671. The First World War: Blood in the Trenches (Part 1) - podcast episode cover

671. The First World War: Blood in the Trenches (Part 1)

May 17, 20261 hr 24 minEp. 671
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Summary

Delving into the First World War in 1915, this episode vividly portrays life on the Western Front through the eyes of soldiers like Robert Graves and Ernst Junger. It covers the primitive conditions of the trenches, the pervasive misery of mud, lice, and rats, and the devastating psychological toll of shellfire. The episode also details Germany's desperate use of chlorine gas at Ypres and the disastrous British gas attack at Loos, highlighting the escalating barbarity and human suffering, including the tragic story of John Kipling.

Episode description

During the First World War, what was it like to live in the trenches on the Western Front in 1915? How did the Germans attempt to knock the Allies out of the war right from the outset? And, what secret weapon did the Germans unleash?


Join Dominic and Tom as they plunge back into the First World War, and carry us through life in the trenches, the horrors of shelling, and the escalation of this totemic conflict.


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Transcript

Intro / Opening

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C

This episode is brought to you by Lloyds, which has been backing British ambition for over 250 years. Now, when you think about it. Every dynasty in history has boiled down to two important elements. aspiration and action. And a classic example of this from British history, uh the rise of the House of Wessex, the family of Alfred the Great and his heirs, who between them established the United Kingdom of England.

B

It's a great story, isn't it, Tom? But great lesson in leadership, I think, for anybody. So Alfred and his heirs, they marry idealism and pragmatism. Uh they're brilliant at alliances, they're brilliant at managing power, they're brilliant of course at managing their money, which is a key part of political leadership. And of course we are all reaping the rewards of their wisdom and foresight. When it's time to make your next move,

You can bank on Lloyds to be ready when you are. Because from new businesses to new homes and new life chapters. backed by generations of hope and ambition, you can see Tom, why fourteen million people trust Lloyd's to help make their dreams a reality.

C

based on Lloyd's internal customer data from march twenty twenty six.

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Gatorade, the official fuel of the Canadian men's national team. Because when it matters most, the best trusts Gatorade with electrolytes to help you replenish what's lost in sweat. Carbs to help fuel your working muscles and fluids to help you hydrate. Scientifically formulated so you never stop competing. Rehydrate. Replenish. Refuel. Gatorade. Is it in you?

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🔊 Rapping

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The Enduring Legacy of Poppies

C

In Flanders fields the poppies blow, Between the crosses, row on row, That mark our place, And in the sky the larks, still bravely singing fly, Scarce heard amid the guns below. We are the dead. Short days ago we lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow, loved and were loved, and now we lie in Flanders fields.

Take up our quarrel with the foe. To you from failing hands we throw the torch Be yours to hold it high, if ye break faith with us who die, we shall not sleep, though poppies grow in Flanders fields. That's one of the most celebrated of all war poems and it was written by a a doctor, an army officer from Canada called John McCrae, and he wrote it during the Second Battle of East.

in May nineteen fifteen. And it is the poem that has effectively enshrined the poppy as the symbol of the four million men who fell on the Western Front during the First World War. And Dominic, it's um it's unusual among First World War poetry, isn't it? For actually, although it laments the deaths of the men in the war.

It doesn't actually question the need for the war. It ends with this rousing appeal to the men who are going to be coming up to the trenches, presumably to be killed in their turn, to take up the torch, to hold it high, and to keep faith with those who are already dead amid the mud and barbed wire of Flandersfield.

B

Yeah, you're right. Hi everybody. Um it's it seems I'm representative of war poetry because we're used to war poems by Secret Sassoon or Wilfred Owen that question the futility and the horror of the First World War. And those are the poems that um people study in British schools when they're teenagers and they've become emblematic of the war. But actually, in Flanders Fields is probably more representative of what ordinary soldiers at the time thought.

You know, we did a big series about the first few months of the First World War. We did an episode about the Christmas truce of nineteen fourteen. And in those we discussed how ordinary soldiers very rarely questioned whether they were doing the right thing. They believed, absolutely, I think, that they were fighting for principles of justice, and they were fighting for their own national survival.

C

And Dominic, even poets in the early months and years of the war were capable of of celebrating the need for sacrifice. So the other famous poem that does this is Rupert.

B

Brooks.

C

Um, you know, talking about a corner of a field that is forever England, kind of lauding it.

B

Yeah, exactly. And but and I think At the time if you'd ask most of the Tommies, do you stand with kind of the Wilfred Owen Siegfried Sassoon anti war school of poetry, or do you stand with Rupert Brook and um John McRae? They would say the latter, even though of course Siegfried Sassoon and Wilfred Owen fought very bravely.

themselves. But we'll come back to Macrae's poem, and indeed the battle in which he wrote it, the Bat Second Battle of Epres, a little bit later. But first let's set out what's coming in this series. So

Major Events of 1915

This series is about a single year in the First World War, the year nineteen fifteen, and it's it's one of the most colourful, one of the most exciting years of the war. If you think of the First World War as just sort of a muddy, miserable stalemate, you are dead wrong. There's all kinds of drama and we'll be getting into this in this series. So we'll be talking about how Italy got into the war and how it prefigured the rise of fascism.

we'll be talking about two of the war's most controversial and colourful stories. So that's the sinking of the ship the Lusitania. So a Titanic style story. Except the difference is in this case the Lusitania is sunk by a U boat and this ignites this firestorm of controversy in America. And then

In many ways, an equally controversial story, which is the German execution of a nurse or spy, we will discuss which, called Edith Cavill in Brussels in nineteen fifteen. And then we'll finish off with uh two episodes about one of the most dramatic military disasters uh in all modern history, which is the Allied attempt to seize the approaches to Constantinople,

C

And Dominic, that's an episode that is kind of one of the great foundation myths, isn't it, of Australian and New Zealand identity in particular?

B

Completely it is. So a a little gift to our uh Anzac listeners there. Um, but today I thought what we would do is we would kick off w with the epicenter of the war, which is the Western Front. And specifically what we do is to talk about what it was like for ordinary soldiers, told a lot often in their own words.

The Western Front's Formation

So let's kick off with the with outlining where we are, where we've got to. So at the beginning of nineteen fifteen, the the First World War has been going on for five months. And it began As listeners will remember, with Austria Hungary's decision to exact revenge on Serbia for the murder of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, who's now slightly been forgotten, I'm sad to say.

And this triggered the European alliance system. So Germany piles in on behalf of Austria, Russia, France and Britain are defend effectively defending Serbia. And from the very beginning of the war, the Central Powers, that's Austria, Hungary and Germany, are massive underdogs, because they have less than half of the total population of the Entente or the Allies as they become known.

They've got half the military manpower, they've got far smaller economic resources. They can't win a long war. They know that. So what the Germans do is they gamble on knocking out the Western Allies in six weeks. They charge through Belgium into the heart of France. They're closing in on Paris at the end of august nineteen fourteen. But they're driven back at the Battle of the Marne,

and they fall all the way back to the chalk lands of the River Ainne in eastern France, and there they literally dig in, and they dig the first line of defensive trenches. By the end of nineteen fourteen, beginning of nineteen fifteen, These lines of trenches stretch all the way from the English Channel in the north, through Flanders, through eastern France, to the Swiss border. That's about four hundred and fifty miles. This is the Western Front.

And very, very roughly, the British are guarding the bit in the north, so that's from the Channel, down through Flanders to the French uh town of Amiens, and the French are handling everything to the south of that. And what they're basically trying to do is to push the Germans even further back, so out of France and out of Belgium. But this is a military challenge the like of which has never been seen in history.

Unprepared for Trench Warfare

Because it's very difficult to push people back when they have machine guns trenches and barbed wire, which give the defenders a massive advantage. So basically if you attack you end up dying. That's that's the issue.

C

And um there had kind of been hints of the challenge that the Allies might face in doing this, hadn't there, in The American Civil War first and then the war fought between the Russians and the Japanese in the early twentieth century. And there was the occasional military strategist who would kind of write a book about this and say an industrial war is going to be horrific. But by and large

military strategists, the top brass in the various armies of the combatants in the First World War, before the outbreak of the war, had not thought that that was going to be an issue. They had thought that it was going to be a kind of massively mobile combat. And so really no plans have been drawn up with how to deal with this eventuality.

B

Not at all. And actually the story of the next four years is them actually figuring out that they were wrong. So as we'll see when we will come in the next episode to uh one of many extravagantly mustachio generals who has written a sort of little uh pamphlet about offensive doctrine and about how you win wars through dash and vigour and charging forwards.

which is General Codona, the Italian Supreme Commander. I mean this is very common. And actually the story of the First World War is these guys realizing that they were completely and utterly wrong. And that basically they're gonna have to figure out a way to break the enemy defenses. And in experimenting, they will kill hundreds of thousands of their own men. I mean, this is the sort of tragedy of it.

