¶ Introduction and Context of Current Events
Hey, everybody, welcome to another episode of Eyes on Geopolitics. It's been it's felt like a few years this past week with the amount of news that's been going on. We have Jack Murphy, Andy Milburn, and Jonathan Hackett. Here a little bit of house cleaning. Check out Jonathan's new book about Irani and covert operations. It's incredible. The link is in the description. He was also on the Team House about a week ago. Maybe less. Check out that
that episode as well. Encyclopedic knowledge of what goes on in Iran. Of course, our dear leader Jack Murphy's joining us today. Jack. Ye, I dragoon Jack late late in the game to come on. I'm surprised, he said, Yes, Yeah.
I just set up my whole audio and video system. This is a new computer, so I had to like rush to set it up in the last thirty minutes.
It's working good though.
It's very impressive.
Hey, anything for you guys, man and Andy Milburn shut some star quality.
Yeah, Andy Milburn looking felt as possible. Who cuts your hair in do you do?
No?
You have you have a barber that.
Is absolutely the retired marine colonel haircut right there, Like that guy is exactly what you think he is.
It's actually shorter than I had it when I was an active duty.
You just need like a cigar stub in the corner of your mouth.
Just chewing on one. Not even all right, So we've had mayhem going on in the world over the last week. We're gonna start off with Israel bombing Cutter, targeting Hamas political leadership and the negotiation team who was supposedly negotiating the piece or the ceasefire. It seems there was a
¶ Israel's Military Actions and Strategic Implications
bit of like, uh, you know, the Mussad chief and IDF chief people were not down for this, and bb Net and Yahoo went ahead and did it. Tar just came out today and like strongly condemned Israel and stuff like that. Where you guys at, what do you guys track in Who's going to go first? I'm gonna pick John Hackett to go first. Our guest goes first.
Yeah, I thinks so to me, this represents kind of what has already been going on, where we see there's the larger Israeli government and then there's a smaller component of that government making certain decisions kind of on their own or at least against the greater interest of the larger apparatus, and to me it represents a shift in what Israel has been doing in the Middle East, where they've been relying on the United States for backing and
things like that. And I think as each little bite at the apple has been taken, they realize that they can take bigger bites with very little consequence or no consequence. There's a big difference between making statements and condemnation and
then doing something. And there's a lot of statements in condemnation and very little of doing something to prevent future acts from happening, or to even do something to moderate current actions, like in Qatar, but not just Qatar, same things happening in southwest Syria right now in Durra where Israel sent a ground force into Dura across the nineteen seventy four ceasefire line. Again taking little bites at the apple to see how far can we nibble before we can make a bigger bite.
And this is not a new technique.
We saw this also with the assassination of Hesbala leaders, then moving up the chain killing Nocerola, seeing what was the reaction to that, then killing Hania and Iran, seeing what was the reaction to that. Further back killing Mossen Fachriza day the nuclear scientists almost ten years ago, seeing what was the reaction to that, and then killing six more scientists after that. You know, so this is probably not an isolated strategic move.
It's probably an.
Early move in a longer term plan for some further end state that we as observers think like, oh my gosh, they just hit Katar. That's crazy. That's not what they're all about. What they're doing is testing to see what happens in Qatar with what we are trying to achieve, and of course there's a longer term game plan to that. Hitting the negotiators is pretty provocative, but there are further provocative acts that could do, especially where we have our
own Ascent and soccapp forces stationed there. And that's the only golf country that Trump has recently visited. In fact, it was the first time a US president ever visited Katar very recently, and to do that is a huge provocation, not just to the golf countries but also to the United States to say this part of the Israeli government that's making these decisions can do it without even US
support or knowledge. Because as far as I know, the US was not informed until the bombs are either in the air or already had struck.
Melbourne.
Yeah, I am I.
John.
By the way, welcome, good to think, good to have you on. I agree with I agree with John what Sjohn said with I think one caveat though. So normally when Israel kind of pushes a limit, tests the waters, there is something that they consider of great national interest to them at state, right, you know when they were going after the nuclear scientists, you know, and you can trace this all back to I mean, they've jeopardized US relations before in a big way, even back in the time
of the Soviet era. Do you remember when they were trying to get they were trying to negotiate with the Soviet government to get to enable Jews to emigrate to Israel. And part of that deal was allegedly espionage information from the United States about our sources and methods against the Soviet Union. And that's what Pollard was apparently involved in. And so that was a big risk, remember back then, using an agent against US an ally. But they took
that risk. It was worth it to them, and they got away with it, right, I mean Pollard went to jail, but that was it. There were no more repercussions. I would say that this is different in that it's not clear. Well, let me put word of this a different way. Furthering is really national interest by doing this? It's not. There was There's not a clear line, and I think that's
why Mossad and the IDF were against the strike. There was a lot of risk involved jeopardizing negotiations in Doha with her Mass by breaking that that unkind of unspoken rule that not to strike in Doha and doing that. It's not clear that they gained anything by it. That they removed her Ma anyone really effective within her maas with the strike. And what they have done is they've
thumbed their nose at the United States. I don't think that's been made clear in the media how much they did that because either they informed the United States in which case we enabled or allowed a strike on a on a Middle Eastern partner who is allowing us, you know, to keep keep our troops on their territory in a base, in other words, implicitly providing our protection to that country, and we've allowed it out to strike. I don't I agree with you. John I don't think that happened that way.
I think we found out at the last minute, but we didn't. We haven't objected vaciferously. Again, you know, whether we whatever you think of Kada, we have a base there that is important to us national interests. And by the way, we don't pay anything for that base. We pay very little for that base. So and yes, those of us who've been there for an extended time will tell you it's a shith hole, but it is a
strategically placed shithle. And and so you know, I just feel, regardless of the way you look at this, whether we knew about it beforehand, whether we found out the last minute, didn't object, we've we've lost a massive amount of credibility again in the Middle East. And you know, of course that leaves a le vacuum. And Netania thumb his nose at us. He thumbed his nose at a large segment of his own government and his own advisors. And why
did he do it? The only possible answer that I can come up with isn't that this was in pursuit of Israeli's interests. These were in pursuit of Netanyahu's interest because he stands to gain by letting the war in Gaza. Drag On and his own generals are telling him that continued military operations will gain little, they will damage the economy, and of course they will continue to have catastrophic effects on the Palestinian population in Gaza, about whom no one
really seems to care that much. So I think as there, Yeah, sorry, go.
On if I could, Yeah, just to help understand the geopolitics here, Israel received six billion dollars a year of security assistance from the US that was granted after the Agreement on Marsadat back in seventy nine. And there's of course Jordan and Egypt also receive lesser amounts that are part of that agreement. But if you look, as you mentioned, with Katar pays for our presence there, They pay us to be there, and similar with the Emirates, the Emirates pays US to do foreg military sales.
There's a form military sales case.
