Five Random Episodes w/ Thomas777

a little episode. And I think they go together because Yaqui uses so many, so many spanglerisms and seems to have really dug deep into his work and integrated into his work. So I guess let's start with the original. What is it about Spangler that attracted you first?

the fifties with at the Double Check. It was part of this whole series on political theory, like Hans and Morgan Thou, who's actually worth reading, and yes he's part of that. He was part of that Morgan Thou family. And he was for a time, uh New York attorney state Attorney general and then and then uh he was some kind of state department hancho. But at any event,

I think it was Harvard University Press. There's this whole series on on like footable theory, okay, and they had those at like my local like Cook County Branch Library, like around like north of glen View and come across Spangler and stuff like Instoration Magazine and the like National Alliance Lit and stuff like that and something. It was over my head because I wasn't I mean, this was like a teenager and I hadn't really dived into Hagel

yet and like Aristotlin things. But what reallyion on me was again, you know, this was like literally as the Cold War was ending and there was discourse was really weird then because it was still semi serious and you had serious guys who were kind of weighing in and what the implications were, you know, of of Soviet collapse and what kind of globalism would look like, and you know what the implications were just kind of like across

the board, you know, because everybody realized this, this is this, this, this is a profound event. This is like an Apockel event. To see what week it's okay? And I was kind of seeking up sources to just try and put this in better perspective, and there was not much, I mean, there was this. I mean admittedly, like I just said, you know that the tenor at discourse was it was elevated committed today, but there was not a lot of other than the kind of like into history kind of

midway stuff there. You know, there wasn't a lot to put this in comic, especially for a young person. When I started reading Spangler, what such that I could understand it. And again it took me probably about like a decade to really get like a complete understanding of Spangler. But what jumps out of me is the symbolic psychological quality to cultural forms and what he called prime symbols of those forms. And I've always been somebody who puts a

strong emphasis on symbolic psychology. Okay, and if you believe in true racial differences, I don't just mean you know, like at the biological level, I'm not talking about you know, I'm not talking about you know, the relative bone density of insular breeding populations. I'm not talking about you know, people's ratio of fast which the slopes, which muscle fibers, and I'm not talking about their IQ like. I'm talking about deep meticultural phenomenon that for that that somehow, some

way insinuates itself into people's minds and conceptual horizons across generations. Okay, it's not it's not clear exactly how that happens. Okay, it's it's a combination of biology, it's a combination of cultural learning. I mean, it's combination of biology with culture and cultural learning as well as other other I think epigen when I think of epigenetic variables that are well understood. But Spango really put this in perspective, okay, that there

are these prime symbols there. These things are quite literally you know, characterize you know, kind of the the core uh, the core essence of cultural forms and and and the and these and these prime symbols resonate pretty much through through everything that culture does, you know, especially in power political terms, because that's kind of the zenus of cultural

activity in all kinds of ways. And it's the most critical because there's existential considerations they're relating to racial survival, but even everything from like the food kind of foods they cook, you know, the kind of that they favor, and like, you know, the clothing they wear, and and

the kind of you know, artwork they create. You know, this this is basically how people understand themselves, but not just how they understand themselves, how they understand themselves in the world relative to other peoples, but also kind of like what they view their sort of existential narrative as as like as a as a self aware culture, I mean that itself is kind of not kind of that that itself is very much you know, like a modernist,

uh arguably postmodern sensibility. You know, people actually being like aware of things like cultural horizons, you know, cultural conceptual horizons and prime symbols they're in. You know, how these things are impactful in terms of in terms of how you know, people create a sustain you know, all all the phenomena that we consider severally to be like cultural activity. But the fact that you know, like like like awareness of that and awareness of it is like a discrete

phenomenon that doesn't somehow like put people like outside of it. Okay, so and and Spangler accounters for that too. But that's the reason why. I mean initially that's like what really kind of like got me into you know, deep diving into into Spanglerian thought. But also you know, Spangler was a one of the things I really put him on

the map. He had a renaissance in the sixties and seventies, is people were kind of looking outside of uh you know, the uh the kind of the kind of international relations quantitative model for for understanding you know, cultural behavior. You know, it's a lot and like I mean, that's definitely I'm saying like youngin theory like came back into vogue too. I'm not comparing the two. I think there's some value to be found in Young, but I think Spangler is

quite a bit more of a rigorous thinker. But my point is this kind of stuff came back into vogue like decades later but you know Spangler, he really was like an inner war theorist, okay, and that's one of the reasons why you know, Hitler wanted an audience with him, you know, kind of anybody who's anybody in Germany, you know, people you know, like like people on the far left, you know, like reactionary monarchist types. You know, Hitler himself. You know, Spangler was a man about town because he

was up on something people view as profound. But beyond that, I mean, aside from you know, kind of the merit on his own terms of his of his sort of

conceptual vision or his kind of theoretical model. You know, he was very much observing these things, you know, kind of like in their epoch, you know, and he was he was very much you know, if you want to talk about punctuated decline in crisis and you know what and kind of like you know, a culture's self conscious efforts to survive late bare not just the miss modernity, but a miss you know, like an ex potential crisis relating to you know, a power political event of truly

kind of like world sheeking proportions. I mean, that was the Great War, and that was a situation of the German Empire and to a lesser degree, you know, the

Austro Hungarian their Austro Hungarian allies. But you know that and and and that, and there was not a lot of real scholarship about that that could be viewed as kind of the the air apparent that people like fit the in my opinion, But beyond that, I mean, beyond spending with cultural resonance, like in his epoch, he was trying to answer the question like what was happening in Germany?

Like what you know, what there was there was some kind of collision going on between you know, the way people understood themselves, you know, racially and Parkley and you know,

their ability to live in the world. And uh, you know this was both this this was both obviously like intrinsically bound up with the Great War and that's why the Great War happened, but also just like internally, it's not some it's not an accident that you know, the Bolshek Revolution you know, happened, you know, just on on the immediate heels of World War One, and it wasn't just because like well this was you know, a crisis

modality kind of attempted remedy. You know, as the Russian state kind of collapsed on itself, like due to the fact they were losing the war. I mean, yeah, that was like an immediate catalyst, but that that was not

why it was. That was not why it was approximately immerging in absolute terms, Okay, it was these things came, these things emerged from the same like nucleus of causal variables or operative variables, and you know, the inability of culture is to kind of like not just live historically, but survive as discreet you know, like kind of modalities

of human life an organization. That really is kind of like the crisis of modernity for European men, like non whites and non Europeans, that impacts them too in a huge way. The Japanese impacted just as much as Europeans were.

But what we think of now is the Global South, Like they weren't really but like their kind of apocalyptic event was you know, the fact that European culture kind of collided with their culture like while the Europeans were enduring this process as well, and that really really cost havoc. That's a little bit more complicated, but the fact is that you know, now, if you're gonna say, like well Spangler did, this wasn't anything new, you know. Uh, Hegel

dealt with this. Uh, Nietzsche dealt with this and everybody like on the nose kind of way. And yeah, that's true. But Nietzsche was real likely talking about something different like Nietsch wasn't writing about like power, political behavior and activity

and like very concrete terms. I mean, Spangler appears like abstract, you know, to somebody who's like inundated with either analytic philosophy or somebody who's kind of like you know, or somebody who's kind of like uh habituated, like you know,

the kind of Anglo like rationalist tradition. But I mean Spangler was very much it's like okay, like you know, kind of like abstract and like airy and continental oriented as he was in philosophical terms, he was he was dealing very much with like emerging again like existential crises that like Europeans we were dealing with in the epoch. Okay, And that's not something uh that that that that's not

something that philosophers generally did. Okay, I don't I think a Spangler it's kind of a pure like it's kind of a pure like playable theorist who's who's uh whose whose kind of life's work was to identify, you know, the historical process and this relationship the culture and race. Okay, real lard, I I I think the from philosopher is kind of a dumb term in the modern age, but I I whatever, I mean, even if we accepted as totally valid, I think a Spangler is kind of in

the terms that I just described. But bring it back a little bit. You know, so pre Internet, you know, is like a fifteen sixteen year old kid, you know, you're you're you you really really the tools you had to kind of put things in perspective conceptually, you know, it was what you could find it like you know, the public library or like what you could find you know, by like Poach, like cruising university libraries to grab what

they had. So I realized, like reading Spangler, like I was, I'm like, okay, like this is putting things in the spective in a way that makes sense, you know. In this this especially, he's understanding kind of like the tragedy of of the you know, the kind of the German situation in the twentieth century. And from there, I'd run across the name Francis Parker. Yaki a whole lot owing

in part too. I was always reading Willis Carter's stuff, you know, American Free Press, which I still like periodically pick up today. But Cardo is kind of a he was kind of peculiar because, uh, in a lot of ways, he was kind of just like a conventional like America firster, like right wing type guy, like anti communists. But he's the guy I really put Yaki on the map for, you know, for like American audiences of just like regular people. I mean, Yaki was doing some very strange things of

his life. I don't even in cunative terms. I mean he was probably uh he was probably a Warsaw pack intelligence agent. He was like kind of the cosumon van ERTs, like JACQUI was trying to convince the man the street of the merit of his ideas. You know, he was discripped. I mean he I think the first front Runavan period was like five hundred copies. And then I mean that wasn't just because like he wasn't flush with money. He had no intention of like distributing this, you know, to

millions of people. But and then even Cardo, even though Carlo's personal kind of ideological uh bearing didn't have anything to do with Yaki. He was one of the last people to see Yaki alive because when Yaki was arrested, Carter went to visit him because he knew who he was.

