I saw the work that that was done with the periphery, with the rat, I started thinking, well, you know, it would be really tasteful if we evolved so that during this period of really marked biological change of puberty and marked hormonal regulatory change of puberty. Maybe, that helped open up the system again, to sample how harsh or benign is my context, and to sort of adjust systems, a stress system accordingly, right before you reach the time when
you're reproductively ready to have offspring, right? Sort of a reasonable time to readjust.
Welcome to the Stress Puzzle, where we explore the latest in stress science and consider how the science may translate to our daily lives, or where we might have missing pieces for actually making that connection. I'm your host, Ryan Brown, and I'm a social health psychologist working with the Stress Measurement Network, which is a team funded by the National Institute on Aging, and includes internationally
recognized stress experts from UCSF, UCLA and Yale. In this episode, I speak with Dr. Megan Gunnar about the calibration and recalibration of human stress systems. Dr. Gunnar has explored these ideas in the context of early adversity and with a focus on the importance of puberty as a window for recalibration. We're joined today by Dr. Megan Gunnar, who is a regents professor and distinguished McKnight University professor at
the University of Minnesota. Her doctoral training was in developmental psychology at Stanford University, and she then completed her post doctoral fellowship in psychoneuroendocrinology at Stanford Medical School. Since then, she's built a remarkable career studying how stress biology affects neuro behavioral development and all the
processes that help children regulate stress hormones. Dr. Gunnar is a fellow of the National Academy of Sciences and has numerous lifetime achievement awards across many societies and disciplines, including the Association for Psychological Science and the International Society for Psychoneuroendocrinology, I especially admire her interdisciplinary approach to addressing questions of early
life adversity, stress biology and developmental timing. So, welcome, Dr. Gunnar, we're so happy you could join us here on the Stress Puzzle.
It's wonderful to be here with you today.
I was hoping you could start us off by helping listeners to sort of conceptualize what calibration of stress response systems really means in the context of developmental psychoneuroendocrinology?
Okay. Maybe it's better to start by thinking about the fact that our bodies have to adjust themselves to where we're going to grow up and where we're going to live. And throughout evolution, a number of mechanisms have developed to be able to do that. There's even evidence that, how the size of our sweat glands are influenced by how hot it is in the first
six to 12 months of our lives. And that is, you calibrate if I'm going to be living in a really hot climate, I better be able to sweat more than if I'm living in a cold climate.
Calibration of the stress system is similar to that. It's the idea that if the environment you have been born into is full of challenges, perhaps from famines, perhaps from extreme cold or extreme heat, or are from a lot of various kinds of adversity, a lot of people die, etc, etc, you need to calibrate your systems to your stress systems to be able to manage
that degree of challenge, that harshness. However, if you're born into a pretty benign setting where there's plenty of food and everything is wonderful and people aren't dying all around you, then your systems get calibrated to that more benign kind of context. The calibration is calibrating according to the demands that you are likely to experience during your lifetime, but we have a very long lifetime as
compared to a rat or some other much shorter lived species. A number of us have wondered whether there are periods of recalibration during the course of development.
Yeah, and so, it sounds like this idea of calibration, more broadly, is is really well understood and accepted, and adding in sort of the social environment as part of that calibration system is a lot of what is really unique about this interdisciplinary advantage that we kind of can see, and you focused a lot on the hypothalamic pituitary
adrenal axis, especially during puberty. And so, I'm curious, what if you could talk us through sort of what's special about puberty, especially for stress systems?
Well, I'm going to take you back a little bit. The calibration of the HPA axis and the importance of social experiences is certainly not my contribution to science. We've known about it since Gig Levine in the 1950s and early 60s recognized that the kind of stimulation that the mother rat provides for the infant rat calibrates that infant rats HPA axis, reactivity,and proneness to anxiety. My contribution was
to show that, oh yeah, it also is true in us as humans. And the early period is a very important period, the first few years of life, two, maybe three years of life, a very important for that initial calibration. Puberty is this amazing period of time when there's vast hormonal changes and others have began before me to notice that reactivity of the HPA axis actually increased over
the course of puberty for a period of time.Probably, along with all of the other steroid hormone changes that are going on at puberty that have to do with maturations of our capacity
to reproduce. So, and there was some rat work suggesting that that period of time was also another sensitive period in that dressers that confronted the rat during this peripuberty, around puberty, peripuberty means around puberty period, would have longer lasting effects than the same stressors encountered in the mature rat.