C

It's why they're cast as kind of the donkeys leading lions and all that. But to be fair to them, I mean it is a massive, massive problem without an obvious answer. I mean they're not killing hundreds of thousands of people just for the fun of it. None of them know what

B

To two. Exactly. So we uh I think we alluded in a previous series. Lord Kitchener, great British kind of war hero, hero of the Burr War and whatnot.

C

Great mistake.

B

Great moustache goes to see the trenches at the end of nineteen fourteen and he says this is not war as I understand it. You know, this is something different. I do not know how you break the this barbed wire and machine guns and stuff.

Robert Graves' Memoir

Anyway, what was it actually like then to live in the trenches in nineteen fifteen? What did it look and feel like? We know more about this than any previous war. We're very fortunate because so many of the survivors told their stories to things like the Imperial War Museums. or a history archive and there were a series of brilliant literary memoirs.

And one of the most celebrated of all those literary memoirs, quite rightly, is Robert Graves' book, Goodbye to All That. So Robert Graves, very well known, of course, I Claudius. So Great kind of classical scholar. Uh some quite outlandish ideas, I think, about classical mythology, Tom. Is that

C

Ha, he was a big fan of the mother goddess.

B

But his memoir Goodbye to all that is a fantastic, fantastic window into the experience of the war. So to give you a sense of Robert Graves, he was born into a fairly wealthy Anglo Irish family in eighteen ninety five. He went to Charter House, one of the great public schools.

C

And Dominic, didn't he have a German name? Kind of a bit like the royal family? Did I dunno if he changed it? He did.

B

His name was um Robert von Ranka Graves. Uh but he dropped the von Ranka first He did keep quiet about it. So he's a very accomplished person, Robert Graves. He wrote poetry, he boxed at great at a very high level. He was a great classical scholar. He won an exhibition to Oxford. And then just eleven days into the war, he is commissioned as a junior officer in the Royal Welsh Fusiliers. So he's very patriotic, he wants to join up.

And he's finally sent to the front in May nineteen fifteen and I thought it would be interesting to make the journey with him, as it were.

Graves' Journey to the Front

So his war narrative opens with him arriving by boat at Le Havre in France with six other young officers in the Welsh fusiliers. And his uh his first memory he says, um as soon as we had arrived we were accosted by numerous little boys pimping for their sisters. I take you to my sister, she very nice, very good jig a jig, not much money, very cheap, very good. I take you now. Plenty champagne for me.

C

I mean he didn't go to Charterhouse to do that.

B

Not at all. Well, we don't know because he doesn't explicitly say that he didn't take them up on their offer. But he implies that he didn't, because they were too busy.

C

This is the man who wrote I Claudius, I suppose, so maybe he did.

B

So, um he and his uh his fellows are told they're going to be attached not to their own regiment, but to a different regiment, the Welsh Regiment, and they've got to head up the line with their men. And Robert Graves, he's not yet twenty years old, so he's nineteen. And he is told, This is going to be your platoon of forty men. Now, the vast majority of these men are working class, so this is your classic example

of kind of cross class collaboration in the trenches. You know, they did not go to Charter House. And as he says in his book, many of them are either wildly too old or too young. So he says, Fred Prosser, a painter in civil life, who admitted to forty eight was really fifty six. David Davis, a collier, a minor, who admitted to forty two, and Thomas Clark, another collier who admitted to forty five, were only one or two years junior to Prosser.

And the oldest of these men is a guy called James Burford, who's another miner. Burford gives himself away because he's confused by the safety catch on his rifle. He says, What's this? And then he says to Graves, you know, I haven't fired a rifle since eight eighteen eighty two.

And Graves said, Didn't you fight in the Burr War? And he says, No, I tried to re enlist, but they told me I was too old, sir. That was fourteen years ago. I had been an old soldier when I was in Egypt. My real age is sixty three.

C

So he's like um Corporal Jones in Dad's Army.

B

me. Exactly he is, yeah, with a with his experience in Africa. But then five of them are too young. So you're meant to be eighteen, but over the course of the war about a quarter of a million younger boys lied about their age to fight in the British Army. And and five of these guys are in Graves' platoon. One of them is only fifteen. And he keeps fall like the classic teenager, he keeps falling asleep on duty.

Oh, leave me alone Which is a kind of capital offence, but Graves always um you know excuses it or whatever. Exactly. So they're loaded onto this troop train bound for the front. And they're heading to Betun, which is the railhead, which is the end of the line, and that's near France's northeastern border, just south of Calais. And it takes them twenty five hours on this train. Very boring. They play cards to pass the time.

First Encounters and Trench Entry

and they finally arrive. It's nine o'clock at night. They are and I quote hungry, cold and dirty and on the platform the guy who's going to guide them to the front is waiting for them. A little man, says Robert Graves, in filthy khaki. He's gonna take them on foot to the trenches which are about six miles away. We marched through the unlit suburbs of the town. We were all intensely excited at the noise and flashes of the guns in the distance, says Graham.

C

I mean that's an amazing phrase, isn't it? Intensely excited. So at this point in Graves' career and perhaps kinda more generally in the parabola of public reactions to the war, it's still seen as exciting.

B

Of course. Well I mean it would be exciting, would it not? To go to war for the first time, you're twenty years old, or in dis or in the case of James Burford, you're sixty three.

C

I don't know. Maybe you're speaking for yourself there.

B

Well then but don't forget they're going voluntarily. These aren't these are not people who are being conscripted. These are people who've chosen, who've elected to go to do their

C

Yeah, I guess that's true.

B

They are nervous though, Grays notes that they're singing hymns to keep their spirits up. The Welsh always sang when they were a bit frightened and pretending they were not. It kept them steady, he says. We marched towards the flashes and we could soon see the flare lights curving over the trenches in the distance. The noise of the guns grew louder and louder. Then we were among the batteries. So this is the kind of artillery batteries.

At this point, um, they see their first kind of enemy action, as it were. A German shell flies towards them and it lands twenty yards away. And as it explodes, they all throw themselves to the ground. There's an explosion and then they hear this kind of tinkling, which is the sound of the little bits of shell casing. falling down, buzzing down all around, as Graves says. And one of the sergeants says at Riley, they calls them the musical instruments.

And they all get up and they trudge on and they get to a village called Combra, which is about a mile from the trenches now. And here they're led into this ruined house which had previously been a chemist's shop. And here, you know, there are people waiting, they give them their gas masks, their respirators, they give them their field dressings, so the kind of bandages and stuff.

And they are given a little bit of something to eat. So bread, bacon, rum, and bitter stewed tea, sickly with sugar. And then once they've finished that, the guide leads them on again. It's still very dark, by the way. They're led into these uh woods east of the village. And they go through the woods and then they see an opening and this is the beginning of the trench network. And they go down into this long deep trench which has been cut in the kind of clay of the soil.

And Graves gets his torch out as they're walking to see what it to see what it's like. And he realizes he switch switches it off almost straight away,'cause he realizes to his horror that they are walking on live field mice and frogs that have a sort of carpet of them. They've all fallen into the trench and couldn't get out again.

C

And I guess you can tell from that that this is still the early stages of the war, because you still have wildlife in the trench system, and you have trees. So, you know, by nineteen sixteen, nineteen seventeen, that f that wood.

B

Good.

C

We'll have just become shattered tree stumps.

Battalion Headquarters' Comfort

B

Yes, exactly. So by now, I mean he's pretty tired. They've been on the road a long time. He's carrying they're all carrying these heavy kit bags and they've hung everything else on their belts. So he's got on his belt a revolver, field glasses, compass, whiskey flask, wire cutters, periscope, and a lot more.

He's struck by how wet and how slippery the trench is. They can hear the hiss of uh rifle bullets coming at them. And actually somebody says to him at one point, There's no point in ducking if you hear a bullet. 'Cause if you can hear the bullet it means it's gone by you. So it will kill you before you hear it. So if you hear it, no point. You know, you've you're fine. Anyway, they trudge down this trench and they get to a dugout and that is the battalion headquarters.

where the colonel is waiting for them. And Graves is surprised how cozy it is. So they duck in and it's that classic scene that you've seen, so for our British listeners, you'd have seen it in Black Adder Goes Forth, the comedy series. It's quite cozy. There's like a nice ornamental lamp, there's a table with a tablecloth.

The uh the people inside are having their dinner or whatever. They're eat eating off polished silver. There's a gramophone playing records. There are easy chairs. So the colonel and his senior officers are having their dinner.

Casualties and Command

C

a really um question. Yeah. Where are they getting the electricity from? Or is it a wind up grammar?

B

I might be wind up yeah, I don't I don't actually know it occurred to me when I said there was a gramophone. So the adjutant says to Graves Right, you and your platoon are going off to Sea Company under Captain Dunn. And good news for you, he's the soundest man in the battalion. Tough shave. So, tremendous. Off they go again into the trench network. It's now raining and it's very muddy, still very dark. They see their first casualty.

they pass a stretcher party and they're carrying a man who's got a sandbag over his face. And the guide says, Oh, who's that? And one of the stretcher bearers says, It's Sergeant Gallagher. He thought he saw a Fritz in no man's land near our wire. Sergeant Gallagher, it turns out, fired a percussion bomb at this shape. But Sergeant Gallagher aimed a little bit too low. The bomb hit the top of the parapet, it bounced back and it exploded in his face.