It's not evenly clear like how that is. But Cardo was a rich guy, and he was pretty connected and he he seemed to just like know things until the end of his life, like he I mean that that's a whole another episode that we could cover, like kind of a mystery of willis Cardo. But if he read Cardo Publication's nearly nineties, whether it was a noon tight press books or whether it was you know, American free press, like fantasy, Yaki was always hot, popping up, you know,

And so I'm like, what is this all about? And in instoration they made point that like, well, you know, Imperium is uh is the sequel to you know, Spanglers, Decline of the West and the Our Decision and you know man in Technics and all these and all these things are gonna severally caustic like Spanglers, you know, like diagnosis of of you know, the the twentieth century, the inner Warriors, if you will. So I sought it out.

I found Imperium had used the bookstore. They specially ordered it for me because that's what we had to do in those days. And I started like diving into it. And the case of Yaqui, Yaqui's polemics, some people think it's overwrought. To understand it. Yaqui was, uh, you know, he was he was this upper class Uh he he was. He basically like this upper class that kind of like Norrath store dude. You know, he's using born in Chicago

all the way. He lived a lot of his life in Michigan, you know, educated and Catholic schools, which at that time are kind of elite, like at least where he went. You know, people then like wrote in a kind of like floor language. It wasn't a kind of like obnoxious, like moronic soaring language like like people attempt today. But you know that a couple of the fact that

Yaqui was a trial lawyer. You know that that's kind of the way to understand his style, which I understand like put some people off, but I found it highly resonant because he was one of the few. I mean, yaquently thought more like a European than he did, you know, an American, and a lot of that owes to his

cultural Catholicism. I'm not saying that punitively, quite the contrary, but so, I mean he he gets sexualized things a bit differently in somebody like I would in terms of you know what he initially found himself attracted to or instinctively rather than initially. But you know, Yaqui put he kind of put the European experience in like an American context. He you know, and tied this into a Hitler's significance.

You know, the people in Anglophone societies, you know who who found themselves you know, sympathetic to the Axis cause in very absolute term, which at that time you know, it was like very much like a hot issue when there was more people who felt that way than is often acknowledged. I mean the uh, you know, the America First Committee was not something that I mean they had Broadway support. So I mean that was I mean Yaqui's book,

it was I mean Reading Imperium. Part of it is you know, apologia for you know, kind of America First in like deep philosophical terms, but also uh, you know it it puts in context the then you know, emergent Cold War and what in Yaki's view was truly at stake, and that was pretty revolutionary. And Yaka made the point again and again, and one of his essays, which is hard to find now, it was called in the year two thousand, Yaqui predicted the Soviet Union would break apart,

just like Kennon, did you know. He's like, this isn't sustainable. You know, the USSR as we know it is not going to exist, you know, in fifty years. But he's like, Russia will still exist, and at some point point we're gonna have to deal with these people number one, you know, like us as like you know, occidental white Westerners or

whatever your preferred kind of the scriptor is. But also you know, he said, you know, his point was that like Russia even you know, when when it when it's when it's when the kind of artificial like modernist guys you know, of of communism like sloughs off of it. It's it's gonna be truly emergent, as you know, a kind of antithesis element you know to the uh the basically judaic American you know, uh, you know, uh h ethos,

and uh, that's very true. I mean Yaki was not like a Russophile in fact, in a lot of ways, like he kind of looked down on Slavs. And I mean that's clear. I mean the guy who was very

much like a national socialist. So like everybody, people people have to be stupid on purpose about Yaqui and for and either say that like to sympathetic to cool Bolshevikism, which is fucking retarded, or that he was like some kind of like Russophile who just like loved was like sitting around like I don't know, I get like reading the Brothers Karmezov or something like. That's not at all

what he's saying. You know. What he was saying is that, you know, a truly unipolar world where you've got you know, basically kind of uh, you know, you've truly got this.

You know, you've got a single locui of of a global power you know, in America, and it's and it's kind of client regimes all of which are basically, you know, kind of reduced to appendages of this this it's literally like you know, Jewish and kind of deteriorated, you know, kind of like post cultural anglophone mode of of of a I'm not just you know, I'm not as like, not as a cultural organization, but of like ethical disposition,

you know. And that's that's basically the worst possible outcome you can imagine for culture, Okay, and uh, really the only way to mitigate that is do uh it's for you. I mean, Europe's gonna stand with Russia for pragmatic reasons, but also again, like it doesn't matter if you like Russia or hate Russia, this is totally irrelevant. I mean that Russia is the natural counterweight to that tendency in all kinds of ways, because Russia is basically anti American

and Russia is basically like rapidly anti Jewish. Okay, it's

Russia anti European. Yeah, they are. And don't understand the Bolshek Revolution is kind of like, you know, the the kind of the kind of primitive indigenous like Peasants Slavic element, you know, finding common cause and alliance with uh, you know, the cosmopolitan Jewish mercantile element to literally exterminate you know, the European overtask that you know, had reigned and Russia since the days of the Varangian Russ Okay, but that doesn't matter. Again, it's not there's not a risk of

Russia becoming this. There is not. It has not been a risk of Russia becoming this you know, truly global power since nineteen eighty nine. It's this idea that like, well, you know, Russia is just as bad as you know, what we're dealing with. Now, that's not true at all. That doesn't make any sense, and not just because in terms of like power, projection, capability and potentiality, but you know the reason why it sounds like a trivial thing, but the one of the short poppings of warsaw pack

and man control. In terms of integrated forces, there was a short like like like Russian officers wouldn't bother to learn German a lot of the time, you know, there was like literally like a language barrier between like them and like you know, like you know, like national Volks,

aren't you forcing under their command? You know, things like there's just there was like a distance there, you know, the like if you want to understand how why the American and kind of cultural genocide social engineering of Germany was possible, it's because like an Anglophone society, you know, a basically cosmopolitan European society like America still was, like America was definitely in nineteen forty nine and still somebody is today that was anglophoning character that's able to insinuate

itself into into German culture almost like at the cellular level.

I mean people say the thing of being silly, but I think it almost like the thing, you know, like the Little Horror movie, like that was just not possible for Russians, you know, like the Soviet Union, even if they said about even if you know, even if that had been kind of like a dedicated effort of there is like look we're gonna we're gonna truly kind of like rucify you know, the DDR, it wouldn't have worked, you know, like it just wouldn't have you know you're

talking about truly. Yeah, in like border areas especially, you know, like you would yeah, there would have been people who are basically like you know, like like Slavonic Germans, but generally like he wouldn't you you wouldn't have had like every like you know, every like East German school kid like just like casually learning Russian by osmosis and like you wouldn't have had like, you know, German ladies deciding y' all wanted to look like the Russian women in

the magazines, like you wouldn't. I mean, like that just would not happen, okay, And that stuff you better believe that happened in the boon this republic, Okay. And it wasn't just because like, oh, America's got good propaganda and Coca cola, you know, I mean that's these are real things, okay. So all of that. Taking it back to kind of get an original query, I mean that that that kind of is what being to like put the world in perspective to me, And I always knew there was something wrong

post Reagan. I think Bush forty one was a pretty and within the bount of rationality of you know, kind of uh of of what American government is and has been in nineteen thirty three. I think Bush forty one is basically a serious guy and a good commander in chief, even if I I've got nothing nice to say about him otherwise. But even by nineteen ninety one ninety two, there was this kind of like bizarre triumphulist language ceeping into American discourse that just made me WinCE and you know, uh,

I could tell that the cultures being coarsened. I don't I don't just mean like, you know, things becoming kind of like more like lord and pornographic, but it's part

of it. But I mean like things would be were becoming like less and less serious and just kind of like just more and more like idiotic, you know, and it uh, you know, I realized kind of like yawning chasm here where there should be like a culture, you know, when it and they had a couple of the fact that I realized it's I'm everybody's sick of hearing this and it you know, often I just saw some cantankerous old guy telling people to confort blessings. But the early

nineties in America really were like really fucked up. I mean you remember that, and you know, like racilations were in the toilet, you know, like I literally have to like think about like where I couldn't couldn't go, like I'm talking about it, drones like Chicago hoods, like you'd like fucking get killed and like you know, from being white and like that's not that way.

nineteen ninety two, that absolutely would happen. Okay. So it's like all these things on like my teenage mind, like YAQUI really put this in perspective, you know, I mean, there's not I'm the first. I'm always telling people, especially youngsters, like like you can't you can't like find answers to the world, especially like politics, like in books, and you can't. It's like the wrong there's not like a crystals version

into like you know, political occurrences or something. But in fear terms, particularly in a place like America where there's where there's there's like bizarre signaling and in terms of the propaganda narrative that doesn't really make sense and is that distracted from any kind of concrete experience. It is essential to have, you know, kind of like the pole stars as it were, like the parameters rather like provided by you know, like theoretical scholarship. And Yaki, Yeah, I

realized Yaqui is a polemisist. I realize he's like a big national socialist. He's not, and he didn't like for it to be like, oh, I'm this objective kind of like diagnostition of historical processes. But Yaki, you really put everything in perspective of me, like, Okay, this is why the this, this, this is why the this is why the problem in the ground with the races is the way it's in America. You know, this is why the culture seems so coarse and just like moronic. This is

like what it's trying to accomplish. You know, this is why like the leadership cast seems so like flavoringly like either just corrupt or disengaged. Because this is why at that time in Europe two like you know, tu Jma's Croatia like helmet Cole in a kind of one of the most singularly patriotic acts post war by German Chancellor immed the recognizing the pendent state of Croatia. Uh, you know, and then and and then and and Bush and Baker

like hit the roof when he did that. But that that's what prevented like, uh, you know, some kind of a you know, some some some kind of contrivance of you know, democratic Yugoslavia from enduring and uh you know the Croati the twos one Croatio was a national social state literally, okay, something that that came into perspective too, and like why you know, like that where like that was that was literally unfinished business, you know, from nineteen forty five. I mean that's kind of how I me.