Yeah, and it, you know, it really ties well to something I really appreciate about your research. And, you know, I think we want to highlight in this podcast is how to do this work. Largely, you really do need to be able to go back and forth or it helps a lot going from human models to animal models to maximize the different ways we might consider how early life,adversity, or any other factor that we consider
may bridge to later life health and stress responses. So, I guess I'm curious if you could talk about how you've approached working with both animal and human model research to support the hypotheses that you have?
Well, one of the challenges of working with humans is there are many things you cannot do experimentally that are done to kids every day. In the rodent work and the there are things you can do that are under controlled conditions to really test causal mechanisms. Really, tough. We can randomly assign kids to improve their lives, but we cannot randomly assign kids to adversity. And never would want to.
The other thing, no, we would not want to, and which is why I say it happens to kids all the time, and worse than we would ever do if it was experimental. But we, Yeah, and we have to remember that it's not that children don't experience real awfulisms. The animal models also allow us to get a mechanism with kids, especially with young kids, we can't even really draw blood in order to to find out what's going on in their bodies, we're we're pretty well stuck with
really non- invasive measures. Of course, we can image the brain, but we aren't going to go in and dissect it. So, to really get at mechanisms and where things are happening and so forth, you need the animal models, but nature never put an animal on earth to model a human that way. So, we call them animal models, but they're really in many respects, to answer the question of, how did this species evolve to function
Of course. in its ecological niche? What is the story for that animal? Okay, ifI understand the story for that animal and another, this is Yeah.
I hate. I understand we use the term comparative, like not just working with an animal model, can Ibegin to ask questions about what the human chapter to animal model, but I tell my students, it's not really a that mammalian story might look like, having an understanding of how those chapters were written for other mammals for whom we model. can get at mechanism and control experiences more. Does that make
Right. It's a completely different experience sense? and biological system. But being able to get at those mechanisms is, how else would we do it the wealth of knowledge that we've gotten from different species. You know, I do a lot more in adults and think about attachment and adult relationships. So, we think of prairie voles. But again, the huge differences in prairie vole relationships than human relationships.
Huge differences. Sarah Hrdy, I'm sure you know who that is, h, r, d, y, fabulous, fabulous anthropologist, biologist. As she once said in one of her books, that Mother Nature rarely buys anything new. She uses what's in her larder to solve the problem. So, that does affect that there's continuity in evolution, and so it's not like unlikely things are done wholly differently, but always worries me when we think, oh, so nature did it just exactly the same. Probably not.
Especially, yeah, especially when we're thinking, you know, lifespan type questions, the just the sheer difference in lifespan across these different animals. So, I'm curious how you addressed that, or dealt with that, like the lifespan differences?
Well, it's precisely why I began to wonder whether I saw the work that that was done with the pair of
puberty with the rat. I started thinking, well, you know, it would be really tasteful if we evolved so that during this period of really marked biological change of puberty and marked hormonal regulatory change of puberty, maybe that helped open up the system again to sample how harsh or benign is my context, and to sort of adjust systems, a stress system accordingly, right before you reach the time when you're reproductively ready to have offspring, right? Sort of a
reasonable time to readjust. So, that's what led me to think about that there's other periods. I have a wonderful student, Marian Howland, who is really interested in the possibility that pregnancy, and for both the woman and possibly for the man, as he to start, if he gets really involved in taking care of his babies, might be a period that opens up the system again for a bit ofrecalibration.
Absolutely. I really am excited to see all that work, the incredible reorganization of life around that time and biological recalibration as well. You know, just diving into your research a little bit more specifically as you've been touching on I really admire the ways that you've, really your creativity and testing your pubertal recalibration hypothesis. And so, I was hoping you could talk us through what
you were really looking for in a sample to test this theory? And you know what you found when you did find that sample?
