It's always a successful podcast, James, when you managed to work in the word flounce?
Did I get in flounce?
Did I get there fence?
Yeah I do too.
Yeah.
Okay, next week we won't flaunce will swan about.
That's the good one too.
Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country.
Mister Gorbucha.
Tear down this wall.
It's the Ricochet Podcast. I'm James Lanks, and we have Stephen Aingward and Charles and C. W. Cook and we're going to be talking to Daniel McCarthy about tearuffs, Trump and other things. So let's have resup the podcast. Other federal workers not revealing their names because of concern over retribution, described to NBC News fear and panic and Orwellian nightmare.
Seventy thousand for the production of a DEI musical in Ireland, forty seven thousand for a transgender opera in Colombia, thirty thousand for a transgender comic book in Peru.
This is what they're mad about.
Welcome Everybody Eats. The Ricochet Podcast part of our Boeing series this year. It's number seven hundred and twenty seven. James lolaxs in Minneapolis, which is due to get about ten inches of snow in the next couple of days or so. And I'm talking to Stephen Heyward and Charles C. W. Cook, who I assume are at their polar opposites, one in Florida, one perhaps in Well. Where are you, Stephen? I know this is a great interest everybody.
Well, I don't know about that. I'm in California, out of the coast, but it is raining, so it's got snow, but we are getting some rain.
There's that. Well, wherever you are in this country, I'm sure that you've heard, of course, the nailing, washing and gnashing, gunashing, and rending of garments that is attending day eighteen of the of the you know, the Tasmanian devil like activity going on from the Trumpe administration, a doge and whatnot. And I'm here to tell you I spend a lot of time in a lot of time, but I go to Reddit a lot because it's interesting. It used to be one of those places where, oh, here's a niche
community that I like. Let's let's talk with some like minded fellow citizens about this, that and the other. But every single subreddit has been infected by a level of craziness I haven't seen before. There is an utter conviction that we are basically in nineteen thirty four Germany. It's going to get worse. We are under the boot of fascism at the moment, and it's interesting how it manifests itself. In one subreddit, they were noting that a whole bunch
of subreddits had been turned off, had been banned. Now they were porn subreddits, you know, r R slash feet, our slash teens, stuff like that. But the general consensus was was this was a switch that had been installed by the administration or the Reddit administrators on the orders of the administration, to test how easy it would simply be to just shut Reddit down. Because, as we all know, Donald Trump paces you know, the Oval Office at two
o'clock in the morning worrying about what Reddit is doing. Think, well, that's paranoid nonsense. Let's go over here to where we're talking about the best ways to store all of the videos and books and things that we've downloaded, and there they are talking about the fact that it is necessary for everybody with a conscience to download as much information as possible from federal government websites, because it's all going to be taken down in the interests of installing the
imminent fascists. I'm I don't want to go to the comic strip history one because I am relatively certain that there will be an argument about banning Twitter links. It's crazy.
Well, now, hold on a minute, James, I had this more than vague recollection of a few years ago, either during Obama or during Biden, there was all this talk of the federal government having available to it a kill switch for the Internet so they could turn off the whole thing and for some national emergency, and gee, you know, boy, a good thing. I didn't get that because Trump would use it, of course, on twelve oh one, eighteen days.
Only eighteen days, by the way, it seems so much longer, which is what's so glorious about it, Charles.
It seemed like a year, right, some highlights perhaps, if you will. What's instructive about all this is, I don't know if you guys know what the state of Minnesota looks like when you think of Minnesota, do you do you have a picture of it in your mind?
Charles, Tim Walls my favorite.
Well, that's an image I mean geographically of what would look like. We know that there's that pointy edge. We know that there's that sort of irregular edge that nestles and cuddles with Wisconsin and a fairly sharp and discernible border with Iowa. But way up in the north, there's this little promontory that pops up, some remnant of an ancient map making dispute. It's a little tiny part that pokes up into the butt of Canada. And I like
to think that USAID is like that. It's a very small thing, but yet how illustrative and defining of the entire organization the government. It truly is. What we are seeing is the tip of the iceberg, the Minnesota part that juts indicators.
We're seeing.
The curtain has been pulled back on the smallest of plays and all the things. We're finding.
Where to start, James, anywhere to start. It's difficult with this because it is being talked about, as you have noted, in these hyperbolic terms, and yet it is extremely complicated. It's extremely complicated on the merits, it's extremely complicated constitutionally, it's extremely complicated even within the executive branch. And people keep asking these questions that are simple. Do you think it should exist? Well, which bits do you think Elon
Mash should be able to audit? It probably depends what you mean. Do you think that this is the beginning of a constitutional crisis? No, but it would be if the president were doing things that it doesn't look as if he's doing. And then you've got some of the illustrative elements, as you noted, where whatever is found, however stupid it is, the rejoinder is, well, it's only x percent of the federal budget, which is not a defense. It's just not an defense.
For a start.
If you took that as your excuse every time, you'd never cut anything ever, because you would say, well, this is not very much. Okay, fine, Second, the fact that it's not very much doesn't necessarily matter, because aside from what things cost, there is the question of should the United States be doing it at all, even if it were free, even if it made money, and some of the things that we're uncovering the United States should just not be doing.
Now.
I'm not including in that pepfar, which I think is a good program, but I don't care if the encouragement of Papua New Guinean tribesmen to become transgender makes the United States a billion dollars a year. I don't want the federal government to it, and so this is getting obfuscated. I think in this broad now this is partly the fault of the people who are investigating it, because they have quite rightly made a big deal out of how
much money they're going to save. And that's all very good, but they should have said at the same time, I think in marketing terms, they should have said, we have a dual mandate, one to find waste and fraud and abuse and corruption, and some of this really is basically log rolling for progressives, and we're going to find things that America should not be doing at all. And you know that the excuse, oh well, it's not very much money just doesn't address that side of this.