For the US Marine Corps to train the Presidential Guard and the Emirates, and the emirateis actually pay the US forces salaries to defact to the Defense Financing Accounting Service, while those US forces are partnered with those emirateis So it's just very interesting to see the disparity where these golf partners are paying their way to work with us, whereas on the Israel side, we are paying Israel to
not listen to us. Essentially, it's an interesting chasm between these two because I think many Westerners might think that we're just supporting all these nations the same way, and that's not true. Some of the nations are pulling all of their own weight and they're there making sacrifices like Qatar and the Emirates or Saudi Arabia to have us there, sacrificing some of their sovereignty and some of their resources for us to be there, and the opposite is true in Israel.
Yeah, that's a great point. I mean, it's just another sad indication of the bigger picture, the fact.
That we are any criticism of this ral is vboten are our own ambassador there seems to be subservient to their foreign policy.
And you know, another point about this strike, It did the Abraham Accords no good, you know, I mean, yes, Qatar is not a signatory, but UAE and Saudi Arabia, uh, well, Saudi Rai potentially, and this is just driven a further witch and that in in and that that Abraham accords
¶ US-Israel Relations and Geopolitical Dynamics
were we're driven by US foreign policy and we just seem to have turned our back on all of this.
And yeah, and the reasoning that who said he gave the reasoning about hitting the Qatar in the Hamas delegation was because there was a terrorist attack in Israel a few days before that. I think in the West Bank. I might be wrong, I could be totally off on it, but there wasn't like a shooting there that killed I think six Israeli's Jerusalem, right Jerusalem, there you go, Yeah.
And that's the population there. I've heard more than missile strikes. But again, I you know, who knows. I doubt that that was front and center net and yao, who's motivation for? Because there was no direct correlation between the people he was going after, certainly not between the people who were killed, because it still hasn't be verified that they were even members of a mask alone mass leaders. And notice, normally the Israelis trumpet this and come out with names and
all this. They've been remarkably silent about it this time, which suggests maybe that they weren't didn't get the people that they were after.
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Yeah, Jackie, you say something, go ahead, brother, No, not really.
I mean the only kind of thing that you know, I'd like to tease out of you guys, if it's possible, is you know, the question that's unavoidable is how does this end. You've both kind of mentioned how Israel is making this strategic gambit, but it seems to be a incoherent foreign policy and that there are different factions within Israel that have different motivations and maybe one faction thinks longer than the other, right, you know, one of them
might be for short term political gain. How do you see this playing out for Israel over the next ten or twenty years. This sort of a total breach of you know what we would have called the Westphalian system, right that they can cross these international boundaries and strike whoever they want, wherever they want with and sometimes it seems without a lot of rhyme or reason.
I'll just say real briefly then Andy, you can be longer on this, But the West Vhalian sovereignty is just a social contract. As long as everybody agrees and follows their agreement, it's great. If certain actors are not following it, then other groups have to either choose to sanction or not sanction those bad behaviors.
And right now, the US, that's.
The only superpower that can sanction those behaviors, is not sanctioning them. And until those conditions changed, there's one trajectory that this could go down. If those conditions do change, there's the opportunity for a new trajectory to a different outcome. And right now I think the Israeli government, or at least the Netnyagu cabinet, is taking a very opportunistic approach to this moment, which they did during the first Trump presidency as well, where they tried to ge as much
as they could out of these four years. It squeezed the most benefit without a clear probably idea about five to ten years from now. Rather, they were looking at the US domestic politics and trying to use US domestic politics to increase their own outcomes. But I'll hand it over to you Andy to be more in depth on that.
So no, it can be more in depth. But I would say that I think by the way we say Westphili, it's the Treaty of Westphalia from sixteen forty eight that basically established the concept of the nation state, a sovereign nation state with inviolable borders, right. And it was at a time obviously when democracy was not alive and well, but it was based anyway on regardless of the good or bad of the It was literally sorry, at the
time they were sovereign states, they were kingdoms. And then I mean, I would say that that concept is in atrophy to say the least. I mean, we violated it. We robustly a couple of times, right, most notably of
course in in Iraq. And we use then the concept of you know, the right to protect and and the concept that you have you abdicate your right to sovereignty if you're doing certain things and preemptive a great Uh, the preemptive defense, I guess is the term and you know that that we used at the time, but nevertheless we we we can the concept then and since then we've turned our back on it, most recently, I think with Ukraine and all this, all these these verbal gyrations
to try and show that somehow as Ukraine's fault for getting invaded in the first place. But back to back to the discussion about Jack, what you're saying about Israel. I think it's really I think it's really interesting. Mean, first of all, we're all aware that since seven October we've seen a giant moved to the right within Israeli society. I mean, that's been taking place since the assassination of Rabine back in when was that nineteen ninety was it ninety five?
Was it?
I think it's ninety six, right after Oslo two.
Yeah, But since then there's been a study shift and then it's accelerated, and so you've got now within Israel actions that previously it would be attacked by the Israeli public, of a percentage of the Israeli public now being condoned. And I'm talking about what's happening in Gaza the only time you hear opposition, and you hear significant opposition of the government. It's not based on what's happening to the Palestinians. It's based on what potentially is happening to the hostages.
And that again was largely the basis for the opposition against the Doha strike. And you have sometimes in the United States. I think we get in this view because we see our own government kind of following along in path of the Israelis just almost obsequiously agreeing to everything that they do. But elsewhere in the world, Israel is
becoming a pariah, you know, among European governments. And may that may not matter to Israel, but down the line when the US administration changes, that may matter a great deal. I'm not talking purely in financial terms, but you can't. You can't without consequence make yourself a prior for long periods of time. And I think there are Israelis so
¶ Internal Demographics and Political Divisions in Israel
concerned about that. And I think too, when you're talking about direct threats to Israel, this feeling that, hey, all we need to do is flatten Guaza and kill all the Palestinians we can and the problems will go away. And likewise, in Lebanon, of course that's that's not going to happen. I mean, his Bolla is down for the for the time being. But can you imagine, you know, we we are familiar with counterinsurgency. The Israelis don't understand counterinsurgency.
I mean, that's the bottom line. And they don't understand that you generate, you generate recruits for the cause by doing the things that you were doing that and that again is just going to build up a pressure of steam that sooner or later is going to burst again. You know, you can't clamp down one hundred percent time
on all these territories. Israel's economy is suffering, and that's another reason why NETNA is indefinite extension of the war and Gaza is unpopular because it's affecting individual Israelis across the board. They've mobilized three hundred thousand reserves, which is a reservists over and over again, which is a huge percentage of a ten million person population, and the economy
has suffered severely. I mean, I've been Disrael three or all times since seven October, and the tourist industry is down the toilet, and you know, unfortunately it's the same in Jordan. It's the same in neighboring countries. The long term economic impact of these continued wars is there is something that.
Israel is also having, like these really interesting and maybe potentially catastrophic internal demographic issues. We see the stuff going on with the ultra Orthodox, and recently I think there was a move to cut welfare to this population. Partly or at least it's tied into the fact that they won't serve in the IDF, they won't comply with conscription. And do you see that as having like some pretty drastic internal effects on Israel in the coming years.
