And, This is How Trump’s Tariffs Cost YOU Money With Anthony Scaramucci - podcast episode cover

And, This is How Trump’s Tariffs Cost YOU Money With Anthony Scaramucci

Apr 04, 20251 hr 6 min
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Episode description

Former White House Communications Director Anthony Scaramucci joins the podcast to talk tariffs and a theoretical Trump third term.  

IG: @ThisisGavinNewsom
Email: [email protected]
Phone: 855-6NEWSOM

See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Transcript

Speaker 1

Well, we're finally here. It's liberation Day? Or is it? In America? Is it recession Day? Is it tax Day? Is it liquidation Day? All the punditry out and the realities, the new realities of unprecedented tariffs, unprecedented tax increases in the United States of America, certainly in peacetime up to twenty three percent, tariffs all around the globe. Are we in a trade war? What does this mean in terms of you and your household and expenses? Are cars going

to get cheaper? Or as Donald Trump says, it doesn't even matter. We're going to talk about all of those things, as well as what went right, what went wrong with the Harris campaign? What is the path back for the Democratic Party? With Anthony Scaramucci up next on This is Gavin Newsom. This is Gavin Newsom, and this is Anthony Scaramuci.

Speaker 2

The governor knew some going for the silver Fox. Look, okay, this is this is Latin American dictator Brown governor.

Speaker 1

If you ever need it's called, it's called just for men, Anthony, That's what that's called.

Speaker 2

Well, I was using Cuban leader Black, but it looked terrible on TV.

Speaker 1

So I've likened noven do you have to do it? I don't even have the guts to try to turn orange.

Speaker 2

Well you don't. You definitely don't want to turn orange, especially these days. That would be a bad color for both of us.

Speaker 1

Speaking of of orange, I mean, uh, I mean we all, we all waited for this moment. Uh did you predict it be this volatile, this reckless? I knew it would be bad.

Speaker 2

I didn't. You know. The thing that you always prayed for is that he would have some people around him slow him down. You know, he if you talked to him in Uchin, or you talk to Gary Gary Cohen former Goldman Sachs President, chief operating officer, they slow he This was the potential implementation in twenty eighteen. They slowed that down. Kelly slowed it down. Minuchin. All of those guys did not want this, and so he wasn't able

to do this. Now he has willing accomplices. Gap. You know, how do you want me to address you, governor of Gavin?

Speaker 1

How do you want Gavin works? I mean, I get you know, walk the streets with me. I'll get asshole, I'll get everything. So I'll take gavinbody.

Speaker 2

I've been called a lot worse than Mooch and Anthony. Trust me, you can't. You can't go into politics without getting some shit.

Speaker 1

But let me I'm curious. I mean it is interesting because Trump one point zero. I mean, obviously this fixation that he's had for decades. You've known Trump for quite literally decades, you know, on and off, and obviously worked briefly for him. But I mean, he's the one thing legitimately he has been consistent about as a former Democrat, pro choice Democrat. It's an interesting area of consistency. It's

on the issues of tariffs. So to your point, this obviously must have been on the agenda at least internally in the first administration. But did you ever see it at this level? I mean, this is not even reciprocal tariffts. These are sort of seemed random, and they seem almost I mean it's like a that was a strange I mean, it's always a reality TV show. But you had to see that board yesterday and the nature of how they

came up with the numerics and divide by two. I mean, that couldn't have been necessarily on the docket in the first term.

Speaker 2

Was it? No? I don't think it was this level of unseriousness. I think in the first administration it was he wanted to attack on across the board tariffs, and he wanted to put up a border, a financial border, if you will, around the United States. Remember, he wants to wall the United States off literally and physically from the rest of the world. The Trump doctrine and the

reason why he goes back to McKinley. During President McKinley's administration, ninety seven percent of what we produced we consumed inside the country. And so Trump's attitude is that the world has free loaded off the US and that we need to wall ourselves off literally and physically from the rest of the world. Now that misunderstands how actually the world works,

and this is the problem we're all having. We need somebody like you to organize the scent and explain to people that what Trump is doing is actually catastrophic for our economy. What he's doing would take us back to the nineteen thirties with the Smooth Hawley Act, which steepened a recession and turned it into a Great depression. Trump could touch off deflation, Governor Newsom. And if you touch off deflation in a society like ours, it's absolutely catastrophic

because remember we're in a debt laiden society. So let me just give this example. If you have a two hundred and fifty thousand dollars mortgage and an eighty thousand dollars job in a deflationary society, your salary is going down alongside the goods and services, but your debt's not going down. You're forced to pay back the debt with dollars that are worth more than the dollars you borrow. In an inflationary situation, you can pay back the debt

with dollars that are worth less. But if the counter should happen, it's absolutely devastating for the society. And so the FED is going to be forced now to cut rates because the FED fears deflation way more than inflation. So what he's doing is actually historically catastrophic. He's doing something that literally, if you said, governor, if I said to you, okay, let's get in a room, you and I,

and let's dismantle the global trading system. Let's get every one of our allies sore at us, and let's give our adversaries a leg up. Let's give China an opportunity now, to re engage with Europe and become their number one trading partner. What should we do to do that in sixty five seventy days? And this is what you would do. Everything that he's implemented is doing that, and his unserious cabinet. They can't defend it. I mean Lutnix on TV tried

to defend it. Cannot defend it. I feel bad for Scott, you know, the Secretary Treasury Bessent. It's like blink twice, we'll get steal Team six and they'll take you off to see and we'll take you off the CNN shout, you know. I mean, it's it's embarrassing. It's embarrassing for all of us because, Okay, there are this is the and this is the thing with Donald Trump. There are things about him that centrist wall Streeter centrists do like

they want a stronger border. I think you've had several people on your show that have articulated that they want some banking deregulation, some positive crypto regulation. But with Donald Trump's or you go to the buffet table with your tray, you can't pick the things that you want. Alec cart he force feeds you everything you know, he force feed you the mean coin, He force feeds you the rhetoric on the fifty first state. He force feed you the

nonsense about NATO and the and the UH. I mean, what the dressing down of Zelensky, what they did to Zelenski, to me is literally one of the most un American things that I've seen. So so we're in a situation now where even ram Paul, Sir, even ram Paul got to the airwaves last night and said that what he's proposing is absurd. And of course the markets are reacting with their signal, not noise signal, they're signaling how absurd this all is.