Yeah, it's a great distraction to focused on the amount of money involved. You know, I've been hearing for years, going all the way back to the Reagan years from appointees to usaid that it was not so much corrupt and a slush on for liberal activist groups. I think that's been growing in probably sens Obama is my hunch about this but that it was just ineffective, wasteful, not
thought through, and so forth. I have a hunch that what happened here is there may be some career people inside USAID who raised the flag for the incoming Trumpers that you really ought to look closely at how some of these AID slush funds are going to activist groups. By the way, I think most Americans have probably never heard of USAID until five days ago. What they're hearing, I think they don't like. But last thing for as an opener, is the latest figure I saw just this
morning from the Columbia Journalism Review. Certainly not a member of the right, vast right wing conspiracy, that AID grants supported over six thousand journalists, over seven hundred different news outlets, and as the way they put it, two hundred and seventy nine media sectors, civil society organizations. That's a euphemism
for something bad, more than thirty countries. One of the publications we've heard about Politico and a few others, but I'm shocked to learn that one of the publications that has somehow gotten some of USAID money is Christianity. Today. It's a whole separate story that they've sort of been moving left for quite a while. But you know a lot of them is how in the world is Christianity today getting money from the USAID. I want to learn
more about that. But this looks like they've really and there's gonna be more of these kinds of things in other agencies EPA regular state department. I remember going through the COVID relief bill in twenty twenty one, that was your past in haste, and I found in there, you know, a grant of three million dollars for gender education in Pakistan. So it's not just USAID, it's everywhere, and good for them for rooting this out. And I don't care if it only saves a dime.
It's the things we used to make fun of. Yeah, we're spending a lot of money for trends gender operas in Ireland. You know, we make these ridiculous examples and then they turn on to be exactly what they were doing. You mentioned the Politico thing, of course, I think it is interesting. It's been defended by a lot of people who say, well, no, they need access to this. Interesting that people in government in Washington need to pay money
to learn what's happening in Washington and government. But set that aside, if you will, Charles Wright does. This is the part that fascinates me, and you mentioned slush funds is there's a Twitter account x called data Republican I think is her handle, and she's developed all kinds of tools that allow you to drill down. You enter in various codes and whatnot, and it spits out thanks to AI, these marvelous little grafts that tell you exactly how the
money flows. And the boxes that are marked red are the ones that receive federal government money. And the almost every single instance here it's all read on the left and then on the right where the money eventually ends up. It's some NGO, it's some private enterprise or the likes.
And you see how these institutions are. These organizations angos get grants and then sort of wash them through other through an educational facility so that they you know, Ford gets the money and gives it to Vanderbilt, and Vanderbilt then gives it to uh, you know, Tides Foundation, which pops up a lot and Tides gives it to some local entity, which sounds perfectly wonderful doing marvelous things for
the people and the rest of it. But you just see this money as it flows from the state to the to the to the private enterprises, getting less and less as it goes along, of course, because everybody's got to take their cut. And when this is when, when this visual is repeated over and over and over again, it is hard not to assume that there's just a
tremendous amount of inefficiency going on here. And I think, yes, the idea is to zero it out and build it from scratch and justify anew every single one of these things. Now you can say that's just simply too much work.
I think we got enough people in Washington who are who could probably work nine to five figuring out exactly how to do this and put it into a bill so that instead of having is big slashing that money that goes everywhere, that you have specific lines and specific laws that empower and instruct instead of the blob And Charles, I know you're with me on this, and Stephen too, that it's not that we're opposed necessarily to spending United
States government money on philanthropic efforts. We just want something rigorous, something codified, so that there are actuals so that Congress does its job that we have a budget, not a continuing resolution, but a budget. And do you think we might actually get a budget out of this after two years? Or does Trump lack the discipline to actually keep going and follow this to its natural conclusion?
Can I rant about something for a second that's making.
Rant? Okay?
So I have for the last thirteen or fourteen years written over and over again that we need Congress to take back its powers, that delegation to the administrative state is a problem. That the back and forth we get every time we have a new president, because so many of the decisions that should be made by Congress have been farmed out, is unstable. And I've done this irrespective of whether the president was a Republican or a Democrat,
because it's a structural question, not a partisan question. Most notably, I think given the scale of the usurpation, I spent a couple of years shouting at Joe Biden for trying to spend four hundred trillion dollars billion dollars, not four hundred trillion that's next time, four hundred billion dollars bailing out student loans with public money that he was not
allowed to do. And I did not see this as a partisan question, and I opened my arms and asked other people to come in with me on the endeavor and say, no, the president's not allowed to do this. Democrats, Republicans, independence, whatever, just please accept that Congress is supposed to it is. And you know what I got. I got nothing. I got absolutely nothing. In fact, you've got the usual suspects either stayed quiet about it or said no, he can
do it, or well, it's nice. We have had a Republican president for what is it, fifteen days sixteen days now, and that Republican president, as far as I can see, is exercising powers that were delegated by Congress.
Now.
I don't want them to be delegated. I don't think it is a good idea for Congress to say, here is a massive change of money, you go spend it as use effect. I'm totally with you, James. If Congress has done that on any of these issues, I will be the first person to stand up and say, I'm sorry,
President Trump, but you can't cancel it. But thus far we seem to be in a situation in which the president is just auditing what he is able to spend, and in some cases saying I'm no longer going to spend it, I'm no longer going to use the discre that I have been given, that every president has been given. And what is the press saying? It's a constitutional crisis.