C

That's the kind of thing I'd do.

B

And the stretcher bearer says, Riley, poor silly bugger, it's not worth sweating to get him back. He's put paid to, whatever. And indeed it turns out that Sergeant Gallagher dies. Must have I mean there must have been so many people, thousands upon thousands who died in similar ways. Anyway, at last they reach their their company, Sea Company, and the dugout that that belongs to Captain Dunn.

So this is Robert Graves says it's a two room timber built shelter in the side of a trench. It's a very similar scene. Um, there's another table with a tablecloth, there's a bookcase, there's whiskey bottles and whatnot, and Captain Dunn is waiting for them, so he's Graves' superior officer.

Daily Trench Routine

And Graves is astonished to find that Captain Dunn is actually two months younger than he is. That is to say Captain Dunn is himself only nineteen. And Captain Dunn is your absolute classic public school jolly, breezy um officer. Save paid by Hugh Laurie. His opening words to Graves are, Well, what's the news from England? Oh sorry, first I must introduce you. This is Walker, clever chap, comes from Cambridge, fancies himself as an athlete. This is Price.

who only joined us yesterday, but we like him. He brought some damn good whisky with him. Well, how long is this war gonna last, and who's winning? We don't know a thing out here.

C

So it's a he's a bit like asking the score in the test match or something.

B

Exactly. And Graves says, Well, this is the news from England and then Dunn says, Okay, well let me tell you what it's like out here in the trenches. Dunn has this tremendous line. He says, We have absolutely nothing to do with the French except when there's a battle on and then we generally let each other down.

C

Well we've seen that was true, haven't we, from um the series we did on the opening months of the war?

B

And Dunn says this is basically how it's going to work. We have breakfast at eight AM, then we clean the trenches and we inspect and we check our rifles. We work all morning, and what he means by work, he says the majority of our time here we work on the trench.

We dig, we reinforce the parapet, we, you know, try to get rid of some of the vermin, we do all this kind of thing. Then at twelve we have lunch, we work again from one till six. So they're basically like a kind of group of navvies or something. And then we have then the men feed again. We have stand two at dusk for about an hour. We work all night. And then we stand two for an hour before dawn. And that's the general programme.

C

Sounds fun!

B

It's not the end of the world.

C

Right. I mean it's better than being in a coal mine, right?

B

Well, as we will discuss. So Graves gets a little bit of sleep and then at one AM, uh Don wakes him up and he says, I'll give you a tour.

Glimpse of No Man's Land

So they have a look over the parapet very gingerly. And Graves gets his first glimpse of No Man's Land. It's dark and he can hardly see anything. But a little later when it's lighter, he gets a periscope and he has a look, and he can see that the German trenches that's marked by a line of sandbags.

They're just four hundred yards away. And although he doesn't really say this in his memoir, this must be a spine-tingling moment. After all this journey, after all these months of waiting, you finally see the enemy line. It's just four hundred yards. You know, you could you could walk to it within min minutes, although you'd get shot.

No, he says a flat meadow with cornflowers and whatnot, long grass, a few shell holes, there's a wreck of an aeroplane, and he can see barbed wire, theirs and ours, but that's it. He has another little doze and he listens to the men grumbling about their lice, a big issue for them, and we'll come back to this.

and then they ha have breakfast back in the dugout. Bacon and eggs, coffee, toast and marmalade. So not bad. And just as they're getting stuck in, Dunn's manservant, his Batman, whose man called Kingdom, rushes in, his eyes blank with horror and excitement, and he says, Gas, sir, gas they're using gas And Dunn says the most British thing that anybody's ever said. He says, Very well, Kingdom, bring me my respirator from the other room, and another pot of marmalade.

C

Can you can you eat marmalade while you're wearing a gas mark?

B

I think Marble Aid short is the priority, no? You d it's smeared.

C

Yeah.

B

If you want to find out what happened next, I think the thing to do is to read the book because I don't want to d uh do the whole book. But I thought we would maybe talk about some of the things that have come up in Graves' account so far.

Allied vs. German Trenches

So first of all the trenches. So the trenches, as you said, Tom, they are relatively new. You know, when Graves arrives, they are only months old. They were improvised, they were cut into the clay and the chalk in a hurry. And a key thing for people to remember, the Allies, when they dug their trenches, did not think, Well, we're gonna be here for four years you know, so we better make them good. They actually thought we might be here for a couple of weeks.

And then we're gonna hopefully resume the offensive and drive the Germans further back east.

C

And are they still thinking that at this point?

B

I think by now, so we're in May nineteen fifteen. there probably is an awareness that this is this is why they're working so hard on the trenches, that they're going to be here for a little bit longer. So th the way the trenches work, you've got these kind of barricades and parapets that are built really of of of o earth, of soil and of rubble.

And people would reinforce them with wooden planks and with sandbags. And then they would line the ground of the trench with these wooden planks, these duckboards. And they gave them names. They would often name them after London Street, so Oxford Street, Regent Street and whatnot. And an intersection would be named after a famous junction in London, so Hyde Park Corner, Oxford Circus and so on.

C

Elephant and Castle

B

Yeah, I mean I suppose, conceivably. Probably not. And they would also um make up names for the German lines opposite them. So there's a bit in Siegfried Sassoon where Siegfried Sassoon says, Our objective was pint trench. taking bitter and beer and clearing ale and vat and also pils and lane. So name them all the German uh trenches all after beers. Now on the German trenches, everybody agrees the German trenches are much better.

They're deeper, they are safer, they're better defended, they're more comfortable. And the reason for that obviously is that the Germans are there for the long haul. They're like what we have we hold.

C

So it's not just about the Germans being better at building things.

B

Maybe they are bad supported things, I don't know.

C

I mean they they use um reinforced concrete, don't they? Which seems a kind of typical hun trick.

B

Well when people do take German trenches, they're stunned how good they are. They have kind of ceiling beams, they have nice kind of cladded walls.

C

Cinemas.

B

dugouts, they have kind of skylights and alcoves, s sort of decorative alcoves and things.

C

They go really deep, don't they? I I mean some of them go so deep that actually they're kind of impervious to to anything the British can fire at them.

The Misery of Mud and Vermin

B

Well this is one of the issues when the British think, Oh, we'll just clear the German trenches with a with artillery bombardment. They don't realize just how deep-seated these German trenches are. Graves talks the one thing he obviously talks about in the trench, which is the most common thing that people associate with them, is mud.

And this is the aspect of trench life that soldiers mention the most in subsequent accounts. So there's a diary of the war by a guy called Captain Alexander Stewart, which was published in two thousand and nine. He joined the Scottish Rifles. in uh nineteen fifteen. He says of the mud. Mud is a bad description. It's not mud. The soil was more like a thick slime. When walking one sank several inches, it was difficult to withdraw the feet.

The consequence was that men who were standing still or sitting down got embedded in the slime and were unable to extricate themselves, and as the trenches were so shallow they had to stay where they were all day.

C

God imagine being stuck there.

B

But here's the thing, you're stuck there and if it's in the middle of a battle. You're you're a sitting duck and there are a lot of accounts actually. Uh reading through soldiers' accounts, there's loads of them where they say blogs got stuck and the Germans were basically using him for target practice or sort of dropping shells getting closer and closer to him and he couldn't get out.

Trench Fever and Rats

Because he's stuck in all this mud. But there's worse things than mud. So Graves, remember I said he was dozing and he heard the people talking about lice. Lice are a big issue, but there's also flies and fleas. So flies, Alexander Stewart again, he talks about filthy, fat, dirty flies drawn by the dead bodies.

C

Flies must be I mean it must be all their Christmases come at once.

B

Exactly, yeah. In the company headquarters dugout he says they were massed on the ceiling like a swarm of bees, and when a man was asleep they would settle all around his mouth and over his face.

C

The corpses would be full of maggots, I guess.

B

Exactly. Uh fleas. Everybody had fleas. You pretty much got fleas within weeks. They would get into underclothes and what the soldiers would do is they would get candles. And they would kind of run the candle ab the the sort of lit candle along the seams of their underwear, and as one puts it, you could hear the eggs crackling as you kind of burned your own underpants with this candle. And then the lice

This is a French stretcher bearer called Raymond Clemont. He said Without telling anybody I take my clothes off and I see hundreds of lice and lava jumping out at me. They're everywhere in my shirt, my trousers, my underwear, etcetera I shake my clothes as much as I can and I finally weigh wear them again. The only choice we have is to wait for the next relief and then to boil our clothes.

C

So is this a regular occurrence that people are taking their clothes off and shaking the lice out, do you think?

B

Yeah, I think it is. I mean you're live you there's no you know, sort of personal discretion, as it were. There's not much place for that on the Western front really. You're you know, you're going to the toilet altogether on a kind of plank and whatnot.