That's pretty much like how it came to Yackey and then I from there. Uh. I've uh, I've kind of moved beyond like based just about everything I've read I was reading when I was a teenager, except for stuff like obviously like Aristotle and and and and like. But you know, I continue to defend Yaki you particularly, and I found I don't believe these like internet guys, especially in university types. I mean a lot of these guys,

they they never read what I write. I think they like see the way I look or something, and they they act like a haughty and like act like I'm stupid or something. Then they realize like I'm not stupid, so they just kind of like attack like what I cite as like authoritative and the Yaki is ridiculous. That's just like you know, you might as well read like skinhead magazines. It's like, I don't believe you've read Francis Yaki.

That's what your take. Yeah, I mean it's not it's it's intellectually highly rigorous, Like I said, you can say his language is like overwrought in the way that frankly, you know people who's kind of introduction to to uh you know, like adult intellectual life of apprentis a lot and that's unfortunate. But uh, like you can't say it's like not serious and then it's like some stupid like racialist like rant or something like it's not you know.

So I don't I believe a lot of like what's levied against Yaki, particularly by these liked of still appointed like academic gatekeeper types. I don't believe they've like even a right imperium, you know, put imperiums like seven hundred pages. You know, it's like it's and it's it's it's pretty heavy stuff, you know, like it's not just that you can like flip through like a couple hours on a Saturday.

So I think a lot of like what people say, you know, to kind of make fun of people say, yuck, you don't think they really read it, but they pretend it's like reading like George Lincoln Rockwell or something like, it's not it's not at all, you know, like it's totally and uh, I mean the point of people too. And this is a bit of a tangent, but you know the Falcon, the Snowman, which is a fascinating story and like a great film, and Chris Boyce, you know,

the guy, I mean, he was a real guy. I mean that that movie really happened, and basically it happened the terms presented. But he had a blog in the

two thousands when he got into prison. He didn't got a prison until like two thousand and three or something, you know, but he uh, you know, and he didn't want to talk a lot about his espionage charges, but he what he did say, and we did reiterate, was that, you know, he had no affinity for the Soviet Union or for communism at all, you know, and he's like, I never started identifying as like as a practicing cantalic.

You know, he's like, but America couldn't be allowed to just win the Cold War in absolute terms any more than the Soviet Union to be allowed to do that.

And he was right, you know, boys said that he had the energy and and kind of fervor of a young man and thinking he could change these things like you can't, okay, like nothing any one man, no matter what kind of no matter what kind of secrets or intelligence he had access to their military knowledge, you know, could have like changed the course of of of the

Soviet Union. But his his impulse was correct, Okay, even if it was like, even if it was a youthful romanticism, and it was ridiculous to think like he could change the course sumptionally the way the wars up bag was going. He was right that something terrible would happen if America simply just like outright won the Cold War. You know, there needs to be that kind of uh. I mean, I think the American garments in ninety thirty three is

literally evil. But even if somebody's got a softer, more terrible charitable perspective on it than that, you know, aganistic pluralism as well like chiefs, like politics, like productive and I and you know, is what prevents, uh, you know, the establishment of these uh of these these kinds of deteriorated uh like monocultural uh you know, mechanisms that that that basically suppressed culture where's emergent in any in any formness,

you know, threatening the status quote. I realized there was a lot there, but that's the best way you explain it, all right.

kind of England. And it's why I especially bizarre when you know the kind of cargo cult multiculturalism in England. It's like it's like England's always been like catastrophically multicultural. They didn't even get a handle on this, arguably until the twentieth century. You know, like the experience of Prussia was totally different. I mean Prussia was this garrison state you know, with uh like with that, with with barely any arable land, no, no naturally defensible you know border features.

You know it. Uh, it basically makes sense and I don't disagree and this, Uh, that's one of the reasons why, like, you know, class antagonism has conceptualized. And that's that's one of the reason why I was off based. For for for Mars to look to Germany is like this is where like, you know, Mars's Leninism is going to be this where you know this where you know, common is

gonna be emergent. Then later like Lenin like attempting the same the same enterprise or are attending to implement that enterprise is is theorized by mars like it Yeah, okay, Germany, like obviously it was gonna be first over the line in terms of the productive productive forces that could facilitate you know, uh, like true socialism in the sense of vision by people like Marx. But the class antagonists catalyst

is not really present in Germany. I mean it's not to say like the KPD wasn't very strong, but again, like the KPD got defeated and of you know what I'm always do like a fair fight by the right in Germany. I mean that didn't happen in Russia. Obviously, the opposite happened because you know, in spite of the lack of the technics and infrastructure, the class antagonism was vicious,

you know. And in the UK, the reason the British were paranoid, absolutely paranoid about Bolshevism, they were for good reasons, you know, I mean there there was uh, there was there there was this basic class antagonism. I mean at the point that it's it's it's like you could argue that like in some ways like the what people kind of politely and you physically approves, like the big classes

class system. I mean you're talking about people are basically like well private purposes, like different ethnic roofs, man like they and genetically I think they'll dare out too in

some sense. Okay, Like it's not it's that that's quite a different thing than you know it plays like Prussia where uh like like you really do have like a common culture and yeah, I mean there's people, you know, there's people like higher rank and lower rank, you know, and there's there's obviously you know, people have of vastly disparate abilities, but you don't have like one class of people concentrated, you know, in like one function like looking

across these other people who are like literally totally different from them, Like they like look different, they talk different, they act different, you know, like they their customs are different. Like it's just not that's not the case. So I think that's basically true. And it's also it you know stand Barts and uh, there was a whole point too, was that there's something uh, I mean the there there there there is something. Uh, you know, cultures are kind

of like someone to drift in history. I mean the way I mean, the way they manage these like emergent challenges. I mean obviously that's evolutional, but there's also this this idea that, uh, this idea that like if we ignore like this kind of impulse or socialism, it will go away. And if we like outlawed, or if we you know, or if we just you know, or if we make it fair to everybody that you know, there's there's not

a limited amount of wealth in the world. And you know, if they if they just developed the gumption and industriousness, like they too can become rich. And that's not this not the way things work. I'm not even saying like ethical terms. I mean it's just like not like like man individually or or man severally or collectively, you know, at at at the at the cultural level and as regards as historical enterprises is not is a very limited

participant man, you know. And there's something cotton E. Europeans always understood that, or rather accepted that in a way that the English didn't. It's not my purpose is here in just like trash England is you know, is I know some git's a hobby for some people, particularly in

our circles. But this idea that you know, oh, we can just author you know, like we just kind of we can just kind of like author like a well functioning society by you know, resorts you know, kind of like sound principles of economics or something like this, or by resorts you know, like social science, like that's actually a very, that's actually a very, that's actually like a very anglophone thing. I think that's part of it. All those things, but I don't put them in a lead disagree.

You know, you have sometimes overstated.

They're saying that. You know, once like x level of development is accomplished, and when you have verstal suffrage, you know, people are going to like vote themselves more. Uh, They're they're gonna they're they're gonna say the golden goose by voting themselves in in in the tunery. Okay, Like as

a culture, how do you manage that? You know, it's like, well, if you have that what you know the Germans used to call the mentioned material to kind of mitigate that because you have an industrious people, you know, you do whatever you can, uh, you know, kind of martial those energies you know towards uh, towards things that facilitate you know, competitiveness on the world market, you know, and that you know, frankly facilitate you know, the ability to to uh, to

constitute a fearsome army that can appropriate what you can't produce at home. But this is an ongoing problem and with the absence of a mitigating you know, the kind of the kind of a fatalistic the understanding of the kind of like fatalism of of of of God's dominion, I mean, is the way I logantic I'm a Bible prod or you know, if you're just some kind of agnostic who nonetheless accepts you know that, you know, the process of history is something that man is not truly

the power to shape or control. You know, You've got you've got to become comfortable with like a certain amount of like, you know, surrender to these processes. They're like

greater than man is. Okay, the the deteriation of government into this guy you know from you know kind of the kind of you know from kind of like you know, the on the nose like theological kind of symbolism a monarchy, and they're just kind of like a parliament to take a glorified public works administration that that that has a very corrupting effect. And uh, that's why Spangler, you know, he held out the Prussian state. It's not like it's not like span some like military man or some Prussian

martinette himself. You know, he was he was he was like he was kind of like the consummate, like you know Burger type.

like timid guy. Like what he was saying was that, you know, really the only state that can survived this process, you know, with an with an intact culture that is prone to you know, things like you know, sustaining it's it's it's human quality with you know, with with appropriately hygienic praaspets practices figuratively literally, and that you know, is capable of you know, generating the wealth that's going to be you know rapidly kind of cycled through and consumed

you know by the voracious monster that is you know, the you know, the the parliament, the europe the modern parliamentary parliamentary democracy. You know, a state, a state with the Prussian ethos extrapolated you know, to to potentially a continent size uh, great space, great sovereign space would would be what's required. And I basically agree with that, and I mean that's why that is obviously in my opinion,

like what got Hitler's interest in Spangler's stuff. You know, Hitler read looked at maps all the time for the time he was a little child, like literally and like until he died, until like literally like the week he died, he always had his maps and his colored pencils, and you know, he he was fixated on geography and you know, implications they're in both tactical and strategic as well as you know, culturally and informative capacities. But Hitler didn't sit

around reading like like geopolitics all day. You know. He was into stuff like Schopenhauer. He was into like I mean, it was his favorite like philosopher, you know, and he was into he was into like art theory and stuff like i I've never heard of before, you know. And he was into like you know, he was into like you know, heroepics and German histories. But it's not like Spangler was kind of thing he ordinarily would just like been like, oh, this is great, you know it God's attention.