Speaker 1

So there's so much to unpacking what you said, and I want to I want to explore a number of the points you made, but let's just go back to a fundamental point. And it goes back to just you know, the person that is Donald Trump. He wants to be loved. The markets matter to him. It's it's the one sort of objective scorecard. He's got to see this kind of volatility. I mean, he sort of previewed a little bit of it.

You've seen some of that volatility over the course of the last few months, and he pulled back on some of his assertions and some of his threats and promises. I mean, what happens you think in the next few days on the basis of this reaction, global reaction, but profound impacts in terms of the market volatility.

Speaker 2

Well, he has sent out his keyboard warriors this morning to say to people, come to the table. Eric Trump is out on X or whatever they call it now saying hey, come to the table and negotiate with my dad, or it's going to end badly for you. I've seen it my whole life, you know. And so they're nervous, you know, they're sending out signals to people that okay, we've obviously overstepped. Obviously this governor I call it the anti ten Commandments. It's like the Evil ten Commandments. He

had this big tablet in his hand. We had orange Moses descending from Mount Evil with the you know, indiscernible tablet. But they now know that they've overstepped, and so they're nervous, and they're they're they're trying to tell leaders, now, come to the table, my father declare victory. You know, you know, Prime Minister Carney, come to the table. And then he'll put out on truth social I've lowered the terriffts for Canada. You know, this sort of thing, And it's actually it's

actually embarrassing. You know, it's embarrassing because I can't speak for the school system in California, but I would imagine sometime in the first grade, like the school system here in New York, you read The Emperor has No Clothes. I was seven when I first read this brilliant piece of literature, and I remember remarking to myself at age seven, well, who would be stupid enough to tell an emperor that he has clothes on? When he has no clothes on?

And of course, now here we are in twenty twenty five, it's fifty four years after I read this beautiful piece of first grade literature, and I'm watching people in the President's court do things. I'm they're bobbleheads, Governor, you know, they're bobbling. They're their head saying yes, yes, yes, we're privately they're saying no, no, no, And so I do think there would be a breach. But I want to go back to your loved thing, because I think this

is a forty year idea for Trump. He mentioned it to Oprah Winfrey in the mid eighties, and he wants to implement it and so if it causes hardship. In his perverse mind, he thinks that this is a solution for America. He thinks this is a reassuring solution for America. He thinks this is an end of the freeloading. You know, this is what his team says on signal. But of course you and I know that that's not the case. And I can prove to your viewers and listeners that

this is not the case. America, by integrating with the rest of the world, created a bigger market for America, more prosperity for America. Is it perfect? No, Should our political leadership have checked some of the rights that the Chinese had wto as the Chinese economy grew? Yes, I

accept that. Should we have checked some of the towers that could put on us, certainly, But the notion that America would integrate with the rest of the world and then generally provide a security umbrella for the free world has led to incredible amounts of peace and incredible amounts of prosperity here in America. And let me just point

this out to you before you ask another question. In nineteen eighty two, we had approximately five percent of the world's population and twenty six percent of the world's output. It's the same number today. So think of the rising living standards around the world. I can prove to you prime a facia that the policies have generally worked. We just needed to have done a better job. We left a vacuum of advocacy your party, Frankly, my party, my old party. We left the vacuum of advocacy for white,

middle class, blue collar workers. And I would suggest that we got to get back to that. You know, if you want to have the counter narrative to the nonsense that's going on those families, and this would be my own family. You know, they voted for the Franklin Roosevelt's, they voted for the Jack Kennedy's, they voted for the Lynda Johnson's. But it seems like we just lost our way and we left those people out of the American

aspirational economy. You know, many of those people now so feel desperational.

Speaker 1

So and I appreciate that. I think it's what led you to appreciate Trump as a Republican. And you were out there campaigning for Jeb Bush and others. But I think you constantly.

Speaker 2

You're you're a Catholic? Is that right?

Speaker 1

Governor there, I'm right out of the old Irish Catholic.

Speaker 2

Because you know, I just could be a confessional for me. I won't have to go on Saturday. You know, I can confess all my sins. I can confess all my sins working for Donald Trump.

Speaker 3

No.

Speaker 1

But but but I'm going to compliment you a little bit because what you just expressed is what you also experienced. And you talk often about New Mexico when you're out there, and you saw him at least talking to those folks, not talking down to them, and acknowledging them. I see you,

I care at least asserting that he cared. And you saw my party that seemed to be defending NAFTA, defending TPP, defending some of those trade deals, or at least struggling with them as it relates to an electoral strategy, not fully appreciating the magnitude of the displacement and the despair in the faces and the heart of so many, and so what you know, appreciating that and appreciating there were people there yesterday with President that you know, united, our

workers and others that just feel like this is we are getting ripped off and you at least this gives us a shot again. I mean, what is there a case that you can make. Is there a case that Trump himself at this moment particularly he can defend or do you just think he went further than he realized he went? And this is completely reckless, not just taking the risk.

Speaker 2

So again, the case could have been made for or fifty years ago, but it can't be realistically made today. That's the problem because NAFTA caused a full integration of the Canadian and almost the full integration of the Mexican economy. So as an example, a Prime Minister Corney who's a personal friend of mine, I worked with mcgoldman thirty five

years ago. He would tell you that autoparts are coming across the border back and forth at least six times before they get installed in the car, and you can't charge twenty five percent tariffs each time it moves across the border. And so we've integrated the economies. If you said to me we needed to right size elements of the tariff system to protect American working class families, I

would say resoundingly yes. Have you said to me we need surgical tariffs where we need to go through the tariff system and say, okay, the Chinese are dumping this product into our market, they are subsidizing it with their government's help, and they're giving an artificial price of rosa.

Speaker 1

And we saw that of course with Biden. I mean he built off Trump's targeted tariffs, and Biden administration certainly had that meant yea, they.

Speaker 2

Went more delicately through the list. And this is the thing about Donald Trump that we have to acknowledge. There are kernels of truth in what he's saying. It's the implementation of the policy that's flawed. But if you're telling me we have a problem at the border, Milton Friedman would have said years ago, well, if you have a welfare state in the US does have one, you have to protect your border because free market forces dictate that

people will cross the border. And so I think what happened is because of anti Trump sentiment, President Biden reversed all of that through executive action. It was more of an anti Trump statement than it was real thought out policy, and that hurt the Democrats. In twenty twenty four, but there was a kernel of truth of what Trump was saying. It's more about theventation and the heavy handedness. And again

same thing with the tariffs. The President is correct that we need to bolster living standards in America for lower and middle income people. The President is correct that there have been elements of the trade system where we've been taking advantage of. You know, the World Trade Organization let China in with extraordinary emerging market latitude, extraordinary, and they never corrected it as China arose. And I'll say something, Governor does not reflect well on me, but I'll share

it with you. At the age of twenty, at the age of thirty five, in nineteen ninety nine, the World Trade Organization, there were protests in Seattle. Do you remember these? I don't. I remember, of course, okay, And so Ralph Nader was up there. Working class families were up there. They said, please, please, do not let the Chinese into the WTO, and you'll cause a hollowing out of our manufacturing.