Well, you have to understand that I had been spending quite a bit of time using kids adopted from orphanages as a model of early adversity. It's a very important model for us to understand both for the kids themselves of course, these kids were not there just to help me have a good career, but one of the things that was important about them is they started out in, under conditions, most of them that were definitely harsh, they were not what we evolved to
anticipate. biologically, we evolved to be cared for by one or a few people, cared for by a whole mixture of people with no identifiable attachment figure, and on and on and on. In atmospheres, it's very, very difficult when you put a 20 babies together not to have a lot of germs and babies are dirty, especially when you put them all together, it's hard to
maintainthat. So, the system would be challenged both by pathogens and parasites, and, you know, lack of responsive care, and on and on and on. Okay, we got that now, unfortunately, for most people, the conditions of your early life are fairly predictive of the conditions of later life, right? Threat tends to follow threat and good things tend to follow good things don't have a dramatic reshuffling of our
social classes. There is some, but it's not very dramatic. So, I wanted to test really, whether there was an early calibration period for the stress system. I needed kids who experience radical change in conditions, and that is absolutely true for kids adopted internationally from orphanages. It's not that
life becomes perfectly sweet. Many of them are being adopted into homes with white parents when they're their children of color, and are moving into the US or other countries where they're then also discriminated against, so that everything's not perfect, but in terms of radical change, in moving to high resource homes with people who really want to be responsive to you and care for you and raise you and do all the great
things for you, is a radical change. And so, I initially sought this group as a way of testing the initial calibration of the stress systems and whether it would revamp as soon as they got to goodness, and it doesn't. And that was what was blew me up. It didn't, well did blow me away. I really expected more flexibility in the system, and instead, what I found was that there's a down regulation. There's a hypo functioning of
the adrenal gland. I don't know about the rest of the system. I can't find out about that in the kids who are adopted internationally, and the degree of hypo functioning is associated with problems with ADHD and peer relations and etc, etc, permanent friendliness and problems in attachment. So then, I began to wonder, well, does puberty give an opportunity for the system to reawaken and recalibrate, or are these kids
going to be hypo functioning the rest of their life? So, the question grew out of my original seeking of the sample to
Right. It really does have such incredible understand the initial calibration curiosity about, implications for policy. The difference of, if that initial well, is it going to be this way forever, or will puberty open another window? calibration is where you're at, versus if you have this window of, you know, more flexibility and reorganization that's possible. I mean, the profound difference in how much I would think policymakers would care right about improving conditions
and things like that. So, it I just want to take a step back and say how important that contribution itself is.
Yeah, but then I went on, and I said, well, okay, now you've gone from driving a Volkswagen to driving a Ferrari, you've got a stress system that is reactive. Does that mean all this other wonderful recalibration is happening, and the fact that you had emotional problems that are all going to recalibrate, and everything's going to be sweetness and light? And the answer to that is no. Now that you're driving a Ferrari, your brain was developed to expect a
Volkswagen. So, we were actually seeing that the heightened reactivity with this recalibration is predictive of increased internalizing issues.
And so, this is sort of the link here of how behaviors kind of adjust or maybe affected by this, this timing?
Yeah. I mean, the bottom line is, there's no free lunch if we want individuals to function when we need to take care of them from the get go. You know, it's not that they're not going to, none of them are going to be able to. But on a population health level, taking care of making sure that life is good for kids from the from conception on, is a pretty good plan, and that we can, we can work at repairing problems. And in fact, man, internationally adopted kids, they show
incredible improvements in functioning. I mean, it's not like, gee, it has no effect. No, they, many of them, just showthese massive, incredible rebalance in language and
cognition and growth, and they still struggle with problems. I mean,they're doing incredibly better than were they to stay in the institution, but this period of recalibration of the stress system may raise additional challenges, and I think what we need to understand is whether providing additional support and training and emotion regulation, you may or may not remember, when you went through puberty as a girl.
Probably blocked it out. Largely.