Not just because Spangler again was a guy who had a lot of clout in the Inner War years. It's because like that what I just described, like that is what spoke to Hitler and like basis for that is not just the table talk, but it's the December eleventh, nineteen forty one speech to the Reichstag, and that's an important speech for all kinds of reasons. But Hitler, Hitler's talking about the Prussian experience in uh In eighteen thirteen.

He's anything, but he's not. He's not saying the Prussian kingdom. He's saying we. He's saying he's talking about the German vogue is synonymous with the Prussian state. Okay, And this was in Hitler was a Habsburg Austrian saying this. I mean that that to me that it's abou outside the scope. But that's what convinces me. That to convinced me of

what I just said. But that's basically Spangler's notion. I mean, there's more, there's a lot more there, like in his body of work, but in terms of what he in terms of the prescription for how the stage should be configured and what it's UH and what it's sort of like guiding UH ideas should be. You know, that's that's what he's getting in and that's what he's concerned with,

and that's what everybody was concerned with. And uh, you know, yeah, I mean that's trumpter and some are because like I said, I mean they they were quintally concerned the same fundamentally considered the same thing is because these are questions of of existential imperative significance.

But it's still really hard because you know, we've gone through this whole, We've had seventy five years of of the Soviet Union. Was the was our enemy. I mean we grew up in that way, We grew up that way. The Soviet Union was was our enemy. You know, if bombs start dropping, hide into your desk, crying of kind of crap. So Bayaki saying that the Soviet Union was that he would support he was supporting the Soviet Union

at that point. You know, can you go it a little more into detail his reasoning behind that.

Jewish races. As a matter of course, like literally at debate, that's not something conspiracy theory that's literally baked into the American ideology. Okay, and uh even even really not the case. You don't want in in a twenty first century You did not want to pack sramana in a twenty first century world, Okay, you just don't. That's not You do not want great power monopolization of global resources, like singular great power monopolization of global resources. That's going to be

a tyranny no matter what. So just an absolute like a political terms, structural terms is that. Secondly, Yaki always Yaqui's all big point was that he said that like and then again, part of this is kind of like a cultural Catholicism, but I'm not saying that cumatively at all.

Yaki's point was like, look, you've got to look at yourself Americas, White Americans need to look at themselves as as basically like Europeans who live in a new world, Okay, because if you don't, you're gonna make compromises that ultimately like write you out of history. Okay, and that's what happened in nineteen thirty three New Deal America. And beyond. It's singularly anti it's anti Western, it's anti white, it's anti European, and like why wouldn't it be it views

all these things as alien to itself. Okay, it's basically Jewish such that it has like a cultural orientation at all, Like the people constantly do it who aren't Jewish, like they might as well be because they don't care and like what they don't view as hostile they simply have no interest in preserving. Okay, the only way europe can survive.

Is Europe hass to join with Russia. Now Yatu would have preferred, you know, that to have occurred with you know, you know the capture of Moscow in December nineteen forty one, because that didn't happen. Well, we have you know, we have the world that we have, not the world that we want. So the only way that Europe is going to throw off the American yoke is by sometime of concord with the Soviet Union. And after nineteen fifty three

he said that wouldn't be particularly in city. It's like, yeah, Soviet occupation is a tyranny, but you know, it's like elite de ben was that the tyranny of the body. You know, whether Stalin intended to do this for sectarian and ethnic reasons or whether he just did it for practical reasons. Because these people constantly with a threat you know, to the to not just his own mandate, but the

enduring power of the party. Stalin literally perd Jews from leadership in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Okay, and he did so in a way that was fairly above board. That was that was Yougi's point about the Prague Trials Okay, every I mean out of the Prague Trials were I mean of a of a satellite regime, you know, it's a satellite regime that was the subject of it. But it was not either because that was kind of like a test case. And every one of

the Doctor's plot defenders with Jewish but one. Okay, And it's like that, so we don't even trying to hide was underway here, you know, just like we don't care like these people are these people are are Fifth Columnists, like they're gonna.

made available basically for free. I mean, like this was a lot lot less insidious, okay, like being poor and having like, uh, to deal with a political police force that's not a small thing that's fucked up. Nobody would say that's good. That's better than what I just described. Okay, And not only is it better at day to day terms and in civilizational terms, you can survive that, you

cannot survive the other Okay, that was Yaki's reasoning. Finally, again Yaki was like Kennon, He's like, look, the Soviet Union is not going to exist in fifty years. It's definitely not gonna exist in one hundred years. From his then for the nineteen fifty he's like, you know, when the Soviet Union's gone, there's still gonna be a Russia. There's still gonna be in Germany. You know, there's still

gonna be a Europe. You know. It's you know, so this idea that you know, this is this idea that like you know, what if if if we could pitulate, we could picture like the Soviet Union. Now you know that the world's gonna become this this you know, is gonna become this kind of like uh, this kind of like giant gulag hell, you know, is you know, that's that's fast style. I take some exception to I mean, I don't want to get into my own view on

this because it's it's it's outside the scope. But you know, his point was that, you know, there's nothing less cosmopolitan than the truly like kind of like Russian cultural soul. Okay, So even if you have like a europe and particlarly in Germany like dominated by Russian perpetuity, you know, gradually like they're gonna slough off, you know, either the appearance of communism and even and even appeal to it as some kind of you know ration, like like purported rationale.

You know, for what for what the regime does? You know, you're gonna be left the basis kind of like this kind of like nationalists Russian regime that you know might be brutish towards the Germans, but it's not gonna it's not gonna be it's not gonna be trying to racially exterminate them out of history, and it's not gonna be able to insinuate itself into the culture. Like no, they

can Russia not do that. They can't do that. You're like, damn, like you were not gonna see like Russian kids all just kind of spontaneously speaking Russian because they viewed the

Russians as the higher culture. You were gonna see like you know, German women, like deciding you want to dress like you know, like like Russian women, you're not gonna find you know, German saying you know what, like you know, I were antellectual canon just inferior to that going to be in produced by the Russians, Like I'm not trashing Russia, but this is this is a fact, okay, like that

that would not happen. And also again I mean I use the example which seems like the kind of narrow, narrowly focused example of uh, you know, Warsaw pac command of control having certain challenges, you know, because there was like language barriers. I mean that that's that part of that was just like a Russian thing where I'm not gonna learn German, you know, like I I'm the occupier, I'm the boss, you know who. I don't care about these people. I mean, it really is kind of like

a crude showing. And then a lot of Russians do. I don't even think that's fairly bad. I'm kind of the same way in my own like fucking Yankee Pecker would start a wigh. Okay, I'm not some fucking not so many things, like being cosmopolit is this braint thing, okay at all, But whether it's good or bad is incidental. Like that's not what the Russians are, Like, that's not

how they do things. Okay. So that was Yaki's point, and you know, at the end of the day, I mean he was he was right because it's like even if you you can look at the big rebubtal of that would be like people, uh, you know, the kinds of people who would say, like we'll look at what the look at what the Soviets did in the colored world. You know, they were radicalizing all these people against the West, Like but like what was the West? What was the

West then? Like the West was uh, they they were open borders, they were you know, we've gotta we've got to eliminate, you know, this this leg of equity between the sexes. We've gotta we we we we've got to destroy these pairs communities where people are insisting on retaining their own kind of purity of ethnos and cultural practice.

You know, we gotta, you know, we gotta we we gotta create this kind of global monoculture, whereas you know, like, uh, we're where we were beyond race, like the Soviets were doing all of this. Yeah, okay, I don't think it's good that the Soviets were the you know in the Cubans were the flowing and forced a you know, it's a the Africa to annihilate you know, the Board of Republic.

But I mean, okay, in the grand scheme, what I say is there's out Okay, there was Washington wasn't as far far far more radical, far more actually communistic, far more and city is far more destructive than Moscow ever was Okay, and that was the case in nineteen fifty Okay, as it is today. That was Jockey's point.

of income. But you know, according to his friends, he was always addressed well and he never had a lot of money, but he was never like starving, you know, and he uh, it's pretty clear to me that you know, he was that he was an East Block intelligence asset. I believe that he made contact with Otto Reemer and the Socialist Reich's Party when uh he when he when he when he was briefly a war crimes prosecutor, and he deliberately lost his cases. I do like lesser war criminals.

But he he went to he was he was held out trying to get to Germany, and he did That's why he wanted to go away. In my opinion, I believe may kind of the guys like Reamer, you know, Reamer was uh reamerhead of you that I mean, I mean, you know, uh, the Socialsch Party was they they favored alliance with the Soviet Union. I mean, that was the whole, that was their whole. Raizlin Detro was gonna skew the the what remained of the German nationalists right towards you know,

away from NATO. But it uh I believe that through Reamer he got introduced, uh probably to the probably the elements of of East German intelligence and definitely the kg B types. And uh, I think that that was Jacky's I think that was Yaki's role. And I think what I think part of what Yachi was doing was he was trying he was working on neutralized like him and

like everybody's so deployed as he was. It was based on their job like neutralized with the Allies, we're trying to accomplish with their like kind of Operation Gladio notions.

You know, they're they're like the Warsaw pack was basically swinging like uh, the European like patriotic right and like the fascist right like towards their tamp for the reasons I just said, and uh, Washington, uh and people like Dallas especially that was they were very upset about that because obviously, like this was a key part of kind of like their their strategy for if there was a

general Communist assault on Europe. You know, their stay behind element was these guys who like Yaqui was flipping to the Soviet side, you know, stuff like that. And he also, yeah, but Yaki had like four or five different passports in different names. He was arrested, like and this wasn't like today where you know, if you know the right people you can get that done. Like that could print a passport in nineteen fifty you know, like you couldn't do

that any typewriter. I mean, I I believe that very is very clear.