You'll ruin our middle class aspirational jobs. Please don't. I was a young Wall Street person at the time, and I had bought into the Wall Street narrative that this was going to lower the cost of capital deployment, lower the cost of labor, and was going to be generally good for the economy, the stock market, and generally good for people. And it was an advancement. It was progress.

But those workers were right, Governor Newsom, I got that wrong at age twenty nine, because the aftermath of what happened twenty five, twenty six years later is this dilemma, this systemic rise in populism. Moreover, when President Bush implemented the TARP money, he made a very big mistake, and I think he's willing to admit it today. He put

a trillion into the banks. If he puts seven to fifty into the bank, sir, and maybe two point fifty into the lower and middle income people, you maybe wouldn't have had the Occupy Wall Street movement. Maybe it wouldn't have morphed into the Tea Party movement. You see, there was a there was an unfairness in the policy that created a prairie fire of popularism.

Speaker 3

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Speaker 2

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Speaker 1

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Speaker 3

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Speaker 2

Yeah.

Speaker 1

No, I mean, I think you mark two profoundly consequential moments the WTO. It's interesting just even talking to members of the Clinton administration talking former President Clinton himself about WTO, and it's half math. I think there's there's not only a reckoning in terms of our politics today and direct connection in that respect, but I think there's a growing

recognition of the outsized consequence of the WTO. But I also appreciate your point around the Wall Street relief and this sort of main street Wall Street frame and after the financial crisis, with you know, and obviously the biding excuse me, Obama administration inherited a lot of that and sort of maintained not totally dissimilar policies as it relates to that bailout and the consequences to the populism that we're experiencing today. Let me just back up, just talking

about the challenges of today. I mean, how does knowing Donald Trump as the way you know him, how does he get out of this? Is it just you know, he's got sixty countries, he got sixty leaders come in one off, he starts negotiating bs deals that he claims credit for having quote unquote succeeded in level setting the playing field. Or is there going to be more sweeping across the board recalibration with the EU as an example

or other allies. What's your over under in terms of the next days not just weeks?

Speaker 2

Yeah, I mean, I mean, I mean, anything is possible, Governor Newsom. But but I'm and I'm generally an optimist about life, but I'm pessimistic about this. And just hear me out for a second, and I'd love to get you to react to it. We've had a bipartisan commitment to this economic, geo political footprint. We've had a bipartisan commitment on containment, the NATO security umbrella, the free trading mechanisms around the world, America absorbing some of that because

we're the richest nation. And he's ending all of that. He's ending all of that very abruptly, and he's doing it in a way that's raising risk premium around the world. So said differently, if I was a European leader, I'd be like, Okay, whoa, it's not just Donald Trump. Fifty percent of the people voted for him. There's something wrong in the body politic in the US now. That's going to make the US a little bit more arbitrary and

a little bit more capricious. And it's decision making unless you're telling me we can find a transformative, postpartisan leader that can galvanize the Americans. Again. If I'm in Europe, I'm like, Okay, I got to have other options now. And I think the market is signaling even if Trump tomorrow says okay, EU, here's this deal, and China, here's

that deal. And oh, by the way, I wave my beautiful magic wand here's the new tablet coming down from Mount stupidity, and here's what we're going to do now. I think he's upset the apple card enough where you're now creating different sets of outcomes and different sets of decision making from other responsible political leaders. Do you think I'm going too far and thinking that as a no?

Speaker 1

I mean, I think that course was set weeks and weeks prior to the tariffs, as it relates to the reorder in our alliances, and you know Jade Vance's speech in Munich, the security coffer talking down and past our allies, and as you said, the ambush in the Oval with Zelenski, and the messages that have been said, And I can just let me just reinforce that point of view on the basis of the kind of outreach that I've directly received as governor of a state that happens to be

larger than twenty one state populations combined, the fifth largest economy in the world, where foreign leaders have reached directly out to California to express that anxiety and concern from a sub national level and look to engage us directly with all the volatility and the uncertainty again prior to this tariff announcement coming from the White House. So I think the consequences are off the charts and profound. And it begs then this question, Anthony. You look, we watched

Project twenty twenty five. I felt some of us were accused of crying wolf on it. But this sort of shock in awe, this flood in the zone, as Bannon loves to say, as one speeds, you know, he puts his foot on the gas. There's no break with Trump. Has that even surprised you to the degree that he's moved this early?

Speaker 2

That didn't I think what has surprised me, frankly is the willing sick events, the willing enablers. There's usually people of conscience in the room that say, WHOA, that doesn't work for me, you know, John Kelly. John Kelly fired me Governor Newsom on the thirty first of July twenty seventeen.

We've become very close friends, and you know, we socialize together, and my wife Deirdre and Karen and him hang out together and we talk about the dilemma of working with Donald Trump, you know, and this is a weirdness to him. There's like an anti there's a conflict of boys. I've been dying to ask you this question since I saw you at the night of the debate where you and

I were in September together in Philadelphia. Both they are supporting Vice President Harris when he attacks you, the president President trum he attached you as a keyboard worrying bully. But then when he has to face you in person, and thank god, you're tall, sob because I'm not as tall as you. At least you can stand off to him face to face. He never attacks you face to face. Oh, Gavin, you're a great guy. You know this sort of stuff.

What do you make of that, sir, if you don't mind, man, And I wink I was just with that question for six months.

Speaker 1

Anthony, I've had for me sort of a bookmark in history. Interesting experience. I was there near the end of the Biden administration in the Oval for about ninety minutes up in the residence with President Biden, and then invited back same guy, same state, same Democrat a few weeks later, and I think I was the first Democrat to sit down in the Oval with Donald Trump. And it was ninety plus minutes, and they kept trying to extract us from one another. And it was because it was deeply

engaging and personal. He's incredibly charismatic, as you know.