C

And you'd rather be naked than bitten to death by fleas.

B

Of course. And the lice carry something called trench fever. And trench fever is an infectious disease. It's extremely common in the trenches and the worst cases can be fatal. So J. R. R. Tolkien was invalided out at the Somme with with a very severe case of trench fever, and ironically the trench fever probably saved his life because if he'd stayed on in the Somme, he could easily have died. AA Milne had uh trench fever, C S Lewis had trench fever.

The Paradox of Trench Life

C

God, it's hard to think of A. A. Milne, isn't it? With trench fever. Winnie the Pooh with lice. He probably would have had fleas, certainly.

B

Well, what about Winnie the Pooh with rats? So Graves has a section in his memoir where he's talking about rats and he says there was a new officer who turned up and he on his first night he goes to bed and he wakes and he hears the scuffle on his bed. There were two rats on his blankets tussling for the possession of a severed hand. This was thought a this was thought a great joke, says Graves.

And again, the rats are so common they are ubiquitous. So, like the flies, they're drawn by the dead bodies, they become huge.

C

Because they're eating dead soldiers.

B

Yeah, there are so many accounts of them being as big as cats. And often the men deliberately do not kill them because they will they will just be left there to putrefy and they will stink and spread disease or the dead bodies will draw other rats.

A

So kind of

B

Feed on them. So this is another Tommy writing home. In the night we have heaps of company, rats and mice and the other livestock. Every time you wake, the rats are fighting and squeaking all over you. The other night one took a flying jump onto my face.

C

A famous poem by Ivan Rosenberg called Break of Day in the Trenches, which kind of almost implies a fondness. For what he calls a queer sardonic rat, and he imagines the rat brushing up against his hand and then going and brushing up against the German hand. Saying Droll rat, they would shoot you if they knew your cosmopolitan sympathies. So it may be that in you know

B

Yeah.

C

A bit like Christopher Robin befriending a piglet.

B

Yeah.

C

If you're in the trench you might prefer

B

Might befriend a rats. I mean um w well you might tell me I don't think I think I'd draw the line at preferential at, frankly.

C

I take friendship where I can get it.

B

That's fair. All this sounds pretty nightmarish and some listeners may be thinking this doesn't sound like a great laugh. So you are um muddy, you're wet, you're cold, you've got rats, there's also the shells going off all around you, and it's also very boring.

There's a lot of waiting around, so there's a young German writer called Ernst Junger, who we will feature more after the break. And Junger arrived very excited and very idealistic. Con couldn't wait to get have a crack at the British. And he said in his memoir Storm of Steel

After only a short time with the regiment we become thoroughly disillusioned. Instead of the danger that we had hoped for, we would be given dirt, work, and sleepless nights. Worse still was the boredom, which was still more enervating for the soldier than the proximity of death. But one point to make as we approach the break.

It's really important to say you said earlier it's a lot better than working down a mine. And I think you're right. And a lot of soldiers enjoy it. This is a thing that I think subsequently people in the twenty first century struggle to get into their heads. Th for a lot of soldiers, particularly working class men from poorer backgrounds who worked in factories or, you know, in mines or had back breaking, you know, h industrial jobs.

The routine on the Western Front really isn't that bad. You've got four regular meals a day breakfast, uh, lunch, tea, dinner.

C

Yeah, I mean all that marmalade.

B

Brilliant. Yeah. But but you think is the food really it's a little bit like when we did the Titanic episodes and we were talking about life in third class. You know? It might look bad to us, but to people at the time, you're getting tins of what's called bully beef. You've got biscuits, you've got bread and jam, you have regular you have a lot of tea.

you have kind of bits you have rum, you have cigarette rations, all of this kind of thing. There's a lot of time for chatting and for general bants. There's a lot of sleep. You uh write letters, you play cards. Is that worse than working in a mine? Not necessarily, no.

C

You're in constant risk of death in a mine, aren't you?

B

Of course you are. And you're outdoors and a lot of people actually love the the outdoor element. So here's a really good example. Here's a guy called Private Ernest Todd looking back at the war and he says

On a nice summer's day, you could think there wasn't a war on really. Early in the morning you'd have the first planes coming over and a general air of balm innocent ease. Breakfast would come up if there was going to be any, and you would settle down to a day of laziness in the sun if you could.

The lads would sit on this firestep and talk and sing. Towards the evening they get sentimental talking about their homes. Yes, during those summer months of nineteen fifteen, you could forget that there was a war on. You really could. And part of the reason for that is actually you think of the First World War and you think of the trenches and you sort of imagine that people are just either digging or they're going over the top.

But actually, a Tommy, a British soldier, spends less than half of his time on the front line. He spends three fifths of his time in the rear. And what they're doing in the rear, they're just hanging about. They're playing football, they go to film screenings, there are special concerts put on for them, they go to plays, there are people organise lectures and debates, they're reading, they're

C

Graves in uh in his book. Over Counts a cricket match where they they use a I think a a a dead parrot in a cage as the wicket um and then they get kind of strafed by a plane so machine gun fire stops play. But it's you know, it's nice to think it's not so muddy that you can't

B

You can't play cricket. There's loads of stuff like that. I mean, I think the reason they play football m more famously rather than cricket is that it's easier to play football. Yeah.

C

Jumpers for goal posts.

B

Exactly. But there's also, I think, a real sense of camaraderie. Again, you get that in Graves' book, you know, the affectionate way that he talks about his platoon. This sort of sense that, um I mean, this is one of the most common things that people said afterwards about life in the trenches, that barriers of class and region and indeed nation within the United Kingdom end up being broken down. So to quote William Holmes of the London Regiment, I mean it's

This is all kind of cliched stuff, but of course this is how people spoke and indeed speak today. We knew we were there to do that job and we were so fond of our country and we were like a lot of brothers today. We were just like a band of brothers. Oh sweet. Nelson would have been proud Tom. Yeah, well.

C

Yeah, um Ashencor, which is not far from where they're stationed, I suppose.

B

far at all. But of course, there is one aspect of life on the Western Front that we haven't mentioned at all because they haven't actually been sent there. No, they have to actually be sent there to make friends with people from other uh from other towns and to play football. They have been sent there for one reason and one reason only, which is to fight and kill the enemy. So What was it like to go over the top to kill another human being in your country's name? And

Are the Germans about to unleash a secret weapon to end the deadlock in the trenches and win the war? Tom will find out after the break.

🎵 Music

C

This episode is brought to you by The Times and by the Sunday Times. Now, if there is one thing that history, and indeed Bob Dylan, teaches us. It is that the times they are always uh changing. And Dominic, I guess we're living in changing times now, what with America attacking Iran and oil crises. So do you think that the lessons of that for Keir Starmer are

B

Rosie?

C

So looking at the career of Edward Heath, for instance, who was Prime Minister in the previous oil crisis.

B

It didn't work out brilliantly for Ted Heath, to be honest. And actually he and Keir Starmer I think are quite similar. They're from relatively humble backgrounds and there's a slight sense of floundering which they have in common. But their bigger point is you never really know what's round the corner, do you? Because when you look at history, the future is always pretty uncertain. Uncertain.

C

But you know, the facts, they shouldn't be uncertain. And uh that of course is where the Times and the Sunday Times come in.

B

Yeah, and I would say that understanding the news is absolutely vital when you're navigating an increasingly uncertain and unpredictable world. So to subscribe to The Times and the Sunday Times, visit theTimes.com.

🎵 Music

Ernst Junger's Perspective

C

Come on man, get up. We're moving out. I woke up in dew sodden grass. Through a stuttering swathe of machine gun fire we plunged back into our communication trench, and moved to a position on the edge of the wood previously held by the French. A sweetish smell and a bundle hanging in the wire caught my attention. In the rising mist I leaped out of the trench and found a shrunken French corpse. Flesh like mouldering fish gleamed greenishly through the water.

B

Speaking of

C

the bits in the shredded uniform. Turning round, I took a step back in horror. Next to me a figure was crouched against a tree. It still had gleaming French lezher harness, and on its back was a fully packed haversack. topped by a round mess pin. empty eye sockets, and a few strands of hair on the bluish black skull indicated that the man was not among the living. So that was um a German, obviously, um and it's a man we've already met in the first half.

The writer Ernst Junger and he's describing um the fighting at Les Epages near Verdun in april nineteen fifteen and it comes from his memoir Storm of Steel which is one of the great war memoirs, not just of the First World War, but o of all time, isn't it? So Dominic, probably worth giving a character sketch. I mean he's an amazing, amazing man. Extraordinary life.

The Horrors of Les Epages

B

He has an incredible life, uh Ernst Junger. You know, th you can trace the whole of German twentieth century history through his life really. He was born in Heidelberg in eighteen ninety five, and his father was a rich kind of chemist, kind of chemical engineer. And he went to boarding school, like Robert Graves. Um but he was typical of kind of German youth before the First War. He joined a nationalist youth group called the Von der Virgel.