That's a really good that's a really good point about the Hasidic Jews. Bottom line is I don't I don't see that as being such a rift that so the move to the move to to enforce the fact that they have to join the military, to conscript them, it's genuinely very popular in Israel because there's been building tension and resentment against that community and just a little bit
of a background. They were, you know, in the in the post war years, at the birth of birth of Israel, they were the civic Jews were brought in and given these protections in a purposeful policy to rebuild them as part of Jewish and Israeli culture after you know, the Holocaust, and like a lot of preservation programs, though it has got it's got out of control. Right, It's like the I mean, you name it. I'm trying to without being too facetious and thinking of you know, wildlife. They don't
have a predator, you know. But the point is that they build and build. They don't contribute to the economy, they don't work. They just you know, they learn about the Torah and they thought the Jewish religion, which has always been considered an important aspect of Israeli culture. But they don't work in you know, they don't work in it or in companies, and they don't serve in the military.
And that in particular has caused resentment because they tend to be you know, they tend to be vociferous too in the support of Zionism, and they tend to you know, they represent a disproportion number of the settlers on the West Bank, et cetera, et cetera. So there is a feeling, at least there was before seven October, and it has continued within Israeli society that they contribute to a lot of the problems and a lot of tensions, but they don't they're not prepared to defend the country, and so
conscripting them has largely been a positive move. But net Nyaho's walking a typewrote because he does receive political support from that community along. You know, I'm not combining, I'm not conflating right wing Zionists with Hasidic Jews, but I'm just saying there's a big shaded area on the Venn diagram, and Neil does thrive a lot of his support from
both circles of the diagram. But to your point, yeah, I think there's a there's a tremendous amount of division Israeli's society over the war, but it's centered on the hostages rather than what's happening to Gaza.
I'd also add on to that that the demographic issue that you bring up, and he makes a good point that there's this coalition that the current government has support that's not a majority of the country. And actually it's a plurality country where there are many different groups. It's not like in the United States where you have kind of two big parties.
It's actually even more complicated.
Than Lebanon's politics, where there are many many parties in Israel that some of them only have one person representing that party in their parliament in an esset. And we have to also remember that in twenty eighteen, Israel past the basic law that said it's a Jewish state. It's like a purely Jewish state for Jewish people only. But the question remains of the twenty five percent of the
population of Israeli citizens that are Palestinian. And then there's another percentage of the population that also serves in the military and is dying for the State of Israel, and those are the Drus. The Jrus are not Jewish, and some would say they're not Muslim. It depends how you define what Dru's religion is. But that's a significant part of the population that is fighting and dying for the state. And there's tension beyond the concurrent past two years of
war that we're looking at. If you remove that from the equation and look at what's actually happening domestically, there are a lot of fissures under the surface of domestic politics that once this conflict is in the past, those fissures will begin to bubble up once again, just like they were in two years ago. Right before October seventh happened, there were protests in the street in some ways related to these demographic fissures that, like I said, again, will bubble up.
Yeah, some stage, Israel not be both a Jewish state and a democratic state, you know. And yas Arafat used to say, eventually we will win through the womb of the Palestinian woman, and that there may be some truth
in that, you know. That's that's partly why the Israelis were so keen to bring in immigration in the you know, in the seventies and eighties, because they you know, I suppose they could, but they're unlikely disenfranchised to twenty five percent the population that are Palestinian, but they have a much higher birth rate than the Israeli population. And to John's point, yeah, actually there's a lot of Drus and
Bedouins in the IDF. If you read about nahalas the fall of the not not the Kabberts, but the base itself. The fact that so many of the garrisons survive was attributed to a not Drus but a better win officer who who died defending basically about fifteen IDF soldiers who had taken taken shelter in the kind of the control room there. So yeah, it's I mean, it's a great point.
It's there's there's all kinds of fractures within within Israeli society, the left right, you know, the split between the left and right that was always there is not so prevalent. The left seems to have kind of drifted away, but there is definitely vociverous opposition to Netnia, who he's a very divisive figure, is reelly seemed to either love him
or hate him. And then you know the the other demographics that John was talking about, and of course you've got the old animosity too between John what of the non Ashkenazi Israeli is called them and the mizrath in Ashkenazi. Yeah, Sephardim in the last decade have have kind of come to prominence both within the id F and and and also in the government than they used to be.
¶ The West Bank Situation and Future Prospects
And there's even segregation within public schools between Misrahi, which are Arab Jews that were there before Israel was created, versus the Ashkenazi, specifically where some schools actually separate whether you're Misrahi or Ashkenazi, and the Mizrahis are considered less capable of attending class with the Ashkenazis, which are European origin.
John, what about what about Saint Moroccan Jews. I mean there was a big immigration immigrants Theopean Jews. Yeah, I mean I've heard that there's that there's prejudice against this well, at least from that community that they consider that they are sometimes regarded as being second tier citizens, so that there's.
A a preference for Ashkenazi in leadership positions. And then within the military ranks and within schools and other public service places, there's certainly separation preferences that you can see expressed where Mizrahim, especially the Arab origin, are at the lowest level. Then you have Ethiopians and things around there, and then there's the Safhardom are kind of in the middle, and then Ashkenazi at the top.
Yeah, there's pretty I'm sorry.
Well, I mean, you guys ever read that pretty like brutal quote from Netan Yahoo from like thirty years ago where he was talking about the black soldiers in the IDF and he said like, yeah, the blacks are okay as long as they're led by white officers like, oh my god, jeezuz.
That sounds something like you know from the twenties, right, yeah, about the Indian Army, British Indian Army.
I want to touch on like West Bank and what's going on there, because there's a lot of rumblings about Israel looking to completely it too, occupy even more spots to make it impossible for the Palestinian sides to be able to you know, travel to each other and stuff.
Uh and people in the news are kind of saying that it's in reaction to a lot of the European states calling for a two state solution, which you know, I thought was like the broad policy for all of us in the West, maybe not inside of Israel, but what are they doing in terms of gearing up towards That's like from what you guys have heard or seen or mud wrestle for who goes first, Andy, I'm gonna pick then I'm taking control here.
Yeah, I mean, I don't I don't have any profound insights, but I will say this. I was I was in uh I was in the West Bank at this time last year. I went into uh Ramala and it was pretty I mean, it was very very tense. I've been to the West Bank before, but the difference was was stark, and it's I mean, I may have just hit at a bad time. Streets were, you know, unusually empty patrols everywhere. And actually I was pulled over by pulled aside by some Palestinians because I was dumb me I was taking
photographs and they made some people my rate. But but you know, I mean a year or two before, no one would have cared. You would have seen even tourists there.
But the.
I know it sounds like a kind of a very sharp thing to say, but a sense of occupation there was very strong. You know, it used to be. And I forget how the areas were categorized A, B and C, where the terms for the Israeli is used. And so there are certain areas that were pleased by the Palestinians, and the Israeli's only went in there to do targeted rates.