Speaker 2

Well, look, he said, I hate to say this to people, but he's a very charming guy in that.

Speaker 1

Interpersonal interaction, and there's no doesn't he doesn't want conflict. And I'll be candid with you. It surprised me on the Zelenski I call it an ambush. I saw that

more as an ambush coming from JD. Mansh and the Vice President than even Trump, because it's not like Trump to do that in the old I was surprised because of the interpersonal because he tends to like that rapport one on one that said, others have different theories, but it's an interesting dynamic that people don't fully appreciate.

Speaker 2

But sir, when he goes off on you on truth social with the nonsense name calling, and then you see him like a week later or a day later in California, he acts like it didn't happen, right, of.

Speaker 1

Course no, and in fact gets a little uncomfortable when you say, hey, you know what happened in the new skum He's like okay, and he literally that's when he's sort of unmoored a little bit because he doesn't want to engage in that. And so look, and I think that's the difficult part, is figuring out what's real, what's not, what's performative, what's not. I mean, for him, it's about

the crowds. I mean even made that point. He goes the crowd loves it, and so I'm like, okay, whatever your crowd needs The problem is I feel like it's you know, I'm watching Gladiator three, or at least the preview Glattery three with the thumbs up thumbs down. You don't know which help direction it's going to go based upon the crowd. And that again begs my concern now, you know, and not just concern, but consideration of a sort of reconsideration. How would this crowd in terms of

the markets. You know, he dismissed his mother nature, but the markets can't be easily dismissed. People's four oh one k. You're even seeing it's not just Rampaul, there's some other Republicans that are marginally expressing concern around tariffs. You're seeing

now layoffs. You're seeing announcements from these companies that we're supposed to be spending trillions of dollars coming in the United States now actually saying they're not going to invest in these factories in some of these world parts of the country. I mean, I've got to think, and I know you're sort of challenging that that he's got to reverse more quickly than perhaps even you think.

Speaker 2

No, yes, but I don't see how we get undamaged from this. You know, like you know. Here's the cruel admission. I knew how bad it was. I endorsed President Biden in twenty twenty. As you know, I helped on debate prep and tried to act as a surrogate for the Vice President Harris in twenty twenty four.

Speaker 1

And you didn't try to act. You were a surrogate and an incredibly effective one.

Speaker 2

This is an existential crisis, or this is a postpartisan thing. What I My message to your party is open the door, expand the tent. Remember what Lyndon Johnson said, Let's get all the elephants in the tent pissing out. Let's not have elephants outside the tent pissing in. Make it a pro democracy movement, make it a pro America movement. Make it a postpartisan transfer so that we can beat the current Wig Party, which the Whig Party is the Maga party.

It's at a step with America. They can beat us if we are dissembling, they can beat us if we're internescently fighting with each other. But if we expand the tent. And some of your friends on the liberal side don't like me because I was with Trump, I understand that, but hold your.

Speaker 1

Nose Okay, hold your nose like me, because I shook his hand at the tarmac. Yes, and and and return his phone calls. I mean, which you know, that's a deeper conversation, and so I appreciate it.

Speaker 2

I applaud you. Look, I don't like Steve Okay, you know, Bannon I think is a national disgrace. I'll just say that, Thank god he's so ugly frankly, Otherwise he could be like a more powerful figure. I think that was the Good Lord helping us. But I'm just saying to you, I admire you having a conversation with him, Charlie. I know forever I campaigned with Charlie in Pennsylvania. With Trump,

he's a formidable young man. I think he's intellectually misguided, but I think it's important for you to speak with him. And the fact that your base or your coalition on the Democratic side would lambast you for that, they are making a mistake. If Churchill could hang with Attlee to beat Hitler. Okay, And I'm not comparing Trump to Hitler. I'm just saying we have an existential crisis going on. He is going down Project twenty twenty five. He wants

to weekend. The legislative branch. He wants to disgrace the media week in it. He wants to weaken the judicial branch. He's going after our law firms in a way that I don't fully understand.

Speaker 1

And by the way, let me those and the law firms are quickly capitult.

Speaker 2

Yeahstated, he's going after our law firms in a way that even they don't understand the long term ramifications of it. There you go, and so guys, let's stop fighting with each other. Okay. We love our country. We love our system. We like the checks and balances, the decentralized nature of the country that have allowed our families, the Newsome family, the Karamuchi family to rise, Okay, from modest beginnings, whether they were in Ireland or they were in Italy. We

came here for this great opportunity. We don't want authoritarianism to spoil it. He wants that. Okay, If you don't think he wants that, you're not paying close enough attention and you're not going down the list and somebody like you, I applaud you for bringing me on so that we can discuss this. I admire you for bringing these other guys on that I may disagree with but I admire you for it because open the tent, let's get the people in the tent. There's more of us that love

the country, care about the country. I may not agree with you on certain pots policy, so what we care and believe in the system together And I think that's the resonating message that you're going for. And I applaud you for it.

Speaker 1

Now and I appreciate that, and I hope our parties listening to that because this no I mean, you know, this is about addition, not subtraction. We can't afford to lose any more folks. And I think the cornerstone of this conversation is the folks we are losing is a working class. Again. I keep going back to your story that was so resonant with you, at least as you continue to share it over the course of the years of being there on the campaign travel Donald Trump and

giving voice to these folks. And Bernie Sanders in some respects does as well. There's sort of populism on both sides of the of the Aisle, but our party, for whatever reason, hasn't been able to connect in that respect. And to that point, I want to I want to ask you this why because I thought, and my not just think, I core believe that Joe Biden and his four years as president, was one of the most pro worker presidents in my lifetime. He had an industrial policy

that was workers centered. I mean, hell, even walk the picket line, the IRA, the chips and science ac the bipartisan bills, I mean there were over four hundred five bartisan bills. But infrastructure, the fact we saw actual investments being made again, supporting workers, supporting the heartland, supporting the folks quote unquote that we lost in this election. Did I read that wrong? You were a supporter of Biden.

I thought we were making that point, but it seems to have been lost, or at least wasn't inherited by Harris.

Speaker 2

I don't think you're reading that wrong. But what I think we have to acknowledge, unfortunately, is that the presidency itself, to quote Theodore Roosevelt, is a bully pulpit, and so one of the jobs of the president and he or she is to be the great salesman or saleswoman for the country. And the president put in the chip sacked very successful the Inflation Reduction Act, which had all that

embedded infrastructure very successful. There was a lot of things that he did that were pro worker and pro union, very successful. But unfortunately the president was struggling verbally by the middle of his term and he was no longer able to passionately advocate for that. The sixty five year old Joe Biden, if I'm just being brutally honest, would have slayed Donald Trump stayed in the race, been able to make that argument and built on that legislative agenda.