So what we have is a scenario in which when presidents Barack Obama did it with DHAKA, Joe Biden did it with student loans, where the executive branch is literally stealing the power of Congress, is literally usurping the constitutional authority that has been given to Congress. These people are
silent or endorse it. And the second that a president starts to use the delegated authority that they have actually been given in a way that they don't like, they're say, this is the coming of Hitler, this is the end of the republic. This is a constitutional crisis. Is this is insane. This is making me so cross because I've been standing asking these people to come help for ten fifteen years and they won't do it. And then the second the president is actually doing what he's been allowed
to do. Agreed, he shouldn't be allowed to do it, but he is. It's a constitutional You have got to be kidding me. You have just got to be kidding me.
The Constitution. The Constitution matters when it matters, and it doesn't matter when it doesn't. And if the President on the way out can just say, oh, by the way, this amendment is part of the Constitution, now, he can do that. Although we've forgot about Joe, but I doesn't. The Constitution is living and breathing, or is you know, if they want to graft another limb on to it in the sternam, then they'll do so. If they want to hack off a foot, they'll do.
Yeah.
I take all of their protestations of constitutionality with a bag of Morton salt. But I don't have an awful lot of salt actually, because salt, I understand, isn't good for you. I'm one of those people who's crazy about it, like, oh, don't have salt. I love salt. I love fact. I love all kinds of things as a matter of fact. And you know what, I'm going to be heading to the gym for a little while and I'm going to be hoisting a lot of metal, and I feel good
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Take the next step to improving your health by going to Lumen, dot me slash ricochet to get twenty percent off. You're a Llumin It's Lume and dot me slash ricochet for twenty percent off your purchase, and we thank Luman for sponsoring this the Ricochet Podcast and now were welcome to the podcast. Daniel McCarthy, editor of Modern Age, the vice president of the Intercollegiate Studies Institute, and contributing editor to American Conservative and The Spectator. You can find his
writings in countless of the publications. You can find him on x at Tory Anarchist. Daniel, Welcome, Thank you, delighted to be here. Well, Monday, you had a piece in the Post New York called Trump's Canada tariff tiff, and I think there should have just been Trump's tariff tiff for alliterative purposes, tells America's friends to get real on defense spending. We don't usually think of Canada when it comes to defense spending. We're looking at Europe at what
they are or are not doing. Explain exactly how that relates, because a lot of people may have looked at that and said, why Canada. Maybe it's fentanyl, but there's something else going on.
Yeah, there are a whole constellation of issues that we have with Canada, one of them being Canada's role in NATO and the fact that it's one of the relatively few NATO members. Now that is still lagging behind its defense commitment. So NATO members are supposed to commit to spending two percent of their GDP on defense. That's obviously for their own defense, it's also making sure that you know, the entire alliance is financed, and Canada is lagging significantly
behind that. Canada spends about I think one point three percent one point seven percent where between those figures on its defense right now. I think it's actually one point three it's significantly less than two. And Pierre Trudeau is just not serious about meeting his obligations, and he said it's actually going to take until the twenty thirties before Canada is able to reach the mark that we expect
from our allies in NATO. So I think Donald Trump is using tariffs here to put pressure on Trudeau, pressure on Canada on a whole number of issues, including this one of Canada being a free rider on national security coming from the United States and the NATO Alliance.
Dan it's Steve Hayward out in California, by the way, you could have just stopped a moment ago by saying Pierre Trudeau is sorry. Justin Trudeau is not serious. I mean, he's such an un serious person. Look, I want to ask you three or four things. You have for quite a long time staked out a position on the I think the non interventionist camp, i'll call it that way right and against it. I have a lot of sympathy
for this, against foreign entanglements and military events overseas. I think that viewpoint has caught on with a lot of people. But two things in particular. Right now, what, Well, let's start in reverse order, reverse chronology. So the last couple of days, Trump has let fly with this idea that we ought to take a role in rebuilding Gaza and moving people out, and you know, we'll have a I don't know, it's like a real estate deal, an ownership stake and the resource that will be built. What do
you think of this prospective entanglement? Do you like this? How do you are you enthusiastic for it? Or does this violate the McCarthy proviso?
Well, I think Trump likes to state a maximalist position, and oftentimes a shocking position, right from the beginning of a negotiation, in order to completely shake up the existing position. So you know, I mean there's a kind of almost ritualistic element to the way foreign policy negotiations are typically conducted everybody knows exactly where everyone else stands, and all the maneuvering involves a lot of not saying what everybody knows. In this case, Trump has, you know, of thrown the
chess pieces in the air. Nobody knows whether they're going to land or what's going to happen. Now that said, I really don't think Trump is going to send troops to Gaza. I don't think we're going to have a military occupation. I do think he's saying, you know what. First of all, I mean, it's been interesting to see typical hawks like Lindsey Graham now suddenly having to sound like doves as they say, wait a minute, this proposal
goes too far. So okay, Now he's, you know, sort of testing the limits of where the morehawker side of his own party will stand. Second, he's also telling the gozens, wait a minute, why the heck do you want to come back to this, you know, land of yours, which has been reduced to brubble. And if you do come back, how is it going to be any different than last
time when you guys launched an attack on Israel. So I think that too, is again getting to the core of the dispute here and is kind of forcing negotiators to be more honest about what they actually want and are willing to do.
Yeah, I mean, I think it calls the bluff of all the Arab countries who say they're pro Palestinian and won't ever do anything to lift a thing. I like that aspect of it. The nier one, perhaps for you, I think, is a prospective attack on Iran's nuclear facilities. And I can't remember if you've written on that or not. I know Tucker Carlson and other people are saying absolutely no, no, we should you know, we should not go along with
Israel and any kind of military action against Iran. Where do you land on that?