So they're kind of these sort of wandering birds. They're a little bit like the Boy Scouts, but they're more nationalistic and more kind of idealistic in a way. Then he ran away to join the French Foreign Legion, and then he came back, and then on the first of august nineteen fourteen, that's the day Germany entered the war, he joined up, he was so keen to get in stuck in. Says nineteen, like Graves.

And later on, after he'd published this book Storm of Steel, he became this incredibly controversial German literary figure. So all through his life he was very militaristic and very nationalistic. But he never joined the Nazis. He did serve as an army captain in Paris in the nineteen forties, but he was appalled by the anti Semitism of the Nazis, even though he'd himself been pretty anti Semitic in the twenties.

He then was quite close to the Stauffenberg plotters, so the people who tried to blow Hitler up in nineteen forty four. He was thrown out of the army, but not executed.

C

He becomes an early enthusiast for LSD.

B

It does, exactly.

C

And also he's a very keen um entomologist. He had an inordinate fondness for beetles. I think he had about kind of seven types of beetle named after him or something, improbable.

B

And then he died at the age of a hundred and two, so in I think nineteen ninety eight.

C

Oh, that's mad, isn't it? Yeah.

B

Yeah, crazy. Anyway, Storm of Steel, his book, which I really recommend. It's it's It's very different in tone from Robert Graves' memoir, even though they're the same age and they're writing about exactly the same point in time. Because Junger is much more interested in what it's like and the excitement and the adrenaline and the experience of fighting and battle.

So it really captures his book, the adrenaline, the noise, the sensations, and this sort of dream like confusion and surrealism, which you had a sort of taste of there when he sees those French bodies. So in this particular occasion We're in April nineteen fifteen. His unit has been pushed forward into the French lines, so they've the Germans have punched a little hole in the French lines and his units have been thrown in. And this is his first experience of battle.

And he's in this trench and it's full of dead Frenchmen, rotted, dried, stiffened to mummies, frozen in an eerie dance of death.

C

Such an eerie image, isn't it?

B

But the really eerie thing, he realizes that they've been there for ages and that the French must have just not bothered to bury poor from the French, I think, not to bury their uh their dead. Anyway, they haven't buried these.

C

Especially since it's so muddy, you just roll them and they can sink into the glute.

Wounded in the Pounding Dance

B

So what he does... You know, don't forget this is the middle of the of a battle. He has a little stroll, he looks for souvenirs. he finds again this sort of dream like quality. He finds a suitcase that's sort of been blown open and one of the things in the suitcase is this beautiful striped shirt. and he takes off his army tunic and he puts the shirt on. I relished the pleasant tickle of clean cloth against my skin, he says.

He lights up his pipe, he has a smoke, then he hears the guns starting up again what he calls a savage pounding dance. And eventually he hears someone calling, it's basically one of the officers saying, Come on, on your feet, get all of you get ready. They form up again. They go out of the trench and into a wood. You know, they have no idea where they are, where they're going, they're just following orders as people do.

Uh so it's very dreamlike still. They go into this woods, they go into a clearing and they sit down, the sun is setting, they're just sort of chatting, and they think, well, this is probably it for today. And it's at this point, it's a it's a fantastic scene in the book. He says our ribble conversations were suddenly cut off by a marrow freezing cry.

Twenty yards behind us, clumps of earth whirled up out of a white cloud and smacked into the boughs. The crash echoed through the woods. Stricken eyes looked at each other. Bodies pressed themselves into the ground. And then there's this series of explosions. He says choking gases drifted through the undergrowth. Smoke obscured the treetops. There are trees crashing down, the screams. We leaped up and ran blindly from tree to tree.

like looking for cover. They're like frightened game, he says. And in the middle of all this he feels a blow on his left thigh, and this is a piece of shrapnel that's come from one of the explosions and is basically sliced into his leg. And he drops his pack, he throws down his pack and he runs back to the trench that they'd all come from. The trench was appalling, choked with seriously wounded and dying men. A figure stripped to the waist with a ripped open back leaned against the parapet.

Another with a triangular flap hanging off the back of his skull emitted short, high pitched screams. And then this incredible line. This was the home of the great god Pain, and for the first time I looked through a devilish chink into the depths of his realm. Very evocative writing. So he carries on running through the trench in this sort of panic, blood streaming from his leg.

He eventually collapses. Afterwards, when it's died down, he's found by stretcher bearers and is taken to a dressing station. And then eventually he is put on a train to go all the way home to Germany into his hometown of Heidelberg.

C

But then he comes back, doesn't he? And he just keeps getting wounded throughout the war. And don't the Germans have kind of it's kind of a weird thing, you get a medal for every wound you have. And he ends up with I think the gold medal for having been shot ten times or whatever.

B

He's incredibly brave. And he loves it. You know, when we're describing this the Great God Pain, blokes with their heads heart kind of blown open and all of this, you might think, gosh, how horrific, how terrible. What an unbelievably awful scene. A nightmare. But it actually makes Junger feel more enthusiastic about the war, not less.

The Allure of Battle

C

Because it makes him feel alive?

B

Yeah, it makes it feel alive. And when he gets back to Germany, so on that break, you might think when he goes back invalided out, you know, it would make him dread to go back. Not a bit of it. He says To go back and to see his native land makes him feel that Germany is eminently worth our blood and our lives. For the first time I sense that this war was more than just a great adventure. So it's a great adventure, but it's even better than that because it's in the noble cause.

And the other thing that strikes him, at the end of this scene, which is brilliantly done, you know, he's seen people killed, he's seen combat, he's seen explosions and stuff, but he He's seen dead French, but he hasn't seen a single live Frenchman. He hasn't seen a single live opponent. And actually you could go through the war for a very long time and you could see people shot around you and you could shoot uh you know, you could cause death to other people.

But you might never actually lay eyes upon them and that's one of the great innovations, I think, of the First World War.

The Reality of Killing

C

Because death is coming from a distance, or it's coming from the lice or the rats or whatever, you know, it's kind of basili and stuff.

B

And both these things are very typical. So first of all, most soldiers never engage in hand to hand combat. And actually when you look at the stats, it is clear most soldiers never kill. anybody. And in fact, two thirds of the casualties in the First World War were caused by artillery fire. They're not caused by one person, as it were, deliberately killing another person that they can see in front of them. And Junger is not untypical in finding battle

enjoyable. So there's an uh an example that reminded me of a one of our um one of our goal hangar comrades, Tom. So a man called Julian Grenfell who went to Eton and Balliol, like Rory Stewart. And he was killed on the Western Front in may nineteen fifteen, and before he was killed he wrote to his parents, I adore war. It is like a big picnic.

The fighting excitement vitalizes everything, every sight and action, and then this incredible light. One loves one's fellow man so much more when one is bent on killing him.

C

He was a poet, wasn't he, as well?

B

Yeah.

C

Because he was also a professional soldier. Do you think that might have made a difference? Um, is he more seasoned? Comes perhaps as less as a less of a shock to him'cause he's already Fought in battle then I may be

B

I don't know. I think I think there are a lot of people I think it's a question of temperament as much as anything. I think you don't know until you get there actually. It's like that classic thing about what what makes you a coward or brave. You don't know until you've been in that environment. You can do all the training in the world. But it comes down to I don't know, you can be conditioned, I suppose. I guess military historians would say you can be conditioned.

But, I don't know, I mean not everybody's like this. So there's a brilliant account by a German sergeant called Stefan Westmann.

who went on to be a Harley Street doctor, and he was interviewed by the BBC for their brilliant series about the Great War in the nineteen sixties. And he describes in this interview storming enemy trenches and he suddenly comes face to it's a very young man and he suddenly comes face to face with a French soldier and he said um I'm actually not going to do the accident.

Because it's a very moving kind of quote. And he says I realized that he was after my life exactly as I was after his, but I was quicker than he was. I pushed his rifle away and I ran my bayonet through his chest. He fell, putting his hand on the place where it hit him, and then I thrust again. Blood came out of his mouth, and he died. I nearly vomited, my knees were shaking, and they asked me, What's the matter with you? They is his comrades.

And he goes on to say, his comrades were absolutely undisturbed by what had happened. One of them boasted that it had killed a Poilu, that's a Frenchman, with the butt of his rifle. Another one had strangled a French captain, a third had hit somebody over the head with his spade. They were ordinary men like me. One was a tram conductor, another a commercial traveller, two were students, the rest farm workers. ordinary people who would never have thought to harm anybody.

Death's Ubiquitous Presence

So in other words, these are people who would never have hit somebody over the head with a spade or strangled them in real life, in civilian life. But they've been thrust into this environment and they found something in themselves that they didn't know they had. But Stefan Westman, who's a sergeant, you know, he's got a a a job that involves a degree of responsibility. He doesn't have that. He says, I woke up at night sometimes drenched in sweat. Because I saw the eyes of my fallen adversary.

C

Oh, so it's like the um the Wilfred Owen poem where what is it, I am the enemy I am the enemy you killed, my friend.