There was this crazy thing called cycling, and your emotions sort of had that didn't have this cycling issue, began to have this cycling issue, and and you'd go through periods of wondering why you wanted to cry. And then, you would, of course, go out and find a good reason and get really upset, until you figured out that, oh, in a few days, my period's gonna start. And this is just, you know, a little mild bit of PMS and so in some that's learning how to live with your
new hormonal self. Make sense? So, I've been wondering with this recalibration issue, don't get the same kind of emotive feedback from cortisol that you do from estrogen, and progesterone and all those lovely things, but there's a
change in the way the body is working. And I've wondered if whether helping kids understand that they're going through this change process, or perhaps especially because they're going through puberty at the same time, understanding that whole change in biology is not necessarily meaning anything emotionally. It's just your body's adjusting. Right? Don't get all wrapped up in trying to understand why you're upset, because it's just your body. It's going through its thing.
Yeah. It reminds me of, you know, if you're someone who doesn't drink a lot of coffee, and then you have a day with more coffee, and then maybe it's a more stressful day, suddenly your heart is racing. And how do you interpret that? You know, faster heart rate. There is it, I'm panicked, and I'm I will not be able to perform whatsoever or, or, can you take the step back and be like, this is, this is a biological response, and this isn't, you know, yeah, it's just caffeine.
Yeah. I think there's a lot of that then. I don't, you know, I don't do intervention work, so I don't know if anyone's done that kind of training with adolescents to just understand, eh, your body's going to be a little weird for a while, and it's going to send weird signal. And don't worry about it. It's fine, you know, just wait a day. Just wait a day and see what the tommorow brings. I don't know if they've done any of it.
Makes me wonder if there's something in like the PMDD world in line with that of just more more difficulties with cycling that you know persists beyond puberty? Anyway.
Some of this I just, you know, it's just their's, is probably not quite as predictable.
Right? And you know, something I found really interesting in thinking about your career was how, you know, a lot of times in the stress world, we think, okay, the way past stress might be affecting us in the future is by making us really react more strongly, or how this hyper responsivity, but your work and others really highlights that this isn't always the case, and maybe not. Even the most likely case, especially for cortisol, and that we might really expect more
hypo responsivity in response to early life stress. And I was curious if you could just speak to this distinction, and if it was surprising to you, and sort of how you might have navigated that publishing those findings when that wasn't necessarily the dominant view in secondary endocrinology at the time?
Yeah. Well, poor Rachel Yehuda, I guess I shouldn't say poor Rachel, but at the time, when she founded, it was poor. Awonderful neuroscientist, and maybe a name you know, who has studied PTSD. And when she was a young scientist, she was working on activity of the HPA axis and PTSD and everybody and their dog. I mean, it was about 10
years before we began to get our findings. Everybody and their dog absolutely expected that people with PTSD would have elevated cort, and she was finding low cortt, you know, all the silver backs, because it was mostly males, at that time. You know, we're poo pooing or finding, oh, nice little girl,
you've got that wrong. Well, she was absolutely right. Then we came along, and once we had, once we had salivary cortisol measures, we the feel and people could leave the lab and actually have people sample as they went about their everyday lives. Weird stuff began to happen, and people like Dirk Hellhammer and others who were getting Clemens, but especially Dirk here for adults and biorhythms, began to notice that there were not
everybody had a high morning and low evening. There were these people had low and low, I mean, and not, you know, there were these weirdos. And they wrote he and Christine Heim, I think was the first paper. Wrote the first paper on the possibility that hypo cortisolism was a real phenomenon in humans and perhaps associated with problems like chronic fatigue, etc, etc. It's not clear how associated it is with those problems, but that
was their first paper. So when Millie Vasquez and I observed this, kids exposed to significant early adversity, and we wrote our paper. We had, we were not the lone people out in the wilderness saying, Whoa, maybe human beings go sort of hypo under chronic stress. And more and more of those findings began to come in. There are depression. Chronic depression is associated with slightly elevated morning cortisol and
elevated evening, so sort of a tend towards higher cort. But a lot of other adversities is not or, you know, people who are experienced the same adversity and don't get depressed. Christine Hein has shown the hypo functioning. But those you know, the push was so hard to believe that had to be sort of a prelude to hyper that then there was the expectation that those people would become hyper reactive, and maybe not. There's