I think Israel's quite capable, as it has before, of taking out Iran's nuclear capability by itself. So I'm not too worried about the United States having to be involved in that. And it really is a matter for Israel to decide what's appropriate for its security. Obviously, as a neighbor of Iran, it's got the most skin in the game here, and so I think the United States should, you know, not be actively involved in that. But also should not be telling Israel that this is something they
can't do. We're not Israel's keeper. They are a sovereign nation. They can act according to their own interests.
Well, but isn't it an our interest? I mean, Iran has declared that the two great enemies of the world are Israel and the Great Satan. That's US. I mean, you know, they threatened US, we know they sponsored lots of terrorism. Leave aside the question of whether Israel can do it alone. I know there's disagreement among military experts on that, but it seems to me that Trump might do it. And if Trump do do it, what does Dan McCarthy say.
Well, I don't think Trump's going to, you know, be having the United States take the leading role here. And I don't think the United States is going to be acting directly with Israel in order to take out Iran's nuclear capability that they're trying to develop. I think, you know, again, Israel has a very good track record of being able to keep Iran in check, and so I expect that to continue. Now if that's not the case, you know, then again it's a different chess board, and you have
to actually look at what's happening. I would be very skeptical of the ability. I mean, we can certainly, you know, have missile strikes, we can do a number of things. I think if we get into regime change and occupations, then we'd have a real nightmare on our hands. So it's all. And the other thing too, is that it's very hard to tell. Obviously, there are signs that the Iranian regime is weakening. There are signs that, you know, it is indeed, its oppressions have reached a point where
the people are showing their discontent. On the other hand, it's hard to know exactly, you know, how deep that reaches into the countryside in Iran. So I'm kind of optimistic actually that you know, Iran's regime, like the Soviet regime you know in the nineteen eighties, is not necessarily
going to be around for that much longer. But that said, I mean, containment, I think is the white policy for the US there, And if something more than containments needed, I would think Israel is the best person, the best state to undertake that.
Yeah, okay, well, I certainly agree with you that we don't want to be contemplating boots on the ground or in Iraq type regime change strategy. I think we've learned our lesson about that. I've got one more sort of challenge to you before I turned it over to Charles. So I'm enjoying your most recent article in the Dispatch, where I didn't think I would see Dan McCarthy writing
anytime soon. But you're paired off with the Andy Smarrick on Trump's appointments, especially of Tulsi Gabbard and RFK Junior, and you give a good spirited defense of those. I could pick some knits with the way you characterize Reagan, but I don't want to bore listeners for that. But I do want to pick one knit. You mentioned briefly that, oh, National Review, in the old days of Fusionism went tilted too far in accepting expert social science, and don't think
that's correct. I mean, I mean, yeah, they used to have Ernest vonden Hogg, but he was usually trashing the established social science. So I thought you were being a little mean to National Review there, which seems to be a popular sport these days. And I'm doing this for Charles benefits, so he doesn't have to be put on the spot. But I'm an old guy's been reading it forever.
But maybe the last point is, or maybe could turn this into a question is Yeah, I share all of the sort of Russell Kirk and other conservatives disdain for social science on very deep levels, but I'm also a consumer of it. And there's you know, some of the best social science the last generation has been by people like Charles Murray and James Q. Wilson. And you know, when our guys do it well, or back to Ernest Vonden Hogg forty years ago, when our guys do it well,
we clapper the heck out of the left. So maybe maybe can I get Dan McCarthy to say just the kindest little thing in favor of decent social science? Or is that a bridge too far?
Well?
I wonder if I came off the wrong way in that article, because I wasn't trying to say that social science doesn't have a place on the right, and in fact, I wasn't even trying to say that National Review had tilted too far towards social science. I have a line in there. I think about James Burnham having a problem with Richard Weaver, thinking that Weaver was too literary to philosophical. You know, perhaps too southern. Even so, that was the
kind of contention that I wanted to get at. Also, the other thing being that obviously James Burnham had a long standing feud with Frank Meyer. Meyer thought, you know, conservatism needed to be an ideology or kind of you know, a well articulated philosophy. Burnham thought that conservatives should be more empirical, more machiavelian. Even so, that's the kind of
dispute I was getting at. And in fact National Review was a lot of fun, and I think, you know, to the extent that comes through today can still be a lot of fun when these kinds of clashes between different methodologies among conservatives arise. That said, I do think that the vast majority of social science is absolutely worthless.
And the idea, the fundamental idea that if only you know, we put science in government, that if we have the right technocrats large of our bureaucracy, we're going to get wonderful outcomes. I think that's wrong. And even conservative you know, conservatives from think tanks and you know, who have social science credentials or you know, credentials in you know, even economics and things that are relatively more grounded than most
social science. I'm just skeptical of their ability to actually govern and maneuver the country in the direction they want to go. I think there's actually and that's you know, one reason why I favor a much more decentralization and also just you know, more of a sense of dealing with human beings as the essence of politics rather than dealing with sort of Benthamite abstractions of maximum utility.
Yeah, we'ren' heated agreement on that.
Dan Benthamite abstractions, I believe is going to be the name of this particular podcast for mass Appeal, although I love that locusion.