B

Exactly.

C

Yeah, at the end of a long tunnel.

B

And I suppose whether you kill or not, you just have to get used to the fact there's going to be a lot of death and a lot of killing. Um, we were talking about the trenches. I mean, one thing we didn't mention. Those fighting can be so fierce sometimes that it's impossible to clear the bodies. They're either left in no man's land or they're hastily buried in the side of the trenches.

So people will write home this is an example, a guy from the Argyle and Sutherland Highlanders, Captain Aidan Liddle, he's writing unbelievably to his mother and he says all the ground is full of dead bodies, and when the wall of a dugout falls in there's generally a body exposed. One man wanted to cut the ends of some roots that were sticking out of his dugout wall. He discovered they were a corpse's fingers.

C

'Cause I see on this that lots of exclamation marks after that.

B

Imagine writing that's your mum. And then there's a s a French soldier. He describes how just outside their trench dead bodies lay for a month. One evening Jacques on patrol saw enormous rats fleeing from under their faded coats. They were fat from human meat. His heart pounding he crawled towards a dead man. This is Jack who's on patrol.

His helmet had rolled away, he was showing a grimacing face with no flesh, his skull bare, his eyes eaten, a denture had slid onto his rotting shirt, and out of his gaping mouth a foul animal jumped. Oh God.

Casualties, Shell Shock, and Trauma

Yeah, really, really grim. But what are the chances that you might end up like that, Tom? No. They're smaller than they're smaller than you think. They are much smaller than you think.

So I fell down a massive rabbit hole. There are tons and tons of articles online about this by people who know far more about it, A than I do, and B, I think than is h than is healthy for any human being. And Generally the odds of death for a British soldier in on the Western Front, in the front line are Are about ten percent. So nine out of ten people there will live and one will die. And that is a lot better than the Crimean War, where basically two out of ten died.

C

or the Battle of Canai.

B

Right. Well you know, lots of p lots and lots of people die. But if you're French, the odds are higher. Twenty percent of French soldiers die and about twenty five percent of Germans.

C

Why the difference?

B

I was thinking about this. Why is this? Well the Germans obviously lose the war. I mean, that is a pretty big a big difference. And of course they lose it in circumstances where they launch a massive offensive. Lots of you are shot when you're attacking. So they launch a massive offensive in nineteen eighteen. They're driven back and a lot of them die in that in in the in the course of nineteen eighteen. Uh the French

C

Well I suppose the British don't have a Verdun, do they?

B

Yeah, the Somme's pretty bad, but Verdun is a channel house. Well I mean we're talking about that maybe next year, um in twenty twenty seven when we get to nineteen sixteen. Um so a lot diet Verdun, I suppose. I mean Uh I d I don't have an answer, actually. Maybe um military historians will have an answer about this big difference. But the are chances are that you would be a casualty one way or another. So

Almost every soldier on the front line gets wounded one way or another, and or they come down with disease. You know, at some point you will get trench fever, dysentery, you'll be invalided out at some stage, probably. And of course the difference between this war and previous war is that the dangers are not merely physical, they are mental. So this is a shell shock. Yeah, um I th I sort of have one French trench journal, Le Soucis, quoted by Neil Ferguson in his book The Pity of War.

describes the shelling as a a form of torture that the soldier cannot see the end of. And this is one thing I think, you know, we can imagine what it's like to be very muddy or we can imagine the horror of all the flies or something. But I I guess it's probably very hard for us to imagine what it's like to be under shellfire.

For hours and hours or days and days. They're ap their sort of relentless, relentless pounding. Ernst Junger in Storm of Steel has this very famous description. You must imagine you're securely tied to a post, being menaced by a man swinging a heavy hammer. Now the hammer has been taken back over his head, ready to be swung. Now it's cleaving the air towards you, on the point of touching your skull. Then it has struck the post and the splinters are flying.

that is what it is like to experience heavy shelling in an exposed position. And the poet Siegfried Sassoon, he arrived in France towards the end of nineteen fifteen and became friends with Robert Graves, and was decorated for his exceptional bravery He has these lines in one of his poems, Oh Christ, I want to go out and screech at them to stop. I'm going crazy. I'm going stark, staring mad, because of the guns.

And this, of course, is not uncommon. So even before the end of nineteen fourteen, only months into the war, there are there start to be reports of a lot of British soldiers reporting to the sick bay saying I feel dizzy. I'm you know, they're they're trembling and they don't know why. They have headaches. They have kind of nervous symptoms, as they were called at the time. And the term shell shock was coined in February.

nineteen fifteen, in an article in the Lancet, kind of medical journal, by Captain Charles S. Myers of the Royal Army Medical Corps. And I had a look at it online, you can see it online. And Myers is writing about three cases of soldiers who have had shells explode nearby, and these soldiers ever since have had blurred vision, they've been shivering, they have been crying, they've been in a state of general confusion, And the doctors cannot see an obvious physical cause for it.

C

So Dominic, the the the stereotype is that the British High Command regard this as nonsense and think that the chaps should man up.

B

Stop.

C

um is that actually the case or is it a little bit more nuanced i'm guessing the latter

B

It is more nuanced. So this is part of the sort of um caricature. I mean you alluded to it in the first half, that the generals ha with their tremendous moustaches are sitting in castles, kind of eating elaborate meals and just throwing their men into

C

A meat grinder.

B

into the meat grinder, heedlessly and that they are incredibly reactionary and stupid, that they are donkeys leading lions and all of this. So the figure that you often see that the the fact That people often bring up. They say a lot of men were executed for desertion and cowardice when really they were suffering from shell shock. So three hundred and six British and imperial soldiers were executed for Cowardice, six hundred and fifty Frenchmen.

And actually interestingly, only forty-eight Germans. So it differs from army to army. Actually the Italians are the worst. They're very harsh on their own men. But these figures, as you know, lamentable as they are, They're a tiny, tiny fraction.

C

Right,'cause we're talking about millions of competence. Right.

B

So there were six million British Empire troops. And of those, only three hundred and six are executed for cowardice. I mean that's three hundred and six too many, you might say, but it's still not that many. And actually what that might suggest is the authorities are more nuanced and more s and more sensitive to this than you might assume. And in fact they are, because in May nineteen fifteen the War Office sent a doctor to the front, Doctor Aldrin Turner,

and they said to him, Investigate this new disorder. And Turner wrote back, he wrote his report, he said, It's not just cowardice. It is a form of temporary nervous breakdown, often after soldiers have witnessed a ghastly sight or a harassing experience. The patient becomes nervy, unduly emotional and shaky, and most typical of all, his sleep is disturbed by bad dreams. And actually, we already mentioned Wilfred Owen, the strange meeting poem. Bad dreams are a feature of a lot of war poetry.

C

This is following on from um an episode we did on the Battle of Marathon and there is an account in Herodotus um of someone at the B the Battle of Marathon who gets what is often described as shell shock. It's often described as the first instance in recorded history of this condition.

B

Yeah. Surely it must have I mean there must have been men at Waterloo who were completely traumatized with a Crimea or something. I mean it's utterly implausible that there weren't. Or indeed Ashencorps, frankly. These some of these battles must have been terrifying uh experiences that recurred in men's dreams for years to for decades afterwards.

C

The soldier at Marathon sees a kind of colossal figure moving through the the ranks, um, and ends up he he ends up blind from the shock of it. Wow.

B

So what the War Office experts can't agree on is whether the cause is mental or physical. And back in Britain they set up s at least twenty specialist hospitals to treat what is then called neurasthenia. And the most famous of these is Craig Lockhart in Edinburgh. This is the hospital in Pat Barker's Regeneration trilogy. And this is where uh Siegfried Sassoon

meets Wilfred Owen in due course. The two great poets meet each other. Now, senior officers think it's you know, they think it's a real thing, shell shock, but often they say, well, it's maybe the result of an individual weakness. that you have a flaw in your temperament. But actually, most of the men we've mentioned in this episode prove that to be totally wrong. So we mentioned Ernst Junger. Ernst Junger is ridiculously brave and he also loves war.

But he describes in Storm of Steel how there's a point where he becomes so jumpy that when somebody drops a book in the dugout, he'll be reduced to being a a a a gibbering wreck'cause he thinks it's a landing shell. There's a moment in the book where he and his men come under heavy shell fire and he runs away in terror.

And then he meets up with some of the survivors, and I quote, I was finished, I threw myself on the ground and I broke into convulsive sobs while the men stood gloomily around me. This is a very brave and militaristic man doing this. Siegfried Sassoon, so suicidally brave that his men nicknamed him Mad Jack, wins the Military Cross And then he cracks, he publishes this denunciation of the war, he's sent to this hospital.

And then when he's been in the hospital, he comes out of the hospital, he goes back to the front and he fights very bravely again. So, you know, everybody has their kind of breaking point. Robert Graves in Goodbye to All That, he says everyone has a breaking point.