Lee was dramatic and profound. But you know, McCarthy was one of the left still like burns him in fig today is because he was like a big deal. So it's like why why this big shats senator at all? Just kind of like random like right wing lawyer like that doesn't really make a lot of sense, you know, So like, uh yeah, so I mean there's a very good chance. Yeah, definitely.

seven h one mes seven seven seven. I'm working on the channel still in earnest. I'm gonna start shooting dedicated content for it by the first week in April, so I mean be looking for that. It's Thomas PD on YouTube. Once I started uploading like real original content, I'm gonna start saturating like Odyssey and on this stuff. But right now I'm on YouTube so people can find us. I realize that it's not long for as the Earth one

once they figure out what I'm doing. But I will hip everybody to that, like on my substack, because I have been doing this stuff and that's all I got for know.

in Latin America generally, but Chile in particular. We're gonna talk about what happened there and why it became such a critical Cold War battle theater. And that's the way to understand this. That's the way to understand this. That's the way to understand the totality of what became Operation Condor. That's the way to understand the situation in Argentina, which was a lot more murky and conspiratorial than that of Chile.

I mean that weren't the discussion all onto itself, but particularly the the you know, what developed in Nicaragua and El Salvador and uh Granada was key as well in the final phase of the Cold War, and people they don't fully understand at the time, people generally did. It's interesting how they kind of tortured rationale. People would resort to these Peter Arnett types and even Oliver Stone who made a pretty negative partisan movie about you know, Central America.

I think it was actually called Salvador. I don't know

how these people could rationalize. I mean, I know how they did superficially, I mean I was alive during the time, but how they could sort of redact in their own mind the fact that Central and South America, you know, maybe maybe we refer to as Latin America in total was an active battle space in the final phase of the Cold War, and it was a truly critical battle space because not just in terms of American credibility visa visa on Roe doctrine and things, but that would have

rectified the strategic imbalance that Warsaw packed was always disadvantaged by owing to, you know, facts of geography and the fact that in that epoch the way four structures were, you know, owing to the technology the day it conferred a tremendous advantage on NATO potentially that it could strike you know, basically from you know, within critical range decapitation range. Ultimately we're talking about strategic nuclear platforms a Soviet territory.

But the and finally, I'll bring it back to the discussion at hand in more precise terms, and the daytadd era, the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pack and adjacent states, they were winning the Cold War. It in military terms. It didn't matter that wars Up Pack was a basket case in terms of its internal situation. It didn't matter that the Soviets are negotiating, uh, you know, a crisis from the Kremline itself a leadership as you know, this

kind of aged gerontocracy like literally died off. You know. Uh, America was soundly defeated in Vietnam. Nixon mitigated, uh, the significance of that, but decoupling Beijing for Warsaw Packed. But that didn't entirely nullify the impact of the outcome obviously, and that led to in turn, you know, the America ended up backing the camer Rouge against the People's Army of Vietnam. You know, because the Commune Rouge were China's

proxy this problem. So this three way proxy war developed, you know, between the Khmer Rouge, you know, who were victorious against on Noulls forces, you know, between the Khmer Rouge and the People's Army of Vietnam, you know, the United the Chinese had their own agenda there, but the United States and the people at China were nominally backing the bagging the Khmer Rouge against the Soviet client in Vietnam.

The Soviets responded, you know, by throwing heavy military developmental subsidies in India, you know, and uh reaffirming their friendship packed as a hedge against China. America responded, you know, by by taking on Pakistan, you know, and uh and in bagging Pakistan and the Indo Pakistan War, you know, and drop off Ustanov and uh Gram ego as the kind of trifecta of executive leadership in the Soviet Union at the time, you know that that's what caused them

to actually move in Afghanistan. I think, like we talked about, like they were convinced that the Afghan regime was gonna the Afghania regime was gonna pivot towards the United States dates and uh, they thought that, you know, they thought that Carter uh was heavily cultivating that, especially only the loss of Iran, but also I mean that would you know Afghanistan with the decapitation arrange of Kazakhstan and Kazakhstan was you know, that's what Star City is. I mean

that was critical to Soviet strategic nuclear commanding control. So I mean this was uh, you know, basically the tent would ended it. I mean it was the invasion of Afghanistan and other things, but it uh, you know, the communists run the move on every continent and goal is another one, okay, and there was neither the political will nor the force isn't being anymore for America to force to enforce the Truman doctrine. Then come to the direct aid of these you know, friendly states under siege by

communist elements, and you know, the military itself. You know that the draft had ended and the revolution of military affairs hadn't you know, gotten off and been implemented yet in any meaningful way. Although these these weapons systems and this command control technology like did exist, it just hadn't been integrated into you know, fource structures and being in a meaningful way yet. But you know, looking at a map in nineteen seventy three, again in military terms, the

Soviet Union is winning the Cold War. Chile is an oddly situated place and kind of like Argentina, there was high hopes for it. You know, people used to talk about Argentina like it was going to be the United

States of South America, which obviously didn't happen. But you know, despite the racial kind of mixture in these countries, they're more European than they are like America or can't the you know, Chile, UH became a pretty major regional military power after what was called the War of the Pacific. This took place in in eighteen seventy nine eighteen eighty four.

Chile fought against the coalition of Peru and Bolivia and and one this kind of like uh, you know, like like like Prussian style like blitz victory, okay, and acquired a lot of territory and a lot of clout. But obviously again owing to UH its situation, UH on the cone of South America. I mean, there's a strategic significance

there regardless. You know, it's not like the South Atlantic you know, and access to the South Atlantic and specifically the ability to engage you know, the US fleet and the Atlantic potentially you know before it even you know, is able to deploy beyond uh, you know, the Western

hemisphere potentially. I mean that was huge. But it's also you know, there's a there, there's there's there's something to the idea of revolutionary ideology being sort of like a fire that catches or some kind of virul and backless, if you'll forgive the kind of overwrought metaphor. But that's true, and people are accepting that more and more now, not not because they've taken on some kind of pumutive view of communism and history or something, and not even that

that's that's that's not even really in the contemplation. And most of these kind of like neuroscience types and you know, kind of like cultural psychologists. But you know, people talk about the way like memes become truly viral and like information mac the viral you know, that's kind of a narrow that's kind of a whittled down version of what the phenomena I'm talking about. And you know, revolutionary momentum

uh is something that is a real thing. You know, it's the analogies are myriad, you know, across accounting for racial and cultural differences and you know, really really controlling for all variables, suggesting true diversity. You know this this can't really be denied. So all us aside, you know, like as I talked about with respect to Vietnam, and you know previously one of the ways that part weighs

with people like Meerscheimer. But this idea that you have this kind of like materialist view of warfare, this kind of cloudset what's on steroids you of warfare like well, you know, credibility doesn't matter, you know, and as so long as you have you know, strategic forces and being to devastate your enemy. And there was no quote you know,

key there there's no essential interest in in Vietnam. It didn't matter, you know, in the twentieth century, like wars weren't fought you know, to control you know, access to rubber plantations you know, or like you know, fur trade routes like Vietnam became World War three y proxy because like that's where the battle lines were drawn, that's where the Communists attacked, you know, and that's where uh, that's That's where Washington had to had to draw the line

and respond. You know, it didn't matter that it was in CEU East Asia and there's not some quote key interests there according to you know, traditional paradigms of political economy. So in Chile, even if there was nothing in Chile, I mean there wasn't there wasn't there is, But even

if there wasn't, it didn't matter. You know, a communist revolution there what have would have developed tremendous momentum that had profound significance beyond its borders and uh probably even beyond you know, like the South American continent and into you know, Central and uh in North America. Even so, I don't think to keep in mind, now what what was the situation in Chile generally like because this is important.

It relates to like out love the Junta Tennischet himself and why they were such a test case and staunch resistance to communism and being a cultural anthropologist, they used to write quite a bit about this, you know, why why some of these in their mind and this is a superficial view of my point, like why some of these Latin American states seemed almost like mirror Franco was Spain, but it Spaniards and Portuguese and populations derived primarily from

those cultural malons. They're not these people don't represent a martial race in the way you think of like the Spartans of the Prussians. But there's some deeply insinuated like military culture there. Okay, there just is you know, uh, whether it's the cot is a you know the quote of Adalgo kind of like large is it? You know that there's something sanguinary in my opinion to Spanish Catholicism. I don't mean that punitive terms. I think that's actually quite fascinating.

just mentioned, Chile has unusual geography. It's always south of potential encirclement by rival states the north and to the east, so it's institutional orientation of its armed forces was always on the possibility of fighting a multi front war. Now who executives that sound like that sounds exactly like the Prussians, and what gave rise to the staff system, which you know,

ultimately every modern army imitates. But there was going to this fact even before the Chilean military modernized, you know, in the in the wake of you know, the the Great War and what have you. There's always certain there there's always an understanding that, you know, Chile, the Chilean army in particularly the army had to be built around a kind of cadre structure, you know, where some version

of mission oriented tactics that had to be cultivated. You know, they're like, you know, anybody in a leadership role from like NCO upward would have to exhibit you know, a superior training efficiency motivation you know, basically man for man, be better than the enemy. Okay, because again Chile was was basically always facing a kind of like on Schleief

and quagmire, if that makes any sense. And there's certain anthropological factors too, of a of a more kind of cultural nature, okay, Like the the Chilean arny was very very very Catholic. The background of Pinochet himself as well as Admiral Marino Jose Todebo Merino Castro. They were the two most important figures in the junta. Pinochet was out front, but this was you know, ruled by a military committee basically, and uh not, Marino was. Ah, it was kind of

the brains of the junta. Like I mean, Penchet was a very intelligent man, as we'll see, but admirals tend to be like a cut above in terms of intellectual capabilities and organizational skills and things. But they both, these men kind of came to define. They were both like exemplars of the Chilean military culture after nineteen twenty or so, and they also were absolutely the most significant personages in

the in the emergency government, both of them. Pinochet once into a journalist, he said he was like Saint Peter, like literally, you know, he said, I I God's elected us, you know, us being the Chilean army to fulfilled missions and prepare the path, you know, and we're just preparing the path, you know, for for salvation, you know, of all of all of the entire church, you know, where we're literally like Christian warriors, you know, and Piniche believed

that one hundred and ten percent. You know, he wasn't just he wasn't just saying that to kind of you know, shore up his is his like image or something, you know. And even even if he'd wanted to like, that's not the way he'd go about it. I mean, even even then when there was you know, kind of a Catholic moment owing to the only only a certain certain things related to the Cold War and in the situation in

Northern Ireland and other stuff. But you know, the event after World War Two, obviously people you know think about they you know, they they conceptualize, uh, these these Latin American states, you know, taking up with America in uh for you know, for out of strategic convenience as well as going to the you know kind of the kind of pentagons like outsized influence only to them on ro doctorate and other things, and just kind of like historical variables,

you know, plus the fact that direct uh capital subsidies were always coveted, you know by these countries. You know, even though these states weren't ruined by World War Two, they were only gonna touch you know, there was they still they were still short on development and perpetually short on capital. But there was something superficial about this on the side of UH, these states who were coveting American patronage, like US military influence never really took in Latin America.