So what interests me is defining success for this Trump administration. And I think, Daniel, you and I don't have the same politics, although it overlaps in some areas. I have confused I think some readers recently, because you know, on day one I will say, well, Trump's done this great thing, and I really like it and I'm so glad that he did it, and then on a d two I say, ah,
don't do that. And because we're in this honeymoon period for Trump, it is sort of looks odd to some because they want to be all in right, so I wonder what, from your perspective would a successful second Trump presidency look like. Right, neither of us is in a cult, so neither of us is sort of tied to Trump or so angry with Trump that we will reject it
when he does things that we like. So if you were to look forward four years, what would he have to achieve maybe two or three things in the next four years for you to say, well, that was a really good presidency and he moved the country and the right and the Republican Party in the direction that I Daniel McCarthy like.
Sure.
So in terms of foreign policy, what I would say is that you need to have our allies being capable of providing more of their own security, more of their own defense. So I'd like to see NATO members Trump is said, perhaps NATO members should be contributing five percent rather than two percent of their GDP towards their defense. I think it can be a mistake to look purely
at those percentages. It's really a matter of the threat environment, and when you have Russia engaged in an invasion of Ukraine right now, obviously Europe should be spending not just two percent, but a lot more trying to keep their neighborhood as peaceful as possible. So one thing I want to see is more of a kind of tiered defense
system where our allies are contributing more for themselves. We are still there, but we are the provider of security of last resort, rather than what we are now, which is more or less the kind of sugar daddy that everybody goes to for their first line of support. In terms of social policy, I think Trump is already making tremendous advances, So getting rid of the federal government's role in affirmative action, DEI, all these other things, that's exactly
the right move. I tend to think that Trump is actually right strategically for the pro life movement in terms of saying that you have to focus on the local before you can hope to do anything at the national level. So I think Trump is correct to keep abortion as much as possible in the States rather than trying to make a federal issue of it right now, where pro lifers would certainly lose. And then in terms of taxes
and domestic issues, you know, economics. I want to see first of all that Doge continues to do the fantastic work it's doing right now, stripping out this entire ecosystem, this class system whereby the federal government takes our taxpayer dollars gives them to mostly left wing NGOs. These left wing NGOs, of course, then take that money and spread it around their friends. It upholds an entire ecosystem of
progressivism that I'm very happy to see defunded. I like to see tax cuts, you know, I'm not one of these conservatives who thinks that suddenly there's something virtuous about taxing the American people more. We're taxed enough already. In terms of trade policy, I kind of like what I see from Trump so far, where he's willing to use, you know, the threat of tariffs to get you know, various kinds of concession, just open negotiations, you know, from
a position of strength. I do you know, think that if he suddenly slapped you know, twenty five percent tariffs on Canada and Mexico, maybe on Europe. I mean, who knows who else would get those kinds of tariffs. If you do that too, suddenly you're going to have price shocks, You're going to have supply problems, all all sorts of issues. Now, whether you could have a more gradually implemented, large scale tear of plan that I think, you know is probably
something you and I would disagree on. Yeah, but I'm a gradualist, I'm a conservative. I'm someone who tends to look with a certain degree of anxiety upon sudden drastic shifts from one direction to another. That said, I think Trump so far is not so much trying to do something, you know, grabbing the steering wheel and suddenly turning the car one hundred and eighty degrees. I think what he's actually doing here is setting up a very interesting set of moves for negotiations.
That's fine.
I agree almost everything you just said. I think we probably do disagree on tariffs in your last point, but that's pretty much what success would look like to me as well. It's interesting though you didn't mention the border.
Yeah, I take that for granted. Perhaps that obviously cutting down, you know, not just illegal immigration. But I think Trump is exactly right. We need to first of all, the way in which so called birthright citizenship has been interpreted by Supreme Court and is defended by all the progressives.
It really has a very flimsy grounding. And we know the Supreme Court has made, you know, mistakes in the past, so I think it's time that we get the Supreme Court to revisit the idea of birthright citizenship and give
it a more constrained definition. Clearly, you know, the notion of what it constitutes to be subject to America's jurisdiction, which is the you know, the wording that is used to say, well, look, anyone you know on our territory subject to our jurisdiction, including illegal immigrants, including legal immigrants, therefore they must be covered by birthright citizenship as well.
But you know, being subject to the jurisdiction actually means different things for American citizens because we're still subject to the United States and jurisdiction even when we don't live in the United States, because we are taxed even if we're living abroad. And obviously no Mexican citizen, either a legal immigrant or an illegal one, is subject to that
kind of jurisdiction. So I think there's you know, Trump is doing the right thing to question this building block of kind of illegal immigration and of leftist you know,
promotion of mass immigration in general. And then you know, I do want to see legal immigration limited as well as illegal immigration, and I think that, you know, I tend to side more with the critics of the vig Ramaswami on H one B visas than I do with you know, Ramaswami himself, although I acknowledge, you know, certainly, when you have absolute, you know, Olympian level talents, when you have Einstein level geniuses, yes you want to bring them into your country, but you don't want to have,
you know, a kind of indentured servitude for tech workers with H one v's.
I want to get back to tariff for a second, because I don't like them. But that's just me. We talked before about what he wants out of Canada. It's kind of obvious what he wants out of Mexico, which is do something about the cartels and immigration. But China we have, if I understand this correctly, the riivocation of the the Minimus, the the idea that they can just dump a whole lot of stuff here directly into the country and they don't have to pay any tear on it.