And you know, occasionally and for the most part, all you saw there were Palestinians where those areas now are regularly being patrolled by Israelis and and and there are regular infringements by of course settlers into Palestinian areas. Sometimes very aggressively, and you've probably seen in the media about times where they'll just, you know, a bunch of yahoos will run in armed yahoos and set fire to a Palestinian town and shoot a few people and then leave
and sadly with impunity. And so it's just not a Yeah, it's a pretty pretty fraud atmosphere there. It's hard unless you've been there to imagine what it's like. But did to your point, No, I mean I don't. I don't see any I don't see that situation getting any better. I really don't. I mean there's no because there are no I use the term sanctions in the broad term, but there's nothing to prevent the Israelis doing what they're
doing on the West Bank right now. There's nothing to prevent the settlers running wild whenever they want to and basically running pograms on the Palestinians, which is what is happening. And if you think I'm exaggerating, you're wrong. You know, I mean burning down, burning down in Thai villages, shooting people. It happens. It has been happening regularly, and for the most part, people turn a blind eye to it.
I think part of the problem also is lack of knowledge about these events from the outside because for a long time they were all they weren't reported well for whatever reason. But then with the October seventh war starting, there's a lot of signal coming from the Gaza conflict, and that actually creates noise against the West Bank issues. So there's very limited time for people to read, media,
listen to media, watch it. So what they're seeing instead is the things that are pulling them, gravitating toward the Gaza issues because they can only many people can only focus on one issue, on a foreign topic at a time, you know, so Israel right now it's Gaza, and they can't They don't have time to separate what's going on in Gaza, what's happening in West Bank, what's happening in goal On Heights, what's happening with southern Lebanon, Because that's
also really important right now that the Lebanese forces, Levenes armed forces are basically empowered to defend the country. Hezbola is weakened, but they're not empowered enough to actually defend their country because if they are, then they can't counterbalance against Israel. So like for a long time, they haven't been allowed to have an air force. That's one example. But when people are looking at these issues, they're thinking, oh, Gaza. It's a very small moment of time that they have
to focus on this. And I remember in twenty nineteen, I was at working at the US embassy in Jordan
¶ Global Geopolitical Tensions and the Risk of Escalation
and we had the quote unquote peace agreement that we were signing with the Palestinians to Jared Kushner was over there setting up how the West Bank would connect to Gaza and there would be this Palestinian state, and looking at it on a map, it was crazy to look at because it's not a state. It's two pieces of land connected by a heavily militarized piece of road. And all this which was you know, that was on paper,
now we're seeing it actually happening. Because this is a long standing strategy of creating facts in the ground since nineteen forty six. It's always been this way, where there will be an idea, a plan like an Oslo one, Oslo two, or nineteen sixty seven, seventy three, nineteen seventy eight, all these times where there have been public agreements between Israel Palestinians that have been mediated by Norway, by the United States by whomever, and if those agreements don't pan out,
Israel just continues moving forward anyway. And actually with Smotrich right now in the West Bank, that's what Smotrich's idea is as Minister, is to slowly do exactly what they said they were going to do back in twenty nineteen, which is to separate Judea and Samaria physically, and that way that people living in the north of the West Bank cannot move to the south of West Bank. Right now, it's difficult for then, but it's not impossible, but the
plan is to make itmpletely impossible. And by doing that, you now create three land masses inside of this eleventeen regions. You have Gaza, you have Judea, and you have Samarias,
three separate physical entities, which further degrades Palestinian authority. And of course there's no more Hamas government in Gaza, so now you have two ungoverned spaces that essentially takes power away from many Palestine leadership and state there of course is to not have any Palestine leadership anywhere, and it's part of Israel only one state solution.
Jeez, Jack Murphy, I mean I don't have anything to add.
I think, you know the other question that I wanted to ask you guys, And I know we'll probably jump into Ukraine and Russia next, but it seems like between Russia and Israel, both of these countries are in a competition, in a race, almost to see which one of them
can light the fuse on World War three. First, I mean, kind of back to my original question, I guess, I mean, these countries are violating international norms, true sovereignties, crossing international borders, all this stuff with with actual physical, you know, kinetic attacks. What is this bode for world order in the next couple of decades.
Yeah, I think I think to me, the saddest part of this is US compliance. And I mean, I just you know, we we we just ceased to to be a factor, right, And the more we cease to be a factor, the more everyone kind of thumbs that those the United States. I mean, I think, you know, this may sound, this may sound naive, but I think certainly those of us who warn uniform did it for because we believed that our country represented values. And when we went to war, I won't say that was okay, but
it was okay. Because we felt in our halfs that they that you know it, even if we didn't believe directly in that war, that overall our country was a force for good in the world, right, And that's why we went. And we went for other reasons, yes, for those to left, right und of us, but that was the bottom line that we were proud to wear the
uniform those reasons. And so now it is rather disheartening, to say the least, to find that our country no longer represents those values and sadly sometimes represents opposite values. And you know, Jack, to your point, what happened in Poland anyone who thinks and John knows more about this than I do. But what happened in Poland was not
an accident. It was Russia probing again native defenses. You don't fly nineteen drones deep into Polish air space because of a navigational era, right, And it's and that wasn't aniceolated incident. There would been one hundred and fifty kinetic attacks on European soil. When I say kinetic, I'm including sabotage, including the you know, things like.
Well that's what John was saying about. Coming to take another bite at the apple, right, Yeah, we're gonna We're gonna do it, and we're going to see what you you know, we're it's kind of get the comp believe, like what are you going to do about it?
And what are we doing about it? Nothing? You know, I mean a robust NATO responder. I mean article falls, nothing, article forms like right to consult. It's like absolutely nothing. What Native should be doing is moving air defense systems up to the border and shooting down drones that are even heading for NATO airspace. I mean that is absolutely legitimate.
Those drones were launched from Belarus. I mean it's you know, so we we should be doing things to Belarus too, but certainly preemptive contact, engagement of the threat, and and that sends a message loud and clear, and we you know, yes we are. We're at the same time we're reinforcing Ukraine's air defense. But that is yeah, we're not even
doing that. You know, the Russians have been you name it, from nor from cables in the North Sea and the Baltic Ocean, I think, you know, cutting fiber optic cables, to attempting to poison water supplies, to planting and scendry devices in warehouses, you know, in the UK it's a sabotage of Ryan metal facilities. In Germany, I mean across the board, it's been they've just there's just been no attempt even to keep things covert. You know, it's almost a joke. And it does seem like there was.
New era in world water where you know, we're going to see these like increasingly provocative actions that I think would have been not completely unthinkable, but they were rather uncommon and rare, and now they're seeming almost commonplace.