You know, none of these countries like Argentina, Paraguay, Chile, Panama, Honduras, El Salvador, all these all these states where you know that America, all these states that basically America set up things like the School of the Americas to cultivate military and independence with like, US military influence never overwhelmed the

kind of local traditions and professional soldiers there. You know, there's there's a massive streak of anti communism, like throughout you know, the professional military caste in Chile and Chile especially, but throughout Latin America, and this long preceded you know what we're talking about, like the efforts of you know, the American successive American regimes to kind of you know, cultivate this ongoing alliance structure with with with Latin American

you know, like military type regimes it UH.

culture of America like didn't really take there, you know, Like now, now why is that? It's interestingly in Chile there's a hugely disproportionate number of officers who came from immigrant backgrounds now against a Chile Those immigrants were German, they were English, they were Italian, they were French, they

were Syrian, they were Croatian. That's why when you look at like a roster of a of the Chilean officer corps, like first of all, it's a bunch of like white and kind of like Arab or like you know, Italian

looking guys. And they've got like European surnames, you know, so you've you've quite literally got this kind of European and europe In europe adjacent officer corps in a country that's you know, frankly majority mixed race, you know, so it's you're talking about like literally like a culture within it, within a broader culture, you know, not just of an institutional sort, but of you know, an actual you know, like like like ethnic type, you know, ethnic sword rather

like categorically like uh, there were two German speaking Lutherans on uh on uh in the junta. It was uh Fernando Matthai uh the Air Force commander, and Rodolpho Strange, who was the chief and National Police. I mean there you go, and uh, A lot of these immigrant families, if they weren't moneyed, you know, like they they encourage their sons to become military officers because that was really

the way. That was the only way you can get clout if you weren't part of the national majority, you know. The Uh. Now, of course the Marxist view, which has faded somewhat obviously it's the Cold War, but it's kind of like this, it's kind of like this cockroach that won't die. It's just like emerges again and again and

and it doesn't help it. Like Howard is in, it kind of has like new life now in US academia, but most scholars, even most military sociologists, they're tainted some of this idea that like you know, look like South American soldiers like you know, from the officer corps on down, you know, to the end level of n CEOs. They just represented there. They were basically like mercenaries who like represent the interests of global capitalism, like backed up by

the Pentagon, you know. And they and they were like basically like the security force that technocrats and and uh and and and you know in in factory owners you know, and you know they're they're they're raised on detro destroyed left wing politics, you know, and empower these technocrats who can facilitate, you know, the the assimilation of these countries

like into the globalist structure. Like that doesn't really make any sense, okay, And like it doesn't in the case like a real lack of understanding of kind of human motivations and what attracts people to, you know, kind of the institutional trappings of like heritage and ritual and stuff. Like nobody a bunch of a bunch of salvad Orian National police types and a bunch of Chilean officers weren't just like pretending to be Catholic because they're like they

were worried about their public image. You know, they weren't uh, they weren't goose stepping around the parade deck because they thought that that would make people. They thought that they thought that that would like help their image. Okay, I mean, like it's it's not you know, plus the kind of stuff that you know, as we'll see, you know, guys

like Pinochet. You know, these this was not a situation like with Zelenski, where uh you know, some sort of christ I mean, you couldn't really have a Zelensky situation in the Cold War. But my point is not it's not like it's not like Pinochet. It was like pocketing a bunch of money and him in his general as well, getting rich and picking up teenage mistresses and like ripping around in mercedes and in the streets of uh, you know,

Santiago or whatever. You know it. These guys lived almost on a nastic life, you know, like they they didn't they didn't live in pot but they you know, they did they didn't they didn't have means, they didn't have means, you know, like even uh like Pinochet prior to prior to the junta, and even he he basically like lived like a popper or it didn't really own anything, you know, something this idea that, this idea that you know, oh well, all these all these kinds of weird I mean, not

weird in a punitive way, but all these unusual let me let let's let's let's employ that the scriptor this kind of like unusual features a Latin American military life, that somehow these were just like super structural trappings, you know, that kind of like hid what amount to do a literally mercenary ethos like that's this is like nonsense. Now what uh what was we we? You know, we we got to the fact that America didn't really put a lasting stamp on the on the Latin American military culture

generally and specifically l and military life. But what did well after the UH after the War the Pacific, you know, which we talked about a minute ago, which ended in eighteen eighty four, the president UH, the Mingo Santa Maria, he realized that the army need to modernize and reorganize

itself in the model of a European army. They basically out fought Peru and Bolivia, you know, but it uh, they you know, the world was changing, and he and the army was still low tech, like basically with carry the day was again like a very game officer corps you know, that was and cod event CIOs the rent of missionary and tactics and frankly, you know, just a lot of a lot of a lot of men who are very tough and very hungry for prestige and uh

and to serve the fatherland. But what uh what the what the Chileans decided on they fixed their sites Andermany, who they viewed as uh, you know, kind of like the zenith of of of a military prowess, you know. And and then that's kind of when German cloud was

at its was added zenith. I would say, okay, the uh, the Chilean regime, it was it was already familiar with Germans as a people, like in the south of the country, basically the German colonization down there, like it it led to tremendous capital development, you know, and the uh, there's basically a sense of like, well, what can't these people do you know, like it? Uh, we we want to cultivate interdependence with the Germans anyway, because you know, they're

like we basically like we need these people. You know, it's like a shot in the arm of our the entire paradigm and national development. You know. The embassy in Berlin, the Chilean embassy in Berlin was in the charge of a guy named Guermo Mata. He contacted the German military directly.

He apparently had some kind of good rapport with Marshall von Molt, you know, who was uh like a heavy heavy personage and he uh, he was ultimately uh he was ultimately put uh put in touch with the man named Emil Corner, who was an artillery captain Opprussian and he was stationed at the Artillery and Engineering School of Charlottenburg. So basically he had a background minus the calorie experience

like blacksjack person. You know, this is exact the kind of man you want, you know, if you're looking for, like a single man, you know, uh of a middle level officer rank to bring your forces up to par you know it. Uh, they really kind of struck gold with them. The guy was also like a big war hero, you know. He uh he signed on for a five year work agreement with Chile AIDS and he basically the Chileans told him, like you know, basically they turn our

forest into the Prussian Army. Okay, and after becoming a Chilean officer himself corner sort of the armies inspector general for a decade from until nineteen ten. Okay. So the army that the army that Pinochet joined joined in nineteen thirty three, Okay, suspicious year, right, And Uh, basically this army had just been like restructured into kind of like

the Prussian Army of Latin America. Okay, it was a totally different institution then, Uh than that that that was, you know, people entered, you know, like a generation earlier. You know that like Pinichet's father, like you know, would have would have encountered. Pinochet was born. Uh, he was born in November nineteenth, November twenty fifth, nineteen, nineteen fifteen. He was the descendant of Breton immigrants and uh and Basques. His bass carritage was maternal. The family had been in

Chile since the seventeenth century. The Breton immigrants were recent. But that's uh, that's a very interesting pedigree at least, I think. So Penichet always wanted to be a soldier. His great uncle was a veteran of the war in the Pacific, his uh you know, his his godfather told him about you know, uh serving in the French army in World War One. Eventually his father kind of like relented, even though he wanted him to study medicine, you know, and pursue a more kind of traditional path to the

cloud because, like Pinochet, his family was well off. You know, they weren't. They weren't people who needed, you know, a military officer's son to enjoy upward mobility, and uh, what was common, uh, what was common among his counterie of officers, including you know, historians have taken the oral histories of these guys who came of age when pinishated it, and there's actually a fair amount of like these in conflict literature on this. You know, I'm not not necessarily friendly variant,

but it's it's pretty value neutral. But these guys, it wasn't just Pinish it. He wasn't just kind of like romantic dream or outlier like the officers of that generation.

Pretty much to a man, they talked about pious Catholicism and a childhood fascination with with like military heroes, you know, and like the discipline of you know these you know these uh, the you know, the these these officers who were you know who in in like Prussian uniforms, you know, but like flawless like raide drill and things like that.