The other day, I was making eggs for breakfast, as is my wont and I have this wonderful little this egg beater. You push down on it and it whips your eggs. It's the second one I bought, because the first one, after two or three months, started leaking black
oil into my eggs I bought. I bought another one within two or three from a different and mind you, this was a different one from a different company on Amazon that had a list of consonants for its name that you know XK five three seven two, as opposed to the other one, which was nine three you know, made up brand names. It's all coming from the same Chinese factory, and I'm using it, and it dumps black oil into my eggs, And I said, all right, that's it,
you know, twice bit and thrice whatever. Stupid me, but I'm kind of used to like buying cheap junk from China, and it's like, I'd rather pay a little bit more and have quality goods made right here that employ American citizens, if such a thing is possible these days? Is that what Trump is trying to do? What does he want out of China from the terra Does he want disengagement? Does does he want, you know, for the people to just simply move their factories elsewhere to India or Vietnam
or heaven forfend Indiana. What's the endgame with the with the Chinese tariffs.
Well, it's always difficult to predict an endgame for Donald Trump, because you know, he's a strategist who has, you know, kind of natural genius that does not necessarily, you know, follow either ideological tracks or you know, predictable ones that you know, other folks might envision. He's an entrepreneur. An entrepreneur has to be able to kind of envision and make a future that doesn't even exist yet. I think decoupling is clearly a major component, however, of what Trump's
trying to do here. He wants to encourage, you know, the taking of industry and of trade away from China and putting it anywhere else possible, ideally here in the
United States with more manufacturing. But friend shoring is better than having, you know, a trade dependency on China, so you know, I think one of Secretary Rubio's accomplishments in visiting the Caribbean and Central America in the past week has been to try to deepen trade friendships and relationships with the nations of Central America and the Caribbean in order to try to you know, create more of an industrial capacity more of a trade base here in the Americas,
for both the goods we want to sell to them and also for their ability to develop and sell to us.
And of course, to interrupt you for a second, because you mentioned the Caribbean in the area Panama declining to re up with Belton Road, I'm waiting for somebody to say, well, they weren't going to do it anyway, and Ruby it didn't get anything out of them. Is this significant? I think it is. I mean, countries eventually wake up to the fact that this is not a good deal for
them in the long run. Do you think that others that this is the beginning of a diminution of Chinese influence in that a way.
Well, I do. But you know, Belton Road is the you know, symbolic headline item. But the more important thing behind the scenes is simply the level of economic penetration power and especially technological infrastructure influence that China is able to wield over our nearest neighbors, the Caribbean and Central America.
And I think one of the successes of Secretary of Rubio's visit has been to work on a lot of those things that are further down the agenda saying that, you know, we need to have you know, supplies, especially for you know, high technology coming from America. Five G networks for example, we want those to be American based five G networks. We do not want Huawei to be you know, the primary communications NOE for Central America and the Caribbean. So I think there's been significant progress there
and I'm hoping that's going to continue. And I think that you know, most of the nations of the region do understand that it's much better to be you know, America's friend, much better to have these dependencies if you're going to have them on America, don't have them on communist China, because Communist China really you know, is going to use that in ways that are going to be
harmful to the US. Then the US is going to have to retaliate by you know, limiting perhaps our trade and relations with people would like to be our friends, because there are neighbors. A whole number of bad things will happen if China is economic influence grows in Latin America in general, but in the Central America and the Caribbean.
Absolutely, I don't know why anybody would would buy their I mean, I am reasonably certain that the egg beater I described that broke has an RFID backdoor into it that China comes down to access my smart home network.
Stephen, Well, well, actually, James, what we learn from your example is that you're a very rich man if you're using leg egg beaters, because eggs are now you know, a million dollars apart. Whatever it is, Dan, I got one last question for you. You referenced early on what has been obvious to me for a long time, and that Trump likes to make these outrageous seemingly outrageous and completely beyond the pale suggestions on Gaza or the tariffs
and all the rest of that. And you point out rightly that this is a long standing negotiating tactic of Trump, and I wonder if you're going to reach the point of diminishing returns right. It is amazing to me that people have not figured this out about Trump, but it's still working for him like a charm. But reach a point of diminishing returns, doesn't he At some point you really have to draw the line and really follow through. I mean, I don't know whether it's invading Panama or
seizing Greenland. I mean I think those are crazy ideas, but it does seem to be getting it does seem to be getting results. Like you say, but what happens if he doesn't? Where do you think Trump needs to draw a line? I'll do the question that way.
Yeah.
I mean, at some point somebody is going to call his bluff and say, hey, I'm not going to give you any concessions because I know you're actually not going to follow through and slap us with tariffs. And I think, you know, Trump, he's certainly created a persona for himself, a public identity in the past several years here as a tariff man. He says, it's the most beautiful word in the English language. I mean, that's something you didn't
even hear from Pat Buchanan back in the nineties. This is this is you know, certainly creating a public impression of being quite not just willing, but eager to employ tariffs in a big way. So I think, you know, there will come a time when someone's going to call his bluff. And you know, I think Trump is quite willing to use tariffs. Now he probably doesn't want to do it. You know, if you have twenty five percent on Mexico, twenty five percent on Canada, all going into
effect the same moment. That's a big disruption. On the other hand, if Canada doesn't get serious about what he's asking of Trudeau, it's entirely possible. Maybe we have a deal with Mexico, but we don't have a deal with Canada. Immediately, Tariff's going to effect for a while, and then the Canadians come back and say, oh gosh, we should have taken you seriously the first time. Now we're willing to make a deal about fisheries or NATO or other things.
Daniel McCarthy, we thank you for joining us again. You can catch him on x at Tory Anarchist, where you can find that zest accommination of words explained to you in a variety of tweets. How often do you? Are you one of those sitting on the sitting on the app all day, or are you doling out a gem every fortnight or what exactly is you?
I do look at it rather more often than is healthy, I think, and I certainly participate to the extent that's reasonable.
So yeah, wait a minute, Dan, I mean, you've got the down, but you're the least anarchistic person I can think of.
