports you go through in this country, I would say. My Controls Thank you for joining me in the Weekly.