You know, like this is basically like any like any kid of like European stock, like European or Arab or like you know, adjacent stock in Chile, Like this is what he wanted to be, you know, like they can't really be overstated. Like Robert O'Kelly, who's Pinechet's economics minister, you know, and again, uh, you know, a guy of European pedigree, his grandfather was a was a navy man and the word of the Pacific, like he said, like

in his biography, it never is autobiography. It never It never occurred to me to be anything else than a sailor, Like, without a doubt, the navy is a vocation like the priesthood. Not everybody is called to be tied to the post. Like that's the way these guys looked at it again, you know, like where the where they where the vanguard of the fatherland and where you know, and we're and

we're you know where they we're the church militant. You know, that's that's a remarkably powerful combination of cultural identitarian variables.

You know, the uh and there was ah the army uh in there a a uh even even when even when a military draft was implemented pursue it to the you know, twentieth century reforms like the way like army literature, like they're like recruiting literature at the time and kind of like they're they're sort of you know, after these like kind of like after action what amounts are kind of like these kind of like romantic novels of like The Daring do of of Officers and the Ward of

the Pacific. But it's kind of like dressed up as like after action reports. Like it was like all like the theme that is like on the nose, like through all this stuff is uh. You know that you know, being a soldier is is it's it's it's different than any other vocation because soldiers give their lives to the fatherland, you know, like like a monk gives his life to the church, you know, And it's it's not that that

that's unique. It's uniquely Catholic. It's like you need, it's both uniquely Prussian and uniquely Catholic, which is you know, a collision of ah of opposing tendencies. But you know that's uh that there's there's a syncreticism. There's a syncretism there that's really interesting. But the uh there it also something and this was again like another Prussian tendency that was brought to bear. There's a really strong devotion to

continual study of warfare it uh. Pinochet said that, you know, he first started reading when he got to the military. His first reading assignment was The Rebellion of the mass it is or the Revolt of the Master it is by Jose Ortega. He guess it's and a lot of friends of ours will be familiar with it. And the Gallic War is by Caesar. After that he became this bibliophile. Pinochet when he died one to approximately fifty five thousand books, like, many of which were rare and one of a kind.

So he was a he was another like man of books. That makes me feel a bit better about my own book coorting. Frankly, now here's get into kind of like the nitty gritty of what created this, you know, kind of irreparable divide between you know, civil society and the Chilean army. You know what it wasn't just the kind of factors we talked about a moment ago of an identitarian sort, but very very few military personnel actually voted in elections in Chile, even though they were they were

technically allowed to. It wasn't illegal, but it was considered unseemly. You know, Uh, soldiers aren't supposed to be political, and you know, not just because they're they're supposed to serve, you know, the fatherland first and foremost, and not not discreet you know, political factions or interests they're in, but it's also like it's it's it's viewed. They viewed it as like beneath them, you know, particularly consider the kind of elitist and and you know, uh monastic sort of

a kind of like self concept these men had. And also the uh when the when the draft was uh, when when the conscript when the when the conscription regime was implemented, you know, uh, the like the new conscripts. I couldn't vote, you know, because they weren't they weren't, uh, they weren't twenty one.

You know, you know what pre servers fook you for basing Like I I know what I'm talking about in this regard, Okay, I I Am not gonna argue the point because it's obvious. But the it considering, uh, considering the size of that of Chile's electorate and the number of commission and noncommissioned officers and the forearmed services taken together,

and this is both politically and statistically significant. Like military votes, they're like if if if I'm listening to an authors had voted in appreciable numbers, it may not have decided any any any and you know, any presidential context one or the other, but relatively but relatively small pluralities decided national elections regularly in Chile, and particularly in nineteen fifty eight and nineteen seventy, where uh uh something like thirty

nine thousand votes, you know, like like we're what put the winning candidate over you know, it's the uh and also too like it was it was, it was. It was against the law. It was a literally, it was literally a crime for you know that would have available to court martial to protest, you know. Uh. And that was a pretty that was a pretty widely that's pretty

that's pretty loosely interpreted. Okay, I mean anybody, you know, a man could be brought up on charges and have failed to courts martial, you know, not just for joining you know, some not just like throwing bricks in the street at you know, at at at capitalists or whatever, but just if you associated with the parties that were considered to be you know, having have a platform that tended towards you know, trying to get this credit the

political process, you know, based on ideological commitments or you know, associating with parties who's you know, do his type of members, you know, had said things that imped impugned the honor of the fatherland like this is this is not something they would have fucked with. Okay, like even even more they inclined and they weren't.

other places in Latin America, you know, to a NL liaison capacity and to like learn from other militaries and like as these guys developed, you know, linguistic aptitudes, food for foreign languages. As they literally saw the rest of the world, you know, they talked to you know, they they talked to Wehrmacht officers, you know, they talk to you know, French officers, they talk to guys you know, like serving uh in uh In, you know, in Mexico

close to the American border or whatever. Like, they developed a worldly perspective and they came to understand you know, as time went on, they you know, they came to they came to understand the Cold War, you know, and they developed an idea of like where Chile featured into that, you know, by the Pinochet era. Like It's what I'm getting is that these weren't just like a bunch of provincial roots or something, or like we're trying to turn

back the clock or whatever. And they weren't just you know, mercenaries for hire in the service of you know, basically acting like acting like you know, like like like Pinkertons on steroids, you know, beat down or calc Trent like waver types. You know. They they developed an understanding of like velt politique and where Latin America featured into that equation, you know. And this brings us to what was insidious about Alende. Okay, Sauter LNDE in the nineteen sixties was

a very busy boy. Okay. His schedule took him in North Korea, North Vietnam, in East Germany. Allende believed that the DDR was his best bet in terms of identifying a patron the which is very interesting. And the DDR it wasn't just the spear point of Warsaw pack like the National volks Army wasn't just a spear point of

warsaw pact. And not only was East Germany kind of like the crown jewel of like the Stalinist satellite states, East Germany practiced the kind of world politique in a way that the Cubans did, but like a little bit more sophisticated. Even like there's East Germans and Angola, there was East Germans Yemen which became South Yemen. There's these

Germans uh in Ethiopia, Eritrea. There's East Germans on Grenada when you know, the US Army assaulted Grenado in eighty three for a for what I'm want to do, a rump state of twenty million people and a regime that was constantly uh dealing with an existential threat on its

inner border. Like literally like these guys were remarkably active in uh In, in waging the Cold War and in a in like a direct action capacity, you know, the same, nothing like the bottom Minehoff Gang to say nothing of you know, uh them bank rolling and training the popular front of Libers in Palestine, like it's remarkable, but Allende

knew this. Okay, in East Berlin, Aline met with the party secretary general and the facto you know, head of state to Ubrict who preceded Honiker from forty nine to seventy one. Ubrict was General Secretary and then he was under cremoniously sideline and favor of Honiker from nineteen seventy one until the end. But uh he uh ubricked uh put him in direct contact with Hermann Akson, who was who was uh the Central Committee secretary for an natural

relation is the equivalent to the foreign minister. Okay, action's assignment for the duration of his tenure, particularly in the sixties and seventies, he was the function as a liaison with communist parties throughout the world, you know, and and basically the this this is the stuff that smacks of, you know, like the old days the Communist International, you know, which uh with Stalin you know, put an end to

by Dick Todd and and turned into common form. But it's but but it goes to show you how uh how these this these things never really went away. You know, they developed a certain operational sophistication and and kind of institutionalization and and and kind of and kind of a streamline operational set of operational tendencies. But you know, they they remained the same beast of prey, but with different

slightly different stripes. It uh as it were. But whether lend they met with the Stazi directly and Eric Milk, it's not known, but I imagine he would have. Okay, Eric Milk was uh, he was in direct content with Daniel Ortega, with uh, with Kadafi, with Minjitsu, with uh, you know, all these all these uh, all these proxy all these proxy elements that the Warsaw Pact was was uh, you know, directly supporting and Shtazi men. Uh. Their role was not just as uh you know, policeman and as

espionage espionage agents. They had a role that we considered it more kind of the more suggestive of special operations command. It's complicated, but uh, the the East Berlin basically treated accents recommendations like they came from on high. Okay, he

was that good. I think of this kind of like a I think kind of I think of this kind of it's kind of like a a red crowd version of George Kennon like legit, I mean, I have, like all respect, A lot of these d d R functionaries are damn impressive, definitely the best that the worst up pack produced. Of course, what A Linda was doing didn't go unnoticed. C I a Defense Intelligence CIA at that time.

It was losing what remaining cloud it had, but it was still uh, it was still primarily like the eyes and ears of of American intelligence behind the East blot, behind the Berlin Wall, you know, so CI they took notes immediately when Allende was started popping up in East Berlin. Uh Nixon, Uh Nixon, Uh, said the Kissinger. He's like, look, you know, this Alandi's not he's not some he's not some simple farmer or some storry eyed you know, uh

just uh, you know, self styled. Uh. You know, a grarian revolutionary like this guy is serious, you know, and he's he's not what you know American liberals are presenting him as. And he's not benign. You know. Kids in Jerre obviously agreed. I mean, I you know, it's uh. The uh also is the fact chill the Chilean the Chilean Communist Party was uh. It was by far the largest and best organized in South America. Okay, And that's

one of the things. That's one of the things that made it appealing to the d d R. And also we were talking about the Germans and the wonderful things they did for Chile. Well, some of those Germans were unfortunately communists, and they you know, we're building up political architecture on the other side, you know, and this was, uh,

this is very much a problem it uh. I mean from a geopolitical view, I mean, think about that, like the cone of Latin America just becoming communists, you know, or uh, all of Latin America falling and maybe Brazil remaining kind of in this garrison siege capacity. I mean that that changes everything, you know. And like I've always said, like I'm always saying, it didn't matter that these Marsis Lens regimes are totally dysfunctional and created a created economies

of shortage. There's all kinds of governments that don't really work.