Yeah, I'm bit just stating on Twitter a fair bit. Yes, I think it's it's reasonable to say.
But good well, we'll see you there and uh and ketchup and your insights and your observations. Thank you Daniel for joining us in the podcast today.
Thank you.
You know. The one thing that we haven't heard from Donald Trump actually is that he sent out his minions to do his bidding, fly my pretties and the rest of it. Right, But we when we hear about layoffs at the EPA or a thousand people landing up something like that, a whole bunch of the at the I R s and in the works. But we haven't actually heard Trump say you're fired yet. That's his classic line,
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dot com slash free demo. Do I have to say it again, bamboo hr dot com slash free demo, and we thank bamboo hr for responsoring this the Rocachet Podcast. Well here we are again, closing up another episode, but plenty of time to chat amongst ourselves. There was a description of Twitter that I saw the other day. A wonderful little exchange included a news report, then John from Commentary weighing in, and then Selina Zito, and it all began, I think with somebody who was saying that they were
facing quote and Orwellian Knightmarre. I believe that wasn't what it was because they no longer knew whether or not they had the lifetime protection that a federal job afforded them hm. And was pointed out to this person that actually this is what most people called real life in a dynamic economy. And also the people the federal government didn't seem particularly interested in the plight of the people who were having their industries destroyed, downsized, or it made
irrelevant by various government decisions. Nobody asked to call. Everybody told the coal miners to learn to coal, but nobody seems to be We're supposed to have sympathy for the somebody who lives in suburban DC and has been sitting at home for four years, tapping away with a cat in their lap.
Yeah, you know, I remember a story. It's not quite about federal employees. But I don't think federal employees losing their job will create mass sympathy with the American people. But if you go all the way back to Proposition thirteen in California in the seventies, that was the big property tax cut measure, that was the signal opening salvo of the tax revolt. And I remember someone quoted the newspaper a local government person saying, if this passes, it's
going to devastate our budgets. It's gonna require huge spending cuts. It's gonna be terrible for government in California. And the person said he looked out at the audiences at rotary clubs and wherever, and always saw were people smiling. And of course Prop thirteen passed by a nearly two to one margin, And it was that point that guy said, I changed my mind about Proposition thirteen. Well, I think
something similar is going on now. I think there's no sympathy for people who well, the bargain's always been kind of phony. We need to have higher salaries and lavish pensions for public employees at the state and federal level because they don't have, you know, to compensate for the lack of you know, pensions and stock options and things
like that. But of course when you look into these things, you find that the pensions it's bankrupt in Chicago and Illinois and so forth, and California is also way behind. And so this is long overdue. And it amazes me how Democrats want to die on all these hills. They want to just end the transgender business, you know, aid to media groups and all the rest. And I'll land here Democrats revealing that they really are the most incompetent
political party. Republicans maybe the stupid party, but Democrats seem incompetent.
It's also now a violation of the original deal. You go back one hundred years to when the federal government was hiring. In this case, because the prohibition, the Treasury Department had to hire two thousand staff to enforce the Volsteed Act. The deal, the explicitly advertised deal was you will make less money than you would in the private sector, you will get less benefits than you would get in
the private sector, but you have better job security. Now government workers, especially at the federal level, have both the job security insane levels of job security and pensions that can't be matched in the private sector and salaries that are on average hire. Now you have to be careful how you passe that between me and and so forth. But the deal that was once offered has been essentially reworked so that government employees win on both sides of
the coin. And one of the reasons for that is that the public sector unions have put themselves in a position in which they get to play both the employee and employer. Under Franklin Roosevelt, who was hardly a mean right winger, the idea of a public sector union was deemed to be ridiculous. It was only in the sixties under Kennedy via an executive order, that public sector unions
became permissible. And the reason was obvious is that if you have a private sector union, and I think the way the government puts his thumb on the skills is outrageous, but just in theory, if you have a public sector a private sector union, then you have two people in the equation that have an interest in meeting one another in the middle. Because you have a guy who owns a business and he needs things to be done, and if he doesn't get his employees or employees on side,
then he'll go out of business. But you also have people who have jobs and they don't want to lose them. They don't want the company to go out of business either. I don't think it always works exactly like that. I'm not that naive, but the idea makes sense in theory. You have these two, So that's not true here. So we've ended up with this absurdly sprawling, largely useless federal workforce that gets to set the terms of its own employment by bullying the people who employ them with its votes.
That should never have existed in the first place in that setup, and that violate the original deal, which was come here for the job security. But you'll make less money. I mean, it's just something that's got to be done about it.
Well, it may take somebody to cut through the Gordian knot. Is Elon Musk our dollar a year man as they used to call them, because you remember back in the I think in World War two, they would hate they would bring in a dollar a year somebody from private industry who would take no compensation, but do this because he had to know how, and because he had the patriotic spirit. Patriotic if you wish to do the right thing.
What I'm looking forward to because all of what we've been seeing with the USA idea is just to tune up. It's just it's it's you know, it's the overture. It's giving us the themes that we're going to be hearing the operator to come. But the Department of Education is in the sites now because every day it seems like the administration wakes up and says, all right, we need
another galvaniced seismic, tectonic shift shock. You know, nobody's talking about Greenland anymore because invading, occupying, and rebuilding Greenland is like that, that's so a fortnight ago. We're so far beyond that. These things will be dropped depth charges and then everybody will absolutely freak out about them, and then necessarily something has to be done about them, and perhaps
necessarily something will be the Department of Education. The I began this hour by talking about the shrieking Unreddit and the rending of garments. The reaction on Reddit to the elimination of the Department of Education or even just pairing it back to its statutory confines, which I believe that they can do by executive action. You have to get
Congress to get rid of the cabinet. Is uniform in that this is a concerted effort to stupefy the American people and make them dumb, so that I don't know, I guess ten eighteen years hence they willingly accept the fascism in which they've grown up, that they're not critical thinkers anymore. That the idea that if the Department of Education does not exist, there is no education in America.