I think what's happening is they're actually not new. Russia has had a typical probing mentality, and what has happened is in the past, whoever they're probing will react in a way that stops the probe, and Russia's seeing how far can I get the problem? Right now, is nobody's stopping the probe. I think about like the Cuban missile crisis for example, that's an excellent example of a provocation to see how far can Russia get? Well, it almost
got to a nuclear war. And if you look in Syria, when the Wagner Group moved eastward toward our own positions, we stopped the provocation. Same thing with Russian SU thirty five's flying over Turkish air space from Syria. Turkey stopped that provocation in its tracks and Russia pulled back and didn't try again. And right now what's happening is Russia is seeing that, oh, at my periphery, nobody's stopping me,
so I'm going to expand my periphery. And this actually happened in two thousand and eight with the invasion of Georgia. They're still there in Osuth, Ossetia. They're still issuing Ossetian passports to Georgians living in this occupied space, and same with Abkhazia and even Transnistria and Eastern Moldova, like there are a lot of places where russ has just pushed out the edges to see how far can the edges go,
and they create new edges when they're not stopped. And right now what we're seeing is them attempting to create new edges, and until somebody stops them, those edges will become their own interior. And that's something that has to stop from the NATO perspective. But as we were saying earlier, if Trump is making these ultimatums about unless NATO countries all stop buying Russian oil. We're not going to help. Well, that's not how NATO has written. That's that contract is
very clear about what NATO means. It's about defense, it's not about economics. Economics certainly is a part of defense and vice versa. But that treaty is to help each other period.
That's what it's for. Yeah.
The interesting thing is, I think, I mean, we are seeing European nations step up to the plate far more than before. And they've been driven there partly by kind of US apathy, but also by awareness of the threat, especially with Poland and the Czech Republic and the Baltic nations of all up spending on that GDP considerably. I mean, Poland is now a leader within NATO and has completely
modernized its armed forces. In the process of completely modernizing its armed forces, the Baltics are by their own foreign policy statements. You know, if you watch them, they are not, especially Estonia. They don't shrink from out to our out and out confrontation Russia because they are sure that war is coming to them. And they have very better memories, of course of Soviet the Soviet occupation, and in fact
in Ukraine. We had a number of Estonians in the Mozart group and if you look at you know, in the Foreign Legion there, and some of those guys were active duty I'm not lying, active duty Estonian soldiers taking leave of absence, and that government was kind of turning a blind eye, you not. Yeah, that's no exaggeration because they knew that they were next. So I think you're seeing a lot of that the UK, of course, you know, even under labor, government is all in on. That's the
ironic thing. I mean, you know that you've got essentially a socialist government in the UK, and yet they are all in on defending Ukraine against the Russian threat, and yet we are we have backpedal. So I'm just looking for silver linings and all of this, I guess, Jack, because that's my role.
So Andy, you're the supreme commander of NATO. What are you What are you ordering?
All right? Well, definitely, I mean just what I said, I mean, I I would I would say the rules of engagement are to engage Russian drones and missiles in Ukrainian air space if they're heading towards NATO, I mean from a distance. All right, don't let them. I mean it's too late to let them cross the border. That is,
that's common sense, it's aggressive act. You know, when, as John has pointed out, the Russians, we're always you know, there's this there's this this political dynamic within the United States that you hear this mantra about escalation and we're being dragged into World War three, which is absolute, absolute bullshit. The Russians don't escalate when you confront them. They escalate when you back down, and that anyone who thinks otherwise
just isn't reading recent history or twentieth century history. And so that's what we should be doing, just like I think, you know, the way to drive negotiations and to come
¶ US Defense Strategy and Domestic Focus
to a ceasefire isn't to be nice, to poot and lay out the red carpet, and it's to say, hey, buddy, these are the repercussions if you don't. We're all in, and we're going to fast track Ukraine into NATO, and we are going to ramp up support for NATO in a way that you cannot imagine. And it's not going to be you know, I mean support for the Ukraine in a way that you kind of Mentionine.
Yeah, that's the only that's the only language that the Russians seem to understand. You know, you can't just go and talk to them nicely. And for some reason, the current administration has this idea like we should just be nice to dictators and like they'll play ball with us, and we see over and over again, I mean that's not the case.
Yeah, twenty five years he's been playing this game. And I was just watching a news for reel because I'm a sad individual, you know, I watch old news reels from on YouTube late at night, and I was watching one from the UK where he visited Tony Blair back in Putin back in two thousand and one, and that was all this stuff in the news about it's a new Russia and then blah blah blah, and you know, the days of Russia being on our enemy are over, you know, of course, Samply, that's absolute bullshit.
I mean that was the same song and dance with George W. Bush too. You know, it looked in his eyes and yeah, fell in love or whatever the quote is.
You know what I mean, Like, yeah, I saw a man who I could negotiate with.
Hey, John McCain said when he looked into his eyes. The only thing he saw was a K, A G, and a B.
So they should make it. They should make a T shirt about for that man.
I'm I'm just I'm not yet comfortable enough to look so closely into another man's eyes.
More about like talking about how the US is kind of like, for lack of a better word, shrinking from this this fight. The new national defense strategy that we talked about last week, a little bit that was like rumored, is like it's coming out more and more that like it. We're pivoting from China and Russia being you know, the near peer threats that we're focusing on to regional and domestic.
How does that explain to me what a one trillion dollar defense budget means when you're not focusing on the actual people who are the as close peer to peer competitors as we have.
The real threats are Venezuela and Greenland.
Of course, Yeah, I said it in the group chat, like Venezuela, Mississippi, Indate, Venezuela.
What do we go fund busted some North?
Yeah? I think what it is the Candians with.
A democratic country, though you have domestic politics driving foreign policy. Every four years or every two years, depending on.
What we're talking about.
And right now, the national discourse is all about immigration, cartels, drugs in the United States, which means that US foreign policy is going to reflect those domestic issues to some degree.
If that's if that's.
In the same line of agreement as those in the Senate, Congress and the White House, and that's that's what it is right now, and even the Judiciary, everyone is focused on the exact same direction of domestic response to these international issues and looking at the NDS and what will eventually be the national military strategy underneath that.
If we're focusing on the.
War on drugs quote unquote war on drugs, that means that our national defense policy will also focus on that, which means we're going to point our guns southward, which always kind of shakes me a little bit because you have to think about, Okay, these drugs are coming from the South, but they came from somewhere else before that,
especially synthetic drugs like pentanila. And even back in twenty fourteen, I was in Southeast Asia and we were working on an issue over there where metham vetamine precursors were coming out of India and China, because at the time there were only three factories in the world that produced the ephedrine that was used in metham vetamine. One of them was in India and two of them were in China.
This was like more than ten years ago, and India agreed at the time to police that, which then meant China was the only one still selling them to cartels. As you were saying, Jack, like, why why aren't we stopping the Chinese precursor points because that would cut off the supply of synthetics to Mexico and other states in the southern South America. But instead we're just kind of swatting at the end at the later on down the road people that are just making money off this thing
that came to them from somewhere else. I think that's very ignorant, to put it bluntly, to be hitting this you know seller who got it from somewhere else and the people before them got it from somewhere else. Is there's a long supply chain, just like any economy, and instead of chaling on that supply chain.