And the way it works is this you've been there a month and you start to show the first signs of shell shock. After nine months, an officer becomes a drag on the other company officers. After twelve months, an officer is and I quote worse than useless. And by the summer of nineteen sixteen, by which point he's been there twelve months.

he can feel it in himself. Quote, My breaking point was near now. It would be a general nervous collapse, with tears and twitchings and dirted trousers. I had seen cases like that. But as it happens, he's wounded by a shell fragment of the Somme, he almost dies, and he's invalided out, and he never comes back. And at that point, he definitely has what we would call shell shock.

The fear of gas obsessed me, any unusual smell, even a sudden strong scent of flowers in a garden was enough to send me trembling, and I couldn't face the sound of heavy shelling now. The noise of a car backfiring would send me flat on my face or running for cover.

C

the military authorities start to factor this in? I mean do they start to think, well, after a year or two soldiers are going to be useless, or do they just carry on anyway?

B

Um, good question. I think they're aware of it, but I think the demands of manpower are so great. People always have this idea, I think, of the First World War generals as just as sort of boorish, brutal idiots. But actually when you look at their life stories and their lives away from the war, often these are quite cultivated, intelligent kind of men.

The truth is they are in an impossible situation and they they're so there's this urgent demand for men at the front. So they can't give everybody a break every now and again.

C

And it's what we were saying right at the start, that they are facing um a a situation, a strategic situation that is so imponderable that they are just groping around for answers.

Germany's Chemical Weapon

B

Indeed. And this brings us perfectly to one of the first answers they come up with. So Graves just mentioned it. And this is the secret weapon that the Germans come up with in the early months of nineteen fifteen to try to break this deadlock. And this is gas.

sides had experimented with gas before the war, but the Germans had a massive head start because they're a big scientific powerhouse, the biggest in the world. They have the best researchers, they have the best chemical engineers, they have manufacturers like Agva and Bayer and all these kind of companies.

C

I mean this is maybe, but it's still cheating, isn't it? But it's not cricket.

B

It's I don't think it is cheating actually, because the Hague Convention of eighteen ninety nine outlawed using projectiles that would be solely used for asphyxiating or deleterious gases. But the Germans get their lawyers to look at this and the lawyers say as long as you're not using projectiles that have been made solely for that purpose, there's no nothing else has been outlawed.

And their um new Supreme Commander, Eric von Falkenhayn, kind of Prussian figure, he says, Look, we're gonna lose if it's a long war. I mean, they know that the Germans, and that their their great gamble has failed. We must try anything urgently to get a breakthrough.

C

I mean he has the vibe of a man who would approve of muscle.

B

Yes. That's harsh. That's harsh. The name.

C

Name for look.

B

I mean to be fair, the British end up using gas too. Would you say that of Douglas Haig? Probably or so John French?

C

I would definitely have Sir John French.

B

What did we call John French last time?

C

And a buffoon, I think, wasn't it?

B

Anyway, lots of uh Falkenhayn's officers say to him, I don't know about this. First of all, um the Allies will retaliate with Gas themselves, and the prevailing winds over France and Flanders arrive. Yeah, they're in they're in the wrong direction. We'll be in a mess. Um, but also some people definitely agree with you, Tom. So somebody who agrees with you is uh General Carl van Einem of the Third Army and he wrote to his wife

I fear it will produce a tremendous scandal in the world. War has nothing to do with chivalry anymore. The higher civilization rises, the viler man becomes. So he's not an enthusiast for gas. Even so, they decide to go for it and they're going to launch it

The First Gas Attacks

On the twenty second of April at Ypres. Now people may remember there's a thing called the Ypres salient, which is basically the front line bulges out a bit. So it's sort of surrounded on three sides and the British are determined to hold it.

and this is where the Germans are gonna make their trial. And at five o'clock that evening, the engineers open the valves on six thousand cylinders of chlorine gas. Yeah, they're waiting for the wind to be in the right direction. The wind blows this yellow kind of cloud. Towards thousands of actually French Algerian troops who are the people in the way. And these Algerian blokes flee in total panic. They're they're blinded, they're screaming for water, they're vomiting blood.

as the gas is basically eating into their lungs. Now, as it turns out, even though this opens a hole in the Allied Lions, the Germans don't have enough reserves to exploit it properly. Two days later they have another go, more gas. This time they are targeting Canadians. And again the gas inspires utter horror and panic.

So this is one of many sort of awful eyewitness accounts. I've never seen men so terror stricken. They were tearing at their throats, their eyes were glaring out. Blood was streaming from those who were wounded and they were tumbling over each other. Those who fell couldn't get up because of the panic of the men following them, and eventually they were piled up two or three high in the trench. And it's this that's the context for the poem that we began with.

in Flanders Fields. So it's against this background that McCrae writes those famous words. And he was from Ontario, rural Ontario. He was a very distinguished doctor and a professor of pathology. He'd volunteered in the Burr War, so he he loved Britain. I applaud him. Uh he volunteered again in nineteen fourteen, even though he was forty one, and he became the chief medical officer of the first brigade of the Canadian Field Artillery. So he's in the thick of all this.

And on the second of May a friend of his, who was called Lieutenant Alexis Helmer, was killed by a shell, and McCrae presided over his burial service, and it's at that point at his burial service that McCrae noticed these poppies growing around the grave. And the next day, I mean there are multiple different kind of apocryphal stories about this, but the most common is McCrae is sitting in the back of an ambulance near Ypres and he's just thinking about these poppies.

And he scribbles this poem in his notepad. And then the story goes that he re he he cr he read it to some of the other guys and then he crumpled it up and threw it away. And one of the other guys picked it up and said, Don't throw it away, it's actually good. he ended up sending it to the humorous magazine Punch, where it was published in uh December nineteen fifteen and it was a massive hit. And it was used in British propaganda, in Canadian, in American propaganda.

I mean Canada in particular became a real kind of sensation. Um, McCrae himself d uh unfortunately died in the last year of the war. He died of pneumonia and meningitis. Uh but the poem, as you we said right at the beginning, lives on well it lives on I mean it's quoted every November, isn't it, in Britain, certainly, probably in Canada too, I imagine.

Gas Warfare's Limited Impact

Anyway, back to the gas. Gas is one of a series of innovations. So massive artillery bombardments, I suppose U boats, tanks, all of these things that haven't really been been seen before. But gas is the one. that frightens soldiers the most because it's this silent killer, invisible killer. You know, you don't see it coming and it and and as soon as it's on you, you're dead.

C

Though that one that attacks the French Algerian troops is yellowish.

B

It was yellowish, so I say it's it's invisible. I mean you might not would you notice an an a yellowish vapour heading towards you?

C

I think I probably would.

B

Okay, well fair. There's a brilliant description by the fighter ace Cecil Lewis. He watched it from above, and he said he watched it creeping panther like over the scarred earth. curling down into dugouts, coiling and uncoiling at the wind's whim. Men were dying there under me from a whiff of it, not dying quickly, not even maimed or shattered, but dying whole, wretching and vomiting, blood and guts, them and those who lived would be wrecks with seared poisoned lungs rotten for life.

C

Because that is one of the archetypes of the Great War, isn't it? I mean that's one of the reasons why it lives with such a kind of timbre of horror in people's memories. And it's uh the theme of perhaps the most famous poem written about the horrors.

B

of the war. Yeah, Wilfred Owens, Dolce decorumist, where there's a line in that poem where th this bit say gas boys, gas, or whatever it is, and they're all rushing to get their masks on. There's one guy who's been too slow. And the imagery is all green, dim through the misty panes and thick green light, as under a green sea I saw him drowning, in all his dreams before my helpless sight, he plunges at me, guttering, choking, drowning.

C

But does it work?

B

No, it's it's a waste of time. Total waste of time. So there's no breakthrough at Epres. Uh the Canadians hold firm. And the thing is the gas doesn't kill enough people. I mean, that sounds like a mad thing to say, but Only six thousand British and imperial forces in the whole course of the war died of gas poisoning. No. Doesn't kill you by and large.

C

Leaves you with with ruined lungs.

B

Yeah, it does it definitely leaves people with ruined lungs, no question. I mean part of that is because the War Office were quite good in getting gas masks to the front. So the first gas masks arrived a few weeks later, and these are sort of gauze pads. that you tie over your face a little bit like I suppose like a COVID mask. I mean up to that point they basically were saying, you know, you need to urinate on on a on some cloth and hold it over your face and the urine will act as a

And people were doing this. I mean, this is what they had t this is what they did. And then in nineteen sixteen they issued what was called a small box respirator that protects you against chlorine and phosgene, which are the two common gases that are being used at this point. The one thing it doesn't protect you against is mustard gas, because mustard gas blisters your skin. So you know the famous painting by John Singer Sargent

They're all in a line. That's mustard gas that they are suffering from, not um chlorine. Now you said it wasn't cricket. Sir John French, the well known poll troon, he agrees with you, the commander of the British Expeditionary Force.

C

Oh, I'm aligned in then. I take it all back.