Now he made that fatal Shakespearean mistake. He should have said in September of twenty three, here are the fifteen twenty things that I've done that very benefited the economy. Economies on the uptick, inflation is on the downtick. I heard the message. I got the message from the absenteeism of US meaning normal Democrats, absenteeism. You know, I got the Bernie Sanders Trump message. This is what I'm doing with policy to fill the space. But I'm too old

for the job. And so it's September twenty twenty three. I'm going to open up the primary, okay, not having not having a Democratic New Hampshire primary in twenty twenty four. Again, if I'm being brutally honest, or it's shameful because you're attacking Trump for his anti democracy stance, but then you're saying, well,

we're not going to have a primary. Well, you know what, even Jimmy Carter had that primary against Teddy Kennedy, and I think it's a I think it's a mistake, and so I don't want to go back and relitigate the whole thing. I respect the Biden family. I'm not trying to do that, but I'm saying going forward, you guys got to get it together, and you got to coalesce around a national figure that can offer the dissent, that can offer the opposition. Now he's blowing I'm looking over

the camera here to see NBC. He's blown the doors off the global economy. He's blown the doors off the stock market. We're plus fifty percent now, greater likely to have a recession, the poly markets saying four rate cuts are so that's a first quarter twenty six recession. And so get it together, beat these guys in the midterms, get it together and put up a candidate to box these guys out in twenty eight so that the situation doesn't get worse.

Speaker 1

And Anthony, let me ask you a question. I mean, it's it's tactical, and I want to talk a little bit about your perspective on Harris and the outcome, because I think you were like me that we felt more confident than certainly the outcome. But in terms of the guy or gal in the white horse to come save today, I know, you know, parties tend to focus so much on that, and my party, Democratic Party seems disproportionately always focused on the person on the white horse to save us,

seems to me. Over the years, Uh, the Republican Party has been a little bit more structurally focused on school boards and focusing on legislative races in states large and small, a bottom up frame, not necessarily a top.

Speaker 2

Generation operation, red maps or you know that. You know that, you know the coinage of that term, right. We they they said, Okay, we've got to get into those state legislatures. They'll help us jerry mander these districts and will even though we're a minority party in terms of registrations, let's organize and we'll beat these guys by using the tyranny of the minority right. The founders were worried about the tyranny of the majority, but the Republicans organize and assertive

themselves using the tyranny of the minority. That's a fascinating point that you're bringing up.

Speaker 1

Yeah, and so it's interesting for me. It's both and and I one of the things that that I'm I caution my party about is if we're too fixated on a personality, uh, then we're miss an opportunity to sort of reimagine our party because there's bigger trend lines here that sort of predate COVID and even Trump as it relates to, you know, starting to lose this multi ethnic

young men in particular across the spectrum. Some of that was arrested because of COVID and Trump, but that that trend lines now big headline and I'm curious, you know, your sort of reflection on that, but also reflection on where Harris may have struggled. Was it just one hundred and seven days. Was it the lack of an open primary. Was it the fact she didn't distinguish herself enough and separate herself enough from an incumbent. Was it the issue

of incumbency? Was it inflation? Was it interest rates? Was it immigration? Was it wokeism broadly defined. Have you landed on any theory of the case. So what the hell happened in that election?

Speaker 2

So let me let me give you three things. Some of them are going to be controversial for your party, and so you know you're probably going to get some negative press me saying this on your air, and I apologize to you in advance, but I hope that people listening will be open minded because I want you to win. You have to slay this maga party. This is no longer the Republican party I lived in, sir. This has

been decapitated. Hostile takeover, third party insurgency has has changed this into a Frankenstein monster, a Frankenstein monster of anti democracy. So we have to beat them. So if I would say, let's leave off the table of the open primary, it didn't happen. I think we would have liked to have seen that starting in September of twenty three, and that would have built up a case and somebody would have grabbed you got to the top of the pecking order.

That would have fortified that candidate. But in the one hundred and seven days, I'll just make three very close observations. Number one, the vice president is a very competent, very capable leader. But she was not a great risk taker in that moment. Unfortunately, to rise to the presidency now it requires exogynous risks. If you've got a group of handlers around you say, don't go on Rogan, don't go on this person, don't go on that person. Fox News

one time, not twenty five times. If I were her, I would have said, Hey, every morning to be on Fox News. I'm going to eventually chum up to those anchors that hate me, and I'm going to get some messaging out there where people will see that I'm not the demon that they're trying to present me. As you see what I mean. I would have said, Hey, Fox News, I want to be on every day. You know these podcasts that people are excoriating me, these Alpha bro podcasts

at least once or twice a week. Okay, So she was not a risk taker. That's number one. Number two. Robert Carrow in his books on Lyndon Johnson, which I think are some of the best biography ever written, he describes Humphrey's situation with Johnson. He didn't break from Johnson. Johnson comes out of the race in sixty eight. Humphrey waits till October one to break from Johnson. He's not even willing to do with any such a gentleman. Johnson brings him into the Oval office and says, you gotta

break from me. You want a blankety blank on me on the Vietnam War, blankety blank on this, blankety blank on that. You got to do it. And so he starts that process in October. It's too late, and unfortunately the Vice president's respect for Joe Biden, that infamous line that she says on the View, I can't think of anything I would have done differently, is harmful to her because we're in an anti incumbency moment and she needed to do what Johnson suggested to Humphrey. But in Humphrey's case,

it was too late, sir. The polls were closing. He was catching Nixon when he made that break, but it was too late. And then the third thing, and I know this is really going to drive everybody crazy. So you have a fire extinguisher behind you in case your hair sets on fire, because the third thing is really bad. You're okay, you're a flame. You're in a flame retardan vest there let's do it. Let's hear it. The third thing is, how on God's earth do you let Bobby

and Elon out of the party? And how do you guys? Interesting? Okay, I was expecting that.

Speaker 1

I'm sorry, interesting, I wasn't expecting you to say that.