That's it.
That's kind of what they believe, which does not speak well for all these kids who grew up under the Department of Education and didn't get the basic civics listed,
because that's not the point. And then simultaneously, some of these people will be coming in from our slash teachers or public school credits, where people are talking about the inanities and the horrors that they face trying to teach an uneducatable generation, which has nothing to do with the amount of federal spinning and has everything to do with
cultural events and the rest of it. So, I mean, the idea that education right now is dependent upon A the federal teat and b federal instruction is nonsense because we've lived under this and we've seen what's happened. We've cratered, we could be better.
We saw the latest reading scores came out what ten days ago with dismal results. And yeah, I mean, I've been raised the question here on Twitter and elsewhere. Can anyone point to any international development trends that USAID has been a principal agent of? And likewise, can anybody point to any improvements in public education since the department was founded in nineteen seventy nine, And if you look at the data, the answer is resounding no. The problem is
too many Americans are sentimental. And I think, how the part it's about education, the EPA's environmental protection and we like all those things, and so sort of a labeling thing. But yeah, it's add this other thought, which is I am watching again another perhaps example of democratic incompetence on this. They're all attacking Musk. Who elected Musk, to which you ask who elected all these bureaucrats that he's reviewing right now.
And people have also saying at some point Trump's big ego and narcissism will cause him to have to break with Trump because Trump's richer and getting all this press, and I think you're missing that Trump is sorry. The Musk is such a useful lightning rod for Trump, and he's confusing and dividing the opposition that otherwise would be focused wholly on Trump and Trump alone. And so I'm just sitting back and popping more popcorn and enjoying the whole spectacle.
Again, leaving inside the constitutional questions, it does take Congress to abolish the Department of Education, although not, as you say, James, to make it sit within its statutory limits, which it doesn't. If the Department of Education were to disappear tomorrow, I
truly believe that nothing of value would be lost. This is why there is this great disconnect in politics at the moment, because, leaving aside again the debate over structure, the people you're discussing on Reddit, and many people within the Democratic Party honestly seem to believe that if you even let one bureaucrat go, the whole thing will fall apart. And I think the opposite is true. I think you could fire half of the federal workforce and no one
would notice. It would make the country better to do that. And you know, this is the problem that the Democrats have. Republicans will suffer if they if they seem callous or they go too fast. But the problem that the Democrats have is that reaction that was just mentioned with the proposition. Remind me which one it is, Steve in California thirteen.
It's that reaction is that if you look at polling on this the sob stories that I keep reading in the New York Times that people say I have took her and for a third day of the week, I can't even imagine it. I cried myself to sleep this morning. Just sounds completely insane to people. Yeah, but they don't know that because they don't talk to anyone outside of that group.
During the height of the last tech bubble, when there was just so much money slashing around and everybody had their nice little show place office buildings, one of the things you used to see a lot on Twitter as it was known, or reels perhaps or vine even was my day at the Twitter office, in which some young twenty something would show up with the you know and and flounce through the wonderfully appointed atrium and go to their desk and get their get the cappuccino and a
little Claire, and then have a meaningless meeting with a couple of other people. They're staring at screens and talking about something, and then lunch on the deck in the sun with the sprouts and the and then it would be some other pointless and then it'd be yoga, and then it would be then they would take their dinner home and the rest of it. And it all looked like this ridiculous experience, I mean, very very nice to live, I suppose, but producing exactly what Twitter did. One thing.
It took in tweets, it gave out tweets. It was back and forth. What they were talking about. I don't know. Musk comes in and fires eighty five percent of them, and Twitter somehow staggers on someone. You could get rid of all of those people who are having all day meetings about this, that or the other thing, and and it turned out not to be essential to the thing that they were doing.
So how far is this profitable? Did you see this'? Its revenues have been cut in half, but its expenses have been cut to a quarter of what they were.
Right right, which you know is the model that he was seeking. And now I will grant that the advertising on Twitter is extremely low compared to quality, compared to
what it used to be. And it used to be all the big brand names, right, they were all out there, and then they all pulled back because because Muscus a fascist and turned it into a right wing sess pool, which I find into an interesting comment because I am on Twitter a great deal, as our previous guest said, more than I should be, and I find the amount of left wing invective or arguments is precisely what it
was before. What I don't find are the throttling of ideas and opinions that are at the moment unpopular and deemed to be hurtful disinformation that we have to do something about. That's the other part about this. One of the notes that we have here for the podcast is how basically the resistance appears to be rudderless that you
have a democratic party having learned nothing. Putting David Hogg as the vice chair of the DNC, that you have these rallies where people are waving the flags of other nations, which does not necessarily endear them to the population amongst which they wish to live, and that you have all of these, you know, people hyperventilating in the steps of various state capitals insisting that fascism is on the way or here as in Minnesota, one of the placards said,
there are no illegals on stolen Okay, make that argument and see how that goes for you. So you want to say, well, you know what got them on the run. They'll never be able to pick it up and figure it out. But of course perhaps they will or can they? Is there a Clinton out there waiting to be born who can triangulate and get them back? That may be a whole another podcast that we should have. We kind
of gotta go, it's been an hour. I gotta hit lunch, I gotta go to the gym, anything else, guys, or you just contend to let me go with a self indulgent peroration and leave it at that.
No, that was a good one. I don't want to try and top that. Who's been great talking with you, James.
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