a lot, lot, lot more evidence that in humans. Now the question is, why and where is it that your stress system, your central brain, central stress system, has become hypo functioning, or is this down regulation happening more in the periphery? And we have data that at least raises the possibility that it might even be at the adrenal level, and the brain is, yeah,
the brain is going on being hyper stress reactive. But, you know, chronic elevations in cort really rough on the body, and so tend to be followed by mechanisms like, get it back down, get it back down. And there's old, very nice data that if in rodents, not in kids, if you inject corticosterone into
the ventricles, so it's going throughout the brain. It tends to upregulate corticotropin releasing hormone in the amygdala and maybe down regulated in that in the hypothalamus, like it's unhooks the different parts of the stress system. Oh, fascinating, yeah, absolutely fascinating. Nature doesn't like to be put in a box, and so if, if she needs, if nature needs to have us become hyper vigilant, pay
attention. There's chronic threat. But if we run really high levels of the peripheral hormones, it's going to, you know, wear and tear us out way too fast. We'll have cushions and other things down regulated the periphery, but keep the
brain going. And then, maybe there's also some possibility that that unhooking, which may save us initially, also may make it hard to ever ramp down what's going on in the brain, because elevations and some cortisol are part of turning off that central system, as well.
And, you know, I really appreciate that you touched on how measurement really played a role in that, you know, because I wonder what that would have looked like if we didn't have those salivary cortisol measures at the same time to really be able to, you know, show this out in the field. So, I'm curious. What you view as like biggest innovations and stress measurement, whether that's on the biological side or psychological side, and what we might need to push the field forward in your view now?
Yeah. the hair cortisol has been really cool because it allows us to look at sort of the calendar of impacts and many other things than just cortisol, but it doesn't tell us
about what happens in daily rhythms. So, we need the capacity to also look at the daily rhythms that can get so bollocks up under chronic stress, everybody and their dog would love to be able to measure cortisol with just like a dipstick or something, or, you know, to be able to spit in something, and 10 seconds later, know what the cortisol level is. And there's been a lot of attempts to go and create that technology. It's likely to happen at some point. And that
sort of immediate feedback would be potentially very helpful. You could imagine designing studies, biofeedback, kind of studies to do with that, but we already can do that with heart rate and other things as well. The AI is likely to be critically important, because the body responds in patterns, and not just in one system at a time. So, while all the systems talk to each other in different individuals of different genetics, the way they talk to each other and the sensitivity
and the patterns that emerge are going to be somewhat unique. And the prediction, I mean, heterogeneity is something we really, really need to understand, and we can't really understand it when we go with just one measure at a time, or even two, or even three, and then as we get way into all the nomics, and we need AI to and machine learning to help us put all that in.
Now, you definitely touched on one of my biggest kind of questions or concerns around how we're, you know, just how well can we link these systems up? It always stands out to me that when we're isolating these systems and finding, you know, important findings within each system, just the how does it all connect together. And bringing in genetics to that, as
Well. I mean, obviously there are as many well? different patterns as there are people, but that is if you're going to predict every system perfectly related to every other system perfectly, as you loosen that up yet, yeah, as you loosen that up a bit, you begin to find groups that are operating sort of alike. And that's probably where we some sweet spot where sort of alikes are predictive of certain you know, different
patterns of outcomes are are driven by different inputs. In doing that, one of the challenges we have of do we go to dust bowl empiricism, like we don't care that we understand something about biology, just throw them all in a pot and let artificial intelligence sort it out. Or do we guide the work that is part of your answer to that you know, looking with some understanding of gene networks, of understanding of sort of how systems enter. And I think my gut goes biologically informed
AI would be probably what we want to do. But right now, we it's, we're sort of getting really happy with just straightforward machine learning and seeing what it turns out.
Right, right? Yeah, it'll be, it'll be, it'll be very interesting to see best practices moving forward with AI and machine learning and just the vast power that we're getting from these tools. So, I wonder if you just sort of take a step back on your remarkable career, if there's a particular finding that feels the most meaningful to you, either because of the importance of the results, or something about the research process itself?