Do you buy into or I mean, do you do you support the thesis out there that you know, the Chinese feel that they have suffered this century of humiliation and that you know, the precursor chemicals being flooded into Central and South America by them is to them. They see it as revenge for the opium wars.
I think that is something that could be argued in favor of, but I don't think it's actually what's going on.
I think it's.
Probably more that China is a modernizing economy. It has been since Dengjaopang nine to seventy eight made his famous statement about the black cat white cat still a cat kind of thing with capitalism coming into China, but it's not capitalism. I think China they're having a lot of economic problems right now with their own domestic real estate issues and other like large scale domestic economic problems, and probably money coming into the country is good money, and
¶ Cultural Perspectives on Drug Issues
it's not a concern of where does that money come from. It's more about how do we keep up the pretense of our country rapidly modernizing.
Well.
One way to do that is huge industrial scale espionage against the United States defense industry and also against other technology in the United States, capitalizing on rare earth minerals and also production domestic production of electronic vehicles, like all these kind of like market centered things, and one of those market centered things is precursor chemicals and other things that go to other countries. And it's not so much about like, oh, let's do this perniciously to hurt America.
Instead it's we need to do something about making as much money as possible right now so that our economy doesn't look like it's in shambles, because once it's in shambles and the whole thing we've been saying, the potentkan village we've been building will collapse, and they don't want that to happen.
And I think that's probably more realistically what's happening in the minds behind the scenes.
So they're institutionalizing the illicit economy for economic purposes.
Well, it's only illicit to us.
I mean, they have their own way, they have their own laws, they have their own perspectives.
I mean it's for us.
It's terrible and people are dying here. But how much does that matter to the factory owner that owns the A Federing factory. Probably not very much. He cares a lot more about the closer term issue of his balance sheet keeping it red or black, you know.
¶ China's Global Economic Influence
Andrew, Yeah, no, I I was soaking all of that in the I think, yeah, I think that's a great point. And there's certainly a prevalent feeling, not that I can speak for the Chinese public at large, but we are not liked there, you know, and we haven't been for a long period of time. And I'm saying as someone
who grew up in Hong Kong. But you know, if you look back at I'm reading a book right now, which I do occasionally by a guy who is New York Times correspondent in Beijing, happened to be there on ninety eleven, you know, people that were cheering what was happening. And so I don't think I don't think anyone in China, you know, I think they regard fentonol and drugs as being a uniquely American problem because of our rather what's the word keying culture and our self absorption and all
of these things. And so it's, yes, certainly not their problem, and it's something that we're trying to blame on the rest of the world. So we'd guess from their viewpoint, from our viewpoint, you know, I I think that yes,
¶ Security Cooperation vs. Military Intervention
one can overplay the military threat that China poses to the United States. But that's not the problem. The problem is the fact that there are areas of potential Chinese expansion that do not align with our national interests, and so simply pivoting away from Asia, not that we ever really pivoted towards agent, but pivoting away can only be a negative thing. I mean, I forget what percentage of the world's economy, of the world's trade has to do
with agent, but it's a significant amount. Whether or not you care about the future of Taiwan, there are issues there that go deeper than just defensive territory. They have to do with the global economy. They have to do again with the credibility of the United States, and so turning away from that and can only be negative. And you know it's not as though, I mean, we've got
the largest, most powerful military in the world. So the either The last point on this, I would say is if we're focusing on our domestic borders, really, I mean, it's like, isn't isn't that a little bit of overkill? Why not protect our national interest overseas because there's no such thing. I mean, this viewpoint that this kind of isolation is viewpoint that there is United States and then
¶ Lessons from Successful Foreign Policy
there's some cut off line somewhere just offshore or south or north of our borders, and that we don't have to worry about anything beyond that is it was archaic in the nineteenth century and I just don't understand it now.
Yeah, I think things like Plant Columbia are very positive and we should probably replicate the successes from that. Rather than just using our military instrument to do military effects like strikes and things like that, we should be thinking more about security cooperation, more about security assistance. China's thinking about security cooperation much more every day. If you look at the Solomon Islands, they basically got an election to
vote in their favor. Domestically in the Solomon Islands, Sogavare was elected, who is anti US, He's pro China, and China's been doing this all over the South China are the different small countries around there gaining support for recognizing China instead of Taiwan. So that's happening South America. They're speaking with governments there and militaries there. They're bringing Chinese
police to train domestic police in those countries. This is a perfect textbook opportunity for the US to use security cooperation as an instrument of military power, a positive one that actually empowers people and shows those people what the US can do for you, and then what you can do for yourself once we've worked ourselves out of a job,
because that's the point of security cooperation. And it worked in Colombia and it can work throughout South America, especially this is such a close area to the United States, as you're saying, Andy, like our borders are secured by
¶ The Role of Special Operations
our partners. That's how it should be, especially in Mexico. Mexico should be one of our greatest security cooperation partners, and instead we're looking at it as this enemy state, a rogue state with rogue provinces that are the biggest threat to the US right now, which is ludicrous.
Yeah, So that brought up a really interesting point. When you look at the places and conflicts where the United States has been successful, they aren't where we've poured in conventional troops. It has been where we have had a light touch, and Columbia is a great example. You know, arguably there are others, arguably El Salvador, though I understand that you know, for a while we were supporting a
pretty horrific regime. But the point is that we moved it in the right direction and helped counter a counterinsurgency without pouring troops into that. And we don't pay enough attention to that. Everyone's fixated in rock in Afghanistan. But when it comes to foreign policy, pivoting here or that doesn't mean massive basin and it doesn't have to be all for deployed troops, but it does mean it does mean persistent presence. But that persistent presence could be a
very light touch. And I know, you know, Jack and I are probably a little jaded and not jaded but biased in this. But special operations forces are a great example. Marines are a great example too, Uh, the Army, the Army s FA brigades. Conceptually we're a great example, but of course they've been done away with, you know, so we don't seem to be progressing and learning these lessons.
And Jonathan is a former marine and special operator.
We're an all marine show. I'm sorry, Jack, We're we're an old marine show.
They got Nick and Jason aren't here today because I can't angle fucking four of you.
Well then we'd have a fire Team.
It could solve these problems a little bit. The will are you going to get sponsorship from the Marine Corps?
I'm trying to, honest to God, I'm trying to.
Yeah, I mean, I would think that seeing us on the show would just be a huge recruiting drive.
And frankly, I was kind of shocked at their marketing budget year it over year.
It's it's like one hundred and ninety million a year or something. Yeah, is that right?
Yeah, they signed a ten year deal for one point nine bill I don't know how they allocate it, but let's say, let's call it one ninety. They could shoot us over a mill I won't even notice it's gone.
Yeah, I mean, honestly, this podcast probably puts more kids into the military every year than their entire recruiting budget does.
Well. Actually, the I forget the name of the ad agency. It's something Thompson, right. Yeah, and they do some great commercials, but the commercial I mean, but they few and kind
¶ Drama in the Vet Bro Podcast Space
of few and fall between.