Speaker 2

Okay, But how do you guys do that? Okay? Bobby is a Kennedy whole families tied to the party. He actually wants to stay in the party. And I know this because he endorsed the back of my Bitcoin book. Okay, and I know Bobby forever from New York. How do

you let Bobby out of the party? Okay? And even if you don't like Bobby or you think he's a kook with the vaccines, you get open the tent, keep them in the party because he's got that bro connectivity that costs you a few points where you don't want them. And Elon, I don't care what the UAW saying or whoever told whoever told Biden to disinvite Elon from the Electric Vehicle summit. I don't know who it was, but President Biden shaid, look, man, I'm sorry. The guy's the

richest guy in the country. He's got a forty four billion dollar bullhorn, and he's coming to the party.

Speaker 1

So he also created the space. You can't how the hell you have an electric vehicle.

Speaker 2

You don't have to sit next to the guy. And you may not like him because he doesn't have a union shop, but he's our guy, and we got we got to keep him in the party. And just so, those two guys, they hurt you in Pennsylvania. Elon hurts you in Pennsylvania. He hurts you in the Twitter verse or whatever you want to call it with the toxic algorithm, and Bobby hurts you. And I'm just submitting again this

is the indictment of your party. If I could be bold enough to say this to you, respectfully, open the tent, hold your nose. If somebody like me wants to help you, invite me in. I will try to help you get those guys back in the party. I know you want to cancel them now, you want to blow up Tesla vehicles and so on and so forth. Yeah, get Elon back. Okay, calm down, calmed down. He's shooting rockets into space. He's got an environmentally friendly vehicle that he's made, which you

guys used to buy in droves. Let's calm him down, Let's disengage him from where he is right now, get him back to neutral, because those three things hurt Harris. No risk taking, no break from Humphrey, And how to hell do you let Bobby and Elon out of that party.

Speaker 1

It's interesting and in the fact that you attached I mean, the first two I certainly appreciate, but it's interesting you thought it was that determinative these two individuals, these brands, and what they represent historically and iconically. Both interestingly, two people that are best known for their environmental stewardship.

Speaker 2

There were Democrats for decades, Governor Newsom, they were, By.

Speaker 1

The way, I can't tell you how many events I had with both of them in San Francisco as mayor of the city, talking about environmental stewardship, climate change, and issues related to low carbon, green growth and electric vehicle transition.

Speaker 2

What he did, Asolish was, you know, to quote him, because he says he's on the spectrum ofge It was on the spectrum beautiful. He got them all in vance. He told them that the unpasteurized milk that they were pumping out of their dairy farms was going to be destroyed. Misinformation that was, you know, he gets he gets a red red card for that. He says that Biden's going

to come after them with that. And then he gets them in a van because it can only take the horse and buggy unless they're not driving, and he drives them over to the voting and there's ninety nine thousand of them vote for Trump. And I'm telling you, this is a game of inches. You know this. I know this. I've worked on six presidential campaigns in the last twenty four years. It is a game of inches. It's a game of risk taking. It's a game of calculated risk taking.

But when you got guys on your team that you may not like, don't be so righteous. Bring them into the town. I was told that some of the campaign guys wanted me on the campaign plane, and there were hardcore lefties that were like, nfw with that guy. He wants to worked for Donald Trump. Guys, give give that up, release anger, and let's let's study the existential threat and work together.

Speaker 1

And that disappoints me to hear you say that, But it doesn't shock me. I mean and and disappoints me because I saw hard you worked for Biden, And then how hard and sincerely you worked for Harris and how you've been a pretty consistent and vocal opponent of Donald Trump. And with your insight.

Speaker 2

This is not it's not even republicanism, sir. It is a perverse form of populism. And I'm going to give you a new word, okay. And I didn't know the definition of this word, but I know it now. Do you know what the word autarchy means? A U t a rky. Do you know what that means?

Speaker 1

You got me stumped me?

Speaker 2

What is it? Okay? So I didn't know what it meant either. Okay, somebody had explained it to me. Au t aarky. It means an autonomous economic system. So Trump wants to create an American auetarchy. He wants to wall us off literally and physically from the rest of the world. He wants to disengage America. It would be as if Ui Long or Charles Lindbergh beat Franklin Roosevelt and created the America First Movement in the nineteen thirties. This is

what this guy wants to do, Okay. And I'm telling you this is an existential threat to our children and our grandchildren. Put down the swords. Let's work together. Let's figure out how AOC and Bernie can build this coalition alongside of whatever you're representing, and frankly, alongside of whatever Christy, myself and Kissinger and Cheney are representing. And let's lock forces. Remember the Whigs got destroyed by a new party called

the Republicans. They got destroyed by that party because they created a new party in eighteen fifty six. They went after the abolitionists that were Democrats, and they went after the Whigs that wanted abolition, and they created this new party and they got a guy named Abraham Lincoln elected the first Republican president. The new Whig party is the Maga Party, which has the Republican name in name only. They're the tru Rhinos Governor Newsom, They're Maga Republicans in

name only. Let's team up and let's build a coalition that is a plurality, a majority to restore confidence in America globally, to restore confidence in America economically. And then let's once once we look at the burning of the House, let's fixed parts of the House with maybe some constitutional amendments, maybe some policies or laws that will benefit all of us and make us safer in sort of a new American social contract.

Speaker 1

Well, you're not going to get an argument from me, and you know, I'm not that old, but I'm old enough to remember that that's the Democratic party you were referencing that built the middle class, that that gave us the weekends, that gave us medicaid, gave us medicare.

Speaker 2

How about the gipill sir, thank you transformed everything that was a Democrat idea, and that GI bill took Jewish tailors from the Lower East Side and turned their children into doctors. They took Italian construction workers and turned their

sons and daughters into accountants, lawyers, or doctors. We had an ethnic middle class movement, driven mostly by Democrat policy in the post World War two era that gave opportunity to people that didn't have it in the Old Country and didn't frankly have it in America prior to that. These are these that's the idealism of your party. That's the Jack Kennedy vision of your portom Amen.

Speaker 1

Look, let me ask you just in you know a couple of tactical points, and I appreciate the larger tent framework. I think this party needs a vision and needs an economic vision. H you know, I think if you're going to talk about Kennedy, you know, he was the last president to bring us on a journey together. We saw ourselves on that journey, and I think that's a big

part of also what's missing. What's what's the positive alternative vision that can enlive in and excite people and people feel included at a time of such division and fear and anxiety. But there's also the fear and anxiety in the vision that comes from the information superiority on the other side, as well, the weaponization of grievance, the ability to surround sound, to dominate the narrative, to flood the zone. In terms of communication, you've got sort of a gender bias,

I would argue algorithms that skew as well. Online you got fourteen of the top fifteen cable shows are all Republican shows. Podcasts are dominated, as you say, you know, it's not just that manto spare of the bro culture, but sort of dominated by more moderate to conservative to ultra conservative voices. What do you make of that landscape and what's if you were going to just observe as a participant. You've got two podcasts, successful podcasts. You're out there.