Yeah. My, my favorite finding that really changed my thinking about all of this was when I was finally released from the newborn nursery. I'll explain that in a second, because I could move from blood to saliva, the salivary assays were working well enough, and I imported them into and was able to do them at the university I was at, not me
the medical lab could do them. So, initially, since I needed blood, I did work with, and I wanted healthy babies, I was confined to the newborn nursery because you could take extra drops of blood when they did the metabolic screening dance, the little heel sticks. Then, I just would, I hired a nurse, and we would take the blood for those, so the phlebotomist didn't have to come, or whoever didn't have to come in. And we would organize that sampling around questions like, What was the
response to circumcision? What all the rest of the things I did in the nursery I was doing all that well, the saliva assays were really coming online. Once I had those, I was like, Yes, I can go out and I can look at the development of individual differences in stress reactivity. And the first study we did and temperament, I was temperament, stress reactivity. Those were my that those that linkage was what I was
interested in. And, we did a whole set of assessments of temperament using the Louisville temperament measure at nine months of age, and I was going to predict stress reactivity to separation at 12 months of age, not at nine months. I was getting reactions just to the temperament assessment. And at
12 months, holy mother, the kids didn't respond. And I'm like, wait a minute, separation from the parent is like the biggest stressor we can use in a non human, in a non human primate, it's like big, and so that was when I called up Gig Levine, my former PhD mentor, and said the adrenal is not doing what it's supposed to. And he sort of laughed, and he says it's doing what it's supposed to, you just don't understand, you're absolutely right and you're not much.
What a great and classic response.
Really, I would've knocked his head off. But, I began, that led me to say, well, what in heaven's name is happening here? And at nine months, the attachment system wasn't fully, they were merging into it, but at 12 months, they were pretty securely attached. And you don't, you don't, you know, you're not nasty to babies. You don't keep the
parent away. First of all, I also started thinking about the difference between separating the mother monkey from her infant, and she does not like that idea, and so you are battling. Mother is screaming and yelling, don't take my baby, and you're taking the baby. And that's not what happens in human shoes. Say, mom, would you go out of the room? And she says, Yes, of course. So, it wasn't the same degree of stress. I didn't think, and I began to wonder. I said, you know, I knew
the literature on social regulation of stress. There was some literature there. I thought, well, maybe the attachment system Bowlby said it would be a buffer, and maybe it really was. And so then we did the studies that really showed the buffering effect, the powerful buffering effect of a secure attachment relationship. I also then began to think, well, you know, it would make very little sense if every time a baby got upset, they wrecked their HPA axis pp to this guy.
But also, you. in non human, in rodents, there's this period of stress, hypo responsivity, but our system is much more mature at birth, so it's unlikely to be within the system. But even in the rodent, that capacity to remain high, you know, to not react, is maintained by the mom licking and grooming the baby. And you take those things away, you take away milk into the gut and the licking of the anus, which we don't do, but they do,
and the system becomes reactive. So, even in the rodent, this immature period is being maintained by signals from the mother. So, let's leap forward to humans, much more mature system does react earlier in the first year, but by the, okay, now we've got a kid who's gonna look him up, can go out and get itself into trouble, can cry and return to the mother figure. And maybe, as long as the mothering figure is responsive and is
this, attachment is secure. The crying is just a good signal to the attachment figure that I need help, and if help comes, Well, why do I have to kick off my system? My mothering figure can elevate his or her stress system, which is what happens. So, now on that path and design a set of studies that would show that, yeah, that's what happens.
Gorgeous, the social buffering and distress regulation pieces, I mean, so close to my heart, so I love that. That's what you identified there.
And then, Mike Hennessy has a beautiful paper. He's a guinea pig guy, who was also trained by Gig Levine on how social buffering appears for whom and at what stage of development and with whom in different species.
Amazing. We will definitely link that in the show notes, so folks can check that out as well. Thank you so much for joining us today. Dr.Gunnar, I really appreciate everything you've shared today, and it's just been a delight to get to chatwith you.
Well, it's been fun chatting with you, Ryan, too. Take care.
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