Yeah. They've actually merged. It's called VML.
Now that's that right.
Yeah, I've been stalking their employees.
Yeah you should. Yeah, and you're right, Jack, I mean, certainly I mean I would have joined the military all over again. After watching half a dozen episodes of The Team.
House, watching your own interviews on the Team House, do that. That guy's so cool.
I want to do that. What's what his accent though he's American?
What's your favorite? What's your favorite episode? Jack? And aside from the ones with me?
Well, man, that's a tough one. Yeah, that's a really tough one.
I'm gonna ask you d next.
So the one, okay, so, the one of the funniest one is the episode we did with Phil Campion s a S guy. I was laughing throughout the entire That guy is so funny.
He's a funny guy. Yeah, was he the one that
¶ Delta Force Controversies and Military Oversight
he was the one telling the story about the the where the plane was hijacked on the Toomac and they send the guy out to the s A S guy out to empty the empty the shitter and he pressed the wrong button.
He got he got sprayed.
Yeah, that was that was Peel.
Sorry, he run he runs his own podcast. It's pretty good.
Yeah. Yeah, he has a lot of a lot of the UK guys on there. Forces I think it's called.
Yeah.
But actually that brings us into topic number three D do you want to roll into that?
All right? So there's been a lot of drama going on I guess in the vet Bro podcast space. Uh they're not even vet Bros. Like one of them, David Hookstead and a friend of ours Combat Story Ryan Fugit. Yeah, they've taken down their Delta Force videos and interviews with Delta Force former Delta Force operators. I guess voluntarily because
I don't know. My guess, well, Jack's guess is like that some crotchety old you know, command sergeant majors and stuff are busting the balls of the former Delta guys and they are now in turn telling these guys to like, oh maybe can you take it down for me? So it's not you know, we're not up there, like they're not breaking up seconds for the most part tame interviews. We just want to say right here, right now, that
Teamhouse will fucking not be doing that ever. Like I don't care if Sergeant's Slaughter calls my phone, I don't give a fuck. Uh, that's not going to happen ever. Now, Yeah, it's going to happen. Bro.
A little bit of a backstory on that. So, I mean the things that have happened publicly. You've seen some pretty high profile stuff with Tim Kennedy, John McPhee and some other guys, some pretty big controversies at least in the in the veteran space, you know, maybe not in America at large, but you've seen some of those things escalate. And then as far back about a year ago, I was furnished with a email dot I was asked not
to share, but I'll tell you what it's about. It's an email that went out from Delta Force's Public Affairs officer with comments from the unit CSM. And you know, obvious the commander had to be in the mix somewhere in that. But so the PAO sent this email out to all of what they call veteran unit members or
former unit members like fums. So it goes out to all of them, and basically it was admonishing them to stop doing podcasts and reiterating that they do not support doing podcasts, they do not support guys writing books, they do not support guys telling their stories on whatever medium it may be. And then you know the kind of boiler plate, you know, preamble, national security secrets, blah blah
blah blah, blah, and so that went out. And the interesting thing about that email was, I mean, they're within their rights, I think, to remind people of classification and say don't break classification. I get that part. But the PAO went further and encouraged former unit members to socially shame and scold their teammates. Yes, it said call them
out on social media. That's in the email, like that I have, and that's pretty wild, Like, why is an army PAO telling private citizens to socially shame on social media other private citizens. That's pretty wild to me and to my mind, Uh, steps across some mounds. You know, I'm out of the military. The military can inbox me as much as they want. I don't work for them, sorry, bro, Like, I'm out now.
So I.
Don't know for a fact, but I suspect that this is probably the unit CSM or you know, trooper squadron level CSMs that are getting pissy about all these former unit members doing podcasts and some of them becoming very controversial. McPhee is the most prominent one, I think, and I'm not going to weigh in on that. You can make of that what you will.
What's the background of them. I'm aware of the whole
¶ Freedom of Speech in Military Contexts
Tim Kennedy.
Thing, allegations of embellishing stories and making up stories. And then there was this big expose I guess you could say, where stuff came out about how he was kicked out of the unit and then he was kicked out of Special Forces and retired as an infantry E eight and the whole background of like there's allegations of spousal abuse and other things there. Yeah, and excuse me, they took
away his time, as I understand it. So I think probably there are there are senior leaders in the unit that got upset that all this stuff is playing out publicly. And I will also say the same thing that I said on Seth Harp's interview, because I've had these conversations with people. The thing that Jaysok in Delta Force fears, probably more than anything, is increased oversight. They absolutely do not want the United States government putting more oversight on them.
They don't want legislation. They absolutely don't want more legislation coming in because as things are like, the oversight on Jaysock is fairly light. They have a lot of freedom to do the things that they want to do. And there are fears that this sort of like public controversies that like Vetbro podcast circuit, is going to have an influence on you know, people's perceptions and ultimately on lawmakers' perceptions, and they start to feel, hey, this unit's out of control.
We need to get this under control.
Too.
Is kind of like the straw that broke the camel's back.
It's possible, Yeah, it's possible.
Yeah, a wide message about Relentless Strike and they were like, do not acknowledge that this book exists. Do not read it if you see it in the bookstore, do not touch it. If someone gives it to you, give it back. I think it was like twenty fourteen or fifteen. It was like a whole unit wide email about that so childish, and now.
It's required reading when you check into JAYSUK.
Yeah, it's funny how that works, isn't it. You go for being a pariah of being mandatory reading.
So our messages were not taking down any of the ADULTA forced guys email videos.
And no one has come to me as of yet. I have heard you if they do, like, no one has come to me, But I still, you know, I believe that you know, if you believe in freedom of speech and freedom of the press, then those are things you have to stand up for sometimes, you know, especially when it's the military is just trying to bully you and bully people around you, you really have to stand
up to that. And this isn't a thing like where a federal judge is sending out orders to podcasters like take down notices like you will be in contempt of court if you do this. I don't think there's any premise that they, you know, any law that allows them to do that because of the constitutional freedoms we have, So all they can do is kind of like threaten people, and you kind of have to. You have to stand firm against that kind of stuff.
Yeah, we've also been asked by certain guys, former operators to take out like benign stuff from our interviews, like shit about like Thermo barracks. Yeah, doing that.
It's happened once or twice where I think guy's got some pushback from their former colleagues or their friends, and they've asked me like can you take down this interview or whatever, And I'm like, hey, look if you can point out to me where there are national security secrets being divulged that could endanger operations or personnel. I will review that. I will look at it, and I'll have
to make a decision. But if there's a legitimate national security issue, I will consider removing that part of the interview.
And yeah, when the one.
Person came back to me, it was like, oh, the Thermo Barrack grenades are classified, and I'm like, there's a Wikipedia page on this, Like I'm not gonna sorry.
Yeah, yeah, so we urge the vet bro podcast here.
I just want to add that very few people have suffered more than I have after a team house interview from it.
Yeah, and he got screwed over, that's right, you got like, uh like security clearance reviewed, right.