You've been in the media dominating for decades, back to your CNBC days, remember a few decades ago. I mean, what do you make of this environment and what do you make of how do we begin to sort of reconcile with that, and how do we sort of address the reckoning that is that asymmetry?

Speaker 2

Well, I mean, it's such a great question on so many levels and so many different layers. But I'll just add one thing to it. While the conservatives are dominating podcasting, and let's be honest, they are dominant cable news, mostly through Fox. They say the corrupt mainstream media is against us, you know, But in the meantime, the media it's almost like the typewriter business, right, the big media is dying, okay.

And the reason why I applaud you starting this podcast is you're going to reach a lot of people because they can download you on their phone, they can go for a walk, they can hear what you're saying, and they'll say, Okay, I like that one, and then they forward it to five of their friends. It's like that old shampoo commercial and so what I would say to the Democrats start over. Okay, be the engineers, and you remember that movie Brian Grazer Ron Howard Apollo thirteen, Tom

Hanks plays Jim Lovell. Be the engineers that go into the room and say, here's the tools on the table. We have to reinvent ourselves. Forget the mainstream media, forget the old totems. Let's be engineers. Let's be scientific, marketing engineers, media engineers. How would we reinvent ourselves today? And what will we do? What podcast would we have? What business podcast would we have? What messaging do we want out there? How do we stop attacking each other? The Republicans have

done a very good job of not attacking each other. Okay. I find it curious that Bannon goes after Musk. Okay, because I know Bannon well. I work with Bannon on the twenty sixteen campaign. He's going after Musk for many different reasons. But he knows that Musk is not pure Maga. He knows this, Okay. He knows Musk is reacting to what happened to him in the world of the Blue world. He moved into the Red world or the dark Maga world. Whatever he calls it because of what happened to him

in the blue world. So get to the table like the engineers on Apollo thirteen. Let's start from scratch. Let's have a summit. You call the summit. I'll be there, and let's part a laboratory of ideas to beat this back. Because the average American is kind, the average American does not want to play the victim. The average American is aspirational, and the average American believes in lifting the boats of others.

You know, the martial law, the Marshall Plan. Excuse me past, because the average American looked at the landscape of the world and said, the world needs this, and if it's good for the world, it's going to be good for us. And you know, Governor Newsom, you're at your best when you're helping other people. Americans know this. Americans get their best feeling on the side of giving. Donald Trump has set up in America and I'm going to give you

these two allegories. You have one blue collar family where the young man in the blue collar family rises the great success and he pays for some tuitions. Governor Newsham, he buys a car, He helps people with medical expenses because he's the one rich person in the otherwise blue collar family. Imagine the second family or the same thing happens, but the manner of the woman builds this beautiful swimming pool and this great mansion, and then they charge their

family members to come into the swiming pool. Hey, gav you want to come to my swimming pool. It's twenty five bucks. Which family is going to do better? Which family? Yeah? Okay? And the Democrats know this. The Democrats know this in their bone marrow. Get back to the table. This is what we represent. This is the party that built the United Nations. This is the party that laid the framework at Bretton Woods for the IMF and the World Bank. Okay.

And by the way, globalism, I maintain just has bad marketing. Okay, because the globalism has led to rising living standards here in the United States, elsewhere, better health standards, less pestilence. It is actually worked. We just got really bad marketing people involved with this. Get back to the table and and let's brush up on this. And I think the counter narrative would blow the doors off these people. They are in the minority.

Speaker 1

By the way, final question, just because I'm curious. I mean, when the dust settles on Trump, Trump is'm then is top of mind? And what's top of mind for a lot of folks out there that are whispering, is what's JD.

Speaker 2

Vance up to?

Speaker 1

You know, you talk about Elon Musk, you talk about others that really supported his nomination for vice president, members of Trump's own family, Peter Thiel types and others. You've got Bannon out there, either performatively or very seriously making the case twenty twenty eight Donald Trump extending term or it's Tran or it's Vance, and then he'll step aside and we'll continue MAGA for another four years. I mean, what do you make of the twenty twenty eight third term? What do you make of JD.

Speaker 3

Van?

Speaker 1

That's how serious and concerned are you about JD. Vance and what he represents and the people that are his close as confidence and allies.

Speaker 2

Well, I mean, so you know from California, these guys are Curtis Jorvin post the Democracy sort of people. They believe in a monarchical structure that would be Teel and Musk, and JD. Vance is an acolyte of that, which is why they put him in there. It's interesting. I really feel Trump made that decision distracted by a bullet that whizzed by his ear. He only had seventy two hours to compose himself prior to the convention, and I think he made that decision. I don't think he likes Vance.

He's been pretty clear when he says is he my successor? He says no. He slammed Vance after the Margaret Brennan Sunday Morning Show where Vance said We're going to pardon the non violent Jay sixers. Trump got pissed at him and pardoned everybody. So you remember that scene in Fargo with the wood chipper. Vance is going into Donald trump woodchipper just matter of time because he's too close to power.

Trump doesn't like anybody near his spotlight, as you know, and so he'll do to Dvance what he did to Pence. So I'm not as concerned about Vance as other people. The third term thing, I do believe people should take seriously. He's eighty two when he aspires to that third term. That's good for America that he's that old. But I think you have to take that seriously, and you have to take seriously that the stuff that he's doing to

weak in America. You know, I'm in the category that you have to have at least a five percent probability that he tries to call off an election. Other people will find that incredulous, but I think you got to get it out there because there's a law of reflexivity, Gavin. If you get that out there, people will start socializing it, and then they'll plan themselves to attack that. If I talk to somebody and say, well, that's never going to happen,

well then you don't know Donald Trump. So many things have happened in the last ten years that I literally looked right down the barrel of a camera and said that's never gonna happen, and then two months later it happens. So I've got five percent he's going for the third term, okay, and I've got, you know, some percentage that he could not even have try to pretend that he can't have an election. I do think the country's strong enough to stop that, but I have to throw that out there.