B

Right. Okay. He said it was a cynical and barbarous disregard of the well known usages of civilized war. And of course the Allied newspapers say, Well, this is typical of the Germans. This is how the Germans behave. They're Huns, they're barbarians. I mean, I think it's probably fairer to say If you're losing, if you're the underdog, you will try anything. And this is what the Germans are doing.

The Loos Disaster and Kipling's Son

C

Especially if you've got a massive world beaten chemicals industry.

B

Yeah, I mean they'd be kind of I mean, I don't want to sound too pro Teuton, but yeah, they'd be mad not to try it, I think. The British, for all their talk of it not being cricket, they are secretly testing gas weapons themselves. And they made the same mistake the Germans did. They sort of convinced themselves this will be brilliant. This will actually be this will be a game changer.

And so this sets the stage for the biggest British attack of the whole of the year, nineteen fifteen. It's in Luce, which is uh just south of um Lille in France. Sometimes Tom you hear people saying that Luce might be in Belgium, but it's not, is it? No.

C

Rookie's error, isn't it? Anyone who thinks that is mad.

B

So people who enjoy British, shambolic British military failures, will relish the beginning of the Battle of Luce. The British have planned this gas bombardment. They've got five thousand cylinders of chlorine gas. At six o'clock in the morning they prepare to unleash them and the gas engineers say the wind is in the wrong way. Don't open these gas cylinders, whatever you do.

C

Are the top brass gonna pay attention to this?

B

The top rarer say, No, it's too late to change the plan now. Are you mad? Carry on. So they basically open the gas cylinders and it all blows back in their faces. And they've got these flannel gas masks which

C

Yeah.

B

No, I don't think they've got urine. I think it's some sort of chemical treatment or whatever. Anyway, they've got these gas masks. The eyepieces of the gas masks steam up. So the men to see take the gas masks off, they probably are poisoned by their own gas.

C

So it's basically like that poor bloke um who who throws the missile out and then it blows up in his face.

B

Yeah, it's basically that on a on a huge scale. Because basically the British gas gassed four times caused four times as many casualties among the British as it did among the Germans.

Anyway, when they finally ordered the troops to advance, They find the Germans very much ungassed, and their artillery bombardment and this is a theme that will run for the next few years, their artillery and bombardment, which they thought will break the German barbed wire and weaken their defences, has completely failed to do so. So basically Luce, which goes on for the next two weeks, is your classic example of a Western Front offensive.

where generals are throwing men against positions that turn out to be much better defender than they thought and they're getting absolutely nowhere. It ends with sixty thousand British casualties. only twenty five thousand German casualties. It is one of the great Allied disasters of the first year or so of the war, and the result of this is that finally Sir John French

who was being useless, frankly, from the very beginning. And if you remember he actually wanted to to to abandon the French completely. He's finally booted out as commander in chief and he's replaced with Sir Douglas Haig.

C

And uh French is the guy who the British government thinks is just the man to go and solve the Irish question in due course. Yes. Where he's another tremendous success.

B

But anyway, he's been replaced by Douglas Haig, one of the most controversial characters in British and indeed all military history. The goodie

C

para

B

I think we should come to this later on when I've read a bit more about it,'cause actually I don't know what I think. Uh I think probably he's been a bit the general sense now is that he was maligned.

C

Sheffield, he's all over. How how good uh Douglas A?

B

From the University of Wolverhampton thinks that Douglas Haig is one of the greatest men who ever lived. Anyway, just to end the episode. Sixty thousand British casualties at Luce, but one of them above all is very well known. And this is a young man who is eighteen years old called John Kipling. And he was the only son of Rudyard Kipling, the great poet of empire and indeed of patriotism.

John Kipling was sixteen years old when the war broke out, and his father was desperate to get him a commission. But John was rejected because of severe short sightedness. Basically the medical board said he would be totally at sea, you know, because he can't see anything. But Kipling soror pulled all kinds of strings with his old friend Lord Roberts, and he got John commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Irish Guards.

And on the second day of the Battle of Luce, John Kipling was reported missing in action, and he was, and I quote, last seen stumbling in the mud in search of his glasses, which had fallen off during the attack. And Roger Kipling was devastated by this. He never recovered. And when he published his epitaphs for the war in nineteen nineteen, the theme of dead sons run and bereaved parents runs right through it. And the most famous of all these epitaphs that Kipling wrote

is uh a couplet that's often seen as a kind of epitaph for the war more generally. If any question why we died, tell them because our fathers lied.

C

And it's not generally thought of, is it, that Kipling wrote perhaps the devastating couplet condemning the war of any poem.

B

Exactly. And of course it's we've talked before in the show about his short story The Gardener, which I think is one of the most moving short stories ever written, which is also about the loss of a young man in action.

Next Episode Preview

Right. Uh there'll be a lot more young men uh to be lost, ad sadly, because there are five more episodes to come in this dramatic series, all of them set over the course of this one tumultuous year, nineteen fifteen. So next time a new combatant enters the arena. This is Italy. We tell the story of how Italy was cajoled into war by the proto fascist poet Gabriele D'Annunzio.

and of the dreadful fate that awaited the Italians when they went up into the mountains to fight the Austro Hungarian army. Then next week, two of the great controversial stories of the wars that's the sinking of the Lusitania by a German U boat and the execution of the British nurse and alleged spy, Edith Cavill.

And then the third week finally we get to one of the great military disasters in all history, and that is the Allied attempt to um land at Gallipoli. And of course if you're a member of the Rest is History Club You can hear those five episodes straight away. And if you go to the rest is history dot com, you can join the club and only by going to the rest is history dot com will you get the full benefits of being in the club. So lots to look forward to, Tom.

C

Lots to look forward to. Um thank you very much for that, Dominic. And in our next episode, we will be In Italy, listening to Roman rabble rousing, and then up in the mountains of Slovenia getting massacred by Austrians. So we'll see you then. Bye bye.

B

拜拜

🎵 Music

B

Hi everybody, we are back with another absolutely colossal update about the rest is history.

C

Well, it's massive. So on the 4th and 5th of July, we will be at Hampton Court Palace. Then we have a weekend of brilliant talks, live music. Exclusive access to historic royal palaces collections. And yes, Dominic, most excitingly of all, this is the thing I have been pushing for and I'm so looking forward to it. We have Medieval Combat, a terrifying, brutal, yet completely thrilling Um, it is going to be an unforgettable two days.

B

It is indeed. And um at the core of the festival are these talks, we've got some more talks to add to the lineup. So I will be talking to the brilliant Tudor historian Tracy Bormann about the secrets of the six wives of Henry VIII. I'll be talking to a friend of the show and Irish national treasure, Paul Rouse, about whether there is an alternative universe in which Irelands could have remained part of the United Kingdom. We'll be talking to Katya Hoyer.

about Weimar, Germany, and in particular, the town of Weimar through history, and Professor Adam Smith

C

মেছেছেছে

B

the story of America through three presidents. And on top of all that, I'll be doing a special event with Ian Hislop about the history of satire.

C

Yeah. And I will be on stage with Mary Beard and we will be talking about Just how strange, just how alien, just how different to us uh Rome was, or maybe it wasn't. Um I will be talking to Helen Castor about Elizabeth I and we'll be discussing whether she truly was England's greatest ruler, or maybe whether that uh title should still be claimed by Athelstan. Um, I will be talking to Ali Ansari about

All things Persian with Dan Jackson about the pit of death. And I will be talking to friend of the show, Willie Dalrymple, about the links between ancient India and Greece and Rome.

B

Absolutely incredible scenes. And of course, on both days, Tom and I will be on stage doing a show together as well. So on the first day, we'll be answering all our club members' questions. And then to close the festival we will do a definitive ranking of the all-time top friends of the show. So lots to look forward to.

C

And beyond that, there is so much else that will be happening uh across the weekend. So think of it as the ultimate summer history hangout. And your tickets will give you full access to explore the great Tudor Palace of Hampton Court um and indeed the Royal Tennis Court. So that'd be very exciting.

B

There'll be food and drink fit for a king, which sounds very enticing. I picture the very glamorous people that are our club members in their summer garb. They're on the lawn at Hampton Court Palace. They're chatting about history in delightful surroundings, sipping on a refreshing gin and tonic. And it's probably the most civilised festival there's ever been. I mean that's what I imagine anyway.

C

Just a reminder, the tickets are exclusive to club members and if you are not a member Now is the perfect time to join. So head over to the rest is history.com to sign up and grab your tickets, and of course. have access to a whole range of supplementary benefits. Once you have signed up to uh the rest is history.com, all you do then is log into the members area and you select festival and it's all very obvious.

B

But you know what? There is a twist. If you do this, you'll be entered into a genuinely unbelievable prize drawer. And that prize draw, if you win, you and three other people, it's like the golden tickets in Charlie and the Chocolate Factory because You will be given the chance to be upgraded to the premium experience. And the premium experience will give you, among other things. Unlimited food and drink for free all day.

C

Do not miss it.

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