Yeah, I got them all kinds of Yeah. I mean for talking about I'm not I'm not gonna talk about it here now. But it wasn't it wasn't a security violation. No, I got it back. But it took fourteen months. And not just that, but you remember the whole Ukraine interview where I talked about violations of the law of art conflict by Ukrainians, you know, and just saying hey, listen, this happens too, and in order to go after the Russians.
At the time, it was you know, I felt like no one had more right to criticize what was going on in Ukraine and when I was risking my life every day in Ukraine for the Ukrainian cause. But my point was simply, hey, I want to be on the right, on the side of good, and there are things that the Ukrainians have to clean up too, and in order to be able to point the finger out the Russian So that was that was the gist of what I
was saying. And actually Zelenski agreed with me, because he said much the same thing two days later, but without the death threats presumably, but unbelievable. I mean, that was the the spin offs from that or the like videos that went more viral than the Team Mouse video with just clips of me was saying.
Yeah, that got us in the New York Times, I remember that, Yeah, yeah, you're welcome, Thank you, Andy. Any other bombshells you want to drop here again?
Where former soft veterans drink hard alcohol in a living room.
Second, that's an apt description of the show. I feel like the same.
The same article called me a solo a solo flyer deeply steeped in violence. So yeah, a solo fire with the background deeply steeped in violence.
He's a traveling minstrel of death.
Anyway, he's Yeah, but we all survived. But I didn't call you. I didn't call you guys and cry.
Yeah.
Yeah, I mean it is what it is, right, Yeah. I mean I've said stupid things at the time, kind of.
I mean yeah, but the clearest thing was absolute nonsense. I mean it's like so ridiculous.
Yeah, it was so overblown and over the top. When Andy was making a pretty reasonable comment that didn't strike me as controversial at all.
¶ Book Recommendations and Closing Thoughts
And the funny thing is when we try to extract top secret stuff from you during the show, like the first episode or second episode, when we were talking about isis uh and what was going on there? You were like, you were like, back off.
Now, he's got a good memory. Yeah, even even after the show where I where I collapsed and fell half unconscious in a snowbank.
That was great. We drank the three of us together, drank like a bottle and a half of whiskey that night.
Not recommended when you're on a podcast.
Those days, I just want to add, those days are in the past now for the team house.
Those were kind of is kind of the wild.
West days of the early early shows, you know where Jack would say he was going to the restroom and we wouldn't see him again the rest of the show.
Oh yeah, I have I have a super cut of those moments that is only allowed for Patriots agents.
And it was hard liquor, I mean the studio.
Yeah, you cut them everything way back.
Yeah, there was no water or you could trankless whiskey.
Smoking cigars and drinking whiskey. Yeah, it'll come back at some point.
It'll come back for the five hundred four hundredth episode maybe.
Yeah, that's amazing. How many years has had? Five years? Six years?
Right, twenty nineteen.
It's longer than five years, because yeah, it's twenty nineteen.
Yeah, John, do you want to tell people where they can go? Show people your book and tell people where they can go to find it?
Oh, this book right here?
Yeah yeah, but this whole thing, this whole thing just sitting here.
Yeah.
Yeah.
This is Iran's shadow Weapons, unconventional warfare, intelligence operations, and covered action. It came out in July, but it's a bunch of declassified information that I got through few of Information Act requests, and also a lot of foreign language media that I was able to translate myself, and a lot of foreign government documents, like there's a lot of Iranian documents that got leaked that are now translated in there for the very first time.
That shows kind of like how everything happens behind the scenes.
If you ever wondered, like how do they try to assassinate people in the US.
Well, I lay it all out in there, like very very detailed. There's no opinion in the book.
It's all analysis because you know, I'm an intelligence guy. That's my background, and this is basically a very long intelligence report.
That's kind of how I look at it.
And about twenty five percent of the pages are references, so you can go and look up on your own and make your.
Own decisions about it.
You can find it on Amazon or Barnes and Olgo or whatever wherever you want. Kindle version, there's a hardcover or hard copy version.
I'm working on an audiobook for it. I have to contract somebody for that. To the publisher.
Hey tell yourself, John, you've got it. They tell me not to that smooth points, Yeah.
They told me no.
They started throwing all this technical stuff like oh, you've got to have the sound levels here, and like.
Blah blah blah blah blah. Clear they're trying to like shock on me with it.
I did it in during COVID in the closet in my bedroom and and so seriously, so all the clothes hanging around acted to muffle the noise. And uh, it's actually it's actually not bad. You go into a zen mode. At least I had to.
But you do.
Yeah, I mean, d you should do that too. I think a well, you've got to write a book first. You have to write, right, Yeah, and in your kind of Greek Brooklyn. Seriously, it would it would sell well.
Yeah, I think so.
For sure. It has made a movie.
I didn't write a book, but I made a movie.
That's that's a good movie.
Actually, it's fine, it's good. I watched it. Thanks Jack, Thank you, Ady, God bless you guys. Check out Jonathan's book. The link is in the description. I've made it easy for you. It's incredible Iran Shadow Weapons. It's a great reference material. Andy Milburn When the Tempest Gathers his incredible memoir. Link is in the description. As always, we're waiting on the other book about the Israel Gaza war, Waiting with baited breath, Jack Murphy, we defy his book on Special
Force on the Unknown Chapters of Special Forces History. That link will be in the description as well. I need to write a book. Everyone's got a books here? The fuck? Jack?
Who's who's published that?
I published that book? Yeah on Amazon. Yeah, I have a I have a publisher I am working with. I'll have a new novel out in June that I'll tell folks about. It's a military thriller.
I've read it. It's very good.
No, it helps to offline here about your experience is self publishing.
Oh yeah, we can rap about that.
I mean after the show.
I don't want to keep Jonathan here or any Yeah.
Patreon dot com slash the Teamhouse and get you Team House episodes and I episodes completely a free and early check it out. Help support to show. YouTube is fucking us over uh And that's it. I appreciate it, guys. As always a great time.
Where's my T shirt?
Hey guys, I want to tell all of you today about a new newsletter that we're launching that encompasses both the Teamhouse podcast, the eyes On podcast, and the high Side news outlet, which I run with Sean Naylor.
Uh.
The newsletter is gonna be once a week. It's gonna come into your inbox and you're gonna get the most current podcasts on eyes On and the Teamhouse and whatever's topical or current on the high Side. So it's another way for us to get the information out to you as social media algorithms are pretty iffy and you never really.
Know what you're gonna get. So this is a once a week email.
It'll slide into your inbox and it will have you know the greatest hits of that week.
It's really good. Checking it out.
The website for it is Teamhouse Podcast dot kit dot Comlah should join Teamhouse Podcast dot kit dot com slash join.
Uh.
You go there and you enter into your email list or you enter your email into the little thing on the website and you're good to go and that'll be it. So we really appreciate your support and I hope you'll consider signing up.
Where's the link.
The link will also be down the description if you're looking for it there
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