But I do think Vance goes into the whip chipper. By the way, he's unpopular, he looks terrible, and if he wants to out Trump, Trump, shave your beard buddy, because the beard looks terrible, and Trump doesn't like the beard. And I'm just letting you know, you're not going to Greenland like you did and going to Space Force. You really look like a dummy. So I'm not worried about him. What I'm worried about is that younger movement. I am

worried about the Charlie Kirks. I am worried about the the podcasters that are out there that are strong, vigorous guys and girls that are incredibly smart, and you guys need a counterdough to that, and so let's ship to work on that.

Speaker 1

You know, No, that's why, that's one of the reasons. I mean, that's precisely why I'm trying to bte these folks in so we start to understand how how potent and powerful they've increasingly become. Final final over under Musk is gone in two months, Uh, Rubio two months? What I mean, what's what's your over under on some of the I mean, he can't keep players around.

Speaker 2

Now because remember they have to own the libs, right, so Walsh can get on signal. He's texting Jeff Goldberg like war plans, and then it turns out he's using Gmail for all of the other stuff. So you know they're upset with Hillary Clinton for some reason. But then they're doing worse than mine did. And so he can't fire Walsh because he can't Waltz, because he can't give a liberal a scalp. You know, we got to own the Libs. Remember, he is the Napoleon of the culture war,

Donald Trump. Okay, so you guys have to find Wellington, but he's the Napoleon, so we can't. You know, we got to own the Libs first before we do anything else. Right, We've got to run the ads on the trans gender athletics, even though it's a small group of people to trigger everybody. Right, So that guy's not getting fired. Right. So what Trump is pushing and what you have to be worried about, in my opinion, is that persistent clure. You guys seem to be one step behind him in every culture war.

You know, I mean Bill, Bill's going to have dinner with him. Okay, Bill's on your team. By the way, don't let Bill go the way of Elon Musk. And by yeah, Bill Maher, don't let him go the way of Elon Musk. By give them when you're done with me podcasting, pick up the phone, call Billy, dude, let's go have lunch. Calm down, okay, I'm I'm sure he had Wellington in the White House Trumps eat said every

night for dinner. Calm down, okay, and come back to the fault here, Billy, because we need you and you need us. You don't you don't want to go down.

Speaker 1

I have to agree with that, right.

Speaker 2

And by the way, you did great on his show the other night. I mean, you're very realistic, you know. But I've been on a show many times. But but dude, you know, don't let them. Don't let them go that way. Man, hear what you're saying.

Speaker 1

I hear what you're saying. No, and well, and I lied about the final final. This is the final final because I want to pick what you just said is really important and looking for advice here because I'm a

practitioner in this respect as governor of this state. I mean, you know, every day my state of mind is want to sort of just overwhelm with all the incoming that the missives, the messages, the letters, the threats from members of his cabinet, agency directors, lawyers, constant back and forth as it relates to sort of this deconstructive state mindset that Trump has in what twenty twenty five represents. You know, from our perspective, it's difficult. You know, what do you

what do you chase? Do you do you react to every little indiscretion? Or do you wait for the big things?

Speaker 2

You know?

Speaker 1

Is it a carville a notion? Just stand back and watch him and plode, watch what's happened in the markets. This is a proof point of Carville strategy. One carvill may argue, I don't know. I mean, what do you what do you do? Or do you do you flood his own back? Are you constantly in everybody's face and do what Charlie Kirk's doing every single day? I mean, what, what's where are you in calibras?

Speaker 2

I believe in the big story, Governor Newsom. I believe in the narrative. Okay, if you study Lincoln, you study Jack Kennedy, you study the Roosevelt Revolution when he beat Herbert Hoover. I believe in the narrative. And so you're not gonna beat him being a pig like him. If you call his hands little like Marco Rubio, you end up as like one of his knaves. Right, So you're not gonna You're not you know, like the farmer said about the pig, You're not a pig. The pig likes

getting in the mud. Don't get in the mud with the pig. I don't believe in that. You have a super narrative. Okay, you can point out to people what they're trying to do to you, the the bureaucratic terrorism that they're trying to do to you with the federal government exerting power over you. You can do that, but it's subt it got to do it subtly. The big narrative has to be who are we as Americans? When you look in the mirror, do you see in America that's

aggrieved and victimized? Or do you see in America in ascendency? We represent the Americans that are in ascendency. We are the side for good. We are the benevolent people. We're not locking the gate to the swimming pool to charge admission. We're going to teach other people how to build their own swimming pools. Okay, and we've made some mistakes. You know, maybe you've got to have less regulations so Bill can get his roof done. I'm not saying that the Democrats

are perfect. They made some mistakes. You're working on reform to correct those mistakes. But mistakes that you've made have been from inclusivity. The mistakes that you've made, whether it's bail reform or things like that, have been mistakes related to frailty of human beings and our humanity. And so I wouldn't focus on Charlie Kirk's rat tat tat, flood the Zone or Steve Bannon stuff, because that's already old news.

The new new news is what is the narrative, What is the compelling democratic narrative which allows Americans to look in the mira and say that's me. I'm strong, I'm aspirational, I'm kind, I'm benevolent, and I'm going to work alongside of my fellow Americans to put down the internescent warfare and the internescent tribal warfare. These guys want the tribal warfare, but the average American does not, And they're beating you

on the tribal warfare and in the culture war. But you can flip the table on them by going in the direction that I'm describing.

Speaker 1

A great way to Anne Anthony. Thank you for the conversation, thank you for your insight, thank.

Speaker 2

You for it's it's a huge honor to be on with you, okay and me. And by the way, you got it. The hair, I mean hair is an asset for you. Okay, you got to you got to use the hair more man. Okay, it's the hair more Yeah, I mean California asset. You know.

Speaker 1

Jesus, here we go.

Speaker 2

Very cute.

Speaker 1

What a way to add buddy, Hey, pleasure, thanks for taking the time. I really appreciate it. By the way, thank you for being so good to staff. That's a man. That's your character, the way you treated everyone around me. They said, this guy is a gentleman. So I just want folks to know that.

Speaker 2

And I appreciate because my grandmother was a maid Governor Newsom, so trust me, it's very important to me that I treat everybody with great kindness because you know, and by the way, that is a non starter at Skybridge, and people are mean to people that are beneath them. It's literally like an evacuation, you know, God bless but thank you for that. And uh it not to be so, you know, if it's not an imposition. I would love to do this again in person. I think it'd be

a lot more fun. That would be a lot of fun. Let's make that happen, all right, all the best of you, Thank you to see you

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