Right that that Shambalaine perpetuity, It was very possible. It was not at all the stuff of kind of like fever dream nightmare fantasies to imagine a world where post aton like the entire the entire like developing world or colored world goes red like kind of the remaining uh like American friendly regimes outside of UH, Northern Europe and Japan, you know, just like eventually just kind of like succumb and fall and America becomes kind of just like this

say Garrison state, like surrounded by like a hostile communist world like that very easily could have come about, okay, and that that would be a very dangerous planet. You know, we get argue at some or we can discuss at some point whether that's preferable or not to the current situation. But it that's Monday morning quarterbacking in the epoch of you know, say nineteen seventy three, you know, seventy four to seventy five, this was absolutely a very real possibility. Okay.

Now the minute, the minute, the moment A. Lindy was elected President Chile, UH, the East German regime like through Stazi support behind him. Okay, within a couple of weeks, it doesn't like COVID operations. The grilla warfare specialists who were from the Stazi, they were dispatched at santiagoa nder diplomatic cover. They were joined by other East Bloc UH special operations capable elements, including from Czechoslovakia and and and then the Soviet Union itself and all probability. They set

up a camp near Valparaiso. Uh. The Soviets furnished weapons, prefabricated huts. They like they literally just set up this kind of like gorilla warfare school, like bam, you know, like it's like, uh, it's like if you buy like a McDonald's franchise. It's like you buy like a you buy, you buy like a revolutionary communist franchise from Ivan, and they show up and it's just like bam, you know, here's here's like your franchise literature. Here's a buy klashn

coughs you. Here's something like snazzy freaking uh you know, uh uniforms, and you know, and here here's some you know, like here's something like enameled like red star pins for your freaking cap and like you're good to go, you know,

like go go go, go go kill capitalists. But the uh and Milk actually wrote he he Milk, it would uh he'd set out these what amounts to enter off his memos to every directorate of Stasi periodically and on December eighteenth, nineteen seventy two, he said, uh, you know the checks the d DR well will welcome with enthusiasm and happiness the great victory of the National Celerity movement for obtaining the freedom of the Secondary General or the

Communist Party. Our friend and comrade Lewis Krvellon, like Corvellon, was some guy who'd been like in prison in Chile. I can't remember exactly what the and Milk would call. He called UH Ministry for State Security Officers like checkis, you know, because there was a callback to his days as ah as an NKVD hitter, you know, during during the war in Spain and later the UH later UH the Second World War. But my point is like he was attuned like like Chile was very much like a

key like theater in his mind. Okay, That's why he was. That's why he was UH like braying about you know these these uh these kind of like like like little chess moves in Chile, like in Blu of other theaters. The the Stazi set set to work UH in Chile, UH targeting uh, you know, target tareting Pinochet loyalists and

what have you. You know, Essentially essentially creating like a mirror of you know, in security terms, you know, like this wasn't this wasn't really above board yet it wasn't Allende wasn't in the driver's seat long enough for Santiago to become you know, like a giant, a giant version of of of East Berlin. But I think I mentioned to you can't remember we were on here or not.

But like Ali North mentioned that when he was uh when he traveled do uh, when he traveled in Nicaragua in nineteen eighty three or eighty four, like when when he himself was under diplomatic cover, like he relaid back by like telex that you know, like Monagua now is like it's like this like a scale model of of Checkpoint Charlie on the inner German border, you know, and it now what what happened during Pinochet's rain or like

the junta's reign, Chile had deteriorated into what something comparable to the years of lead in Italy. Okay, there's a leftist urban guerrilla terror groups. They began uh a campaign of bombings, assassinations, you know, exactly the kind of bread and butter stuff that the Shtasi taught people to do. You know, there was a that there's bombs exploding in Santiago, in Vienna, Del mar In, uh, in all the major you know kind of commercial hubs and larger towns at Chile.

You know, they were they were, they were, they were, they were targeting supermarkets, buses, government offices, you know, like shopping centers, you know, just like indiscriminately, like blowing people to hell. You know, this really ramped up in Earnest

by the eighties, which is interesting. Between nine eighty three and nineteen eighty six, there's more than a thousand bombings attributed to the Clandestine Communist Front and uh, this grouping that called itself the Revolutionary Movement, which is probably an umbrella of it was probably like a like numerous like nonstate actors like under this kind of like rubric, you know,

but because it may like they uh they uh. A total of twenty one national police and military casualties were attributed to them in just four years nineteen eighty four nineteen eighty eight. East Germany contributed six million, seven or ninety five thousand and fifteen dollars to the Chilean Communist Party. That's a huge sum for forty years ago, and this

is East Germany doing it. So they're basically just like they're they're they're throwing everything in their cash or there is basically that they've availed for, you know, foreign operations of a military sort. They're they're just like throwing this into the at their proxies in Chile. You know, I mean this was a this is a this is a

highly valued battle theater. Okay, the UH the most serious incident I guess of a in terms of potential harm and the most kind of spectacular not not not let like literally spectacular in terms of the spectacle that I created, not spectation like it's wonderful. Uh So there seven nineteen eighty six UH gorillas ambushed Pinochet's motorcade near Santiago pener State survived, He didn't, he didn't take any an he led, but UH five members of his escort were killed, ten

people were wounded. The UH it was basically like a comic casing of attack. Twelve gunmen from UH calling themselves the Manuel where at Riga's Revolutionary Front, UH like simply assaulted with with automatic weapons and grenades. There was a there was never a trial. The government ever announced in the arrest. Presumably these men, those that were not killed at the scene were running down and and and and

and and done away with. Eventually, Uh, there were some including UH Cludon Buro Amiida, you know, who UH broke with the communists completely owing to UH what he claimed was discussed with, you know, the repressive nature of the East German government, which he stated, and I'm sure he I think he probably believed this, you know, He's like, I came to realize that if if you know what was then my side one, you know, we we end up no better than the East Germans and what have you.

these these kinds of attacks continued. There's one, I mean not in the same kind of earnest but uh, some of these revolutionary types they they there's like this crazy in nineteen ninety six, the sem ninety six they escaped, uh, they escaped from the yard of the of this of this political prison they were held in, like with the help of these of these these orovisinal Ira operatives, like just like a helicopter like pulled them off the yard, just like you know, stuff like you'd see in some

fucking like John Wick or Jason Boorde movie or something. But the you know, the and you know, not not for nothing either, like uh, I mean maybe maybe people don't know this. Like Honaker uh Eric Honecker was buried.

He was buried in Chile like after he died and they laid the d DR flag on his coffin and everything, you know, like it's this was like this idea that you know, the Ollendia regime, they were just these like kind of like social democrats you know who you know, just wanted to you know, kind of like give an alternative system a chance, and these fascists, you know, just just just destroyed that potentiality. You know. I mean it was it was real war, Okay. I mean, there's no

choice about it. And if people want to, I'm sure very nasty things happened to people who were suspected of being communists or Communist sympathizers. But I mean what people want, like war is a terrible thing, you know, and you can't you can't only tell one side of these stories, you know. I mean, I know the Shtazi was doing pretty nasty things to people at the same time, and uh, the Stazi were agents of a foreign government who were trying to, you know, determine the political fate of a

of a sovereign country. So that's that's about all I got for today. We can deep dive more into I mean, there's a lie here, and frankly, I mean we can we can deep dive more into, like the personage of Pinichet if you want, when I get back from my trip, but that you know, I kind of want to give an overview of a situation as it were, as it was you know, politically and u strategically and culturally and everything else. I hope I've accomplished that. Well.

would protect them everything. I mean, I hear people I know saying these kind of things, and when you start deep diving into it, it's like, yeah, I mean, the guy was at war the whole time he was in office, and you know, to say that he was aware of all these things, and you know he just allowed him to happen.

I mean, that's like gross for all kinds of reasons, but that that's that's so like fucking weird. This is like not shit that happens, you know, It's like why And I was like who who, Like like what's the

source for this? Like guys who were watching this like came back and told you, like what, Like I it's always like something sexually perverted and just like really really really gross and just like outlandish, like it's you know, the like for some reason, Pinochet has kind of become this like fixation of theirs, you know, like uh, like it's really weird. You know, it's like why why not? Uh? Why not Sellizar Like why not Straws Nerd Like why not? Uh?

Prone like why why Pinochet? Like you know, Pinochet was kind of like what you see is what you get, you know, like he was, uh, you know, he's very much like I mean, he was very much a like we talked about. He was very much like a military officer with a kind of Prussian mold who was also like a very very very like pious kind of warrior catholic. I mean that's there's not I mean there's not that

there's there's not really a lot there. I mean there's a lot there, but I'm i mean, you know what not not in terms of you know, these these kinds of like deep dark and dirty secrets. Plus it's also too like the kind of there's a beenality the kind of horrible stuff that goes on at war. It's not like exotic weird stuff like there's this like neo Nazi colony of child molesters who were like experimenting with people's DNA and like a soccer stadium where guys like practice

beast reality. But it's not that's that's something from like the Warped Mind to somebody who like watches too much Hentai or something, you know, like I this it really is, you know, it's like but it's like for years, you know, people tell me that that Earnest, like that Nazis they'd like take people's skin off and if they had tattoos, they'd make it into lamp shades and like show their friends.

So it's like why would anybody do that? So you're basically saying that like the Germans are like a bunch of Jeffrey Dahmers, Like like why why would they even occur to anybody? You know, Like uh, beyond the fact that it's like okay, like where you're getting this information and like who's like telling this to people? Like, oh, hey, you know what I did today? Like I I like I found out with these childlisting Germans and then like one of the stadium where like this chip got like

raped by dogs. It was awesome. I mean like like where where's this coming from? Like who's just closing these things?

will appreciate what I'm going to be dropping there. And uh, by the end of the month, season two with a Mind Feaser podcast is going to drop, and at which point all season one content is going to be free, so be able to access everything from season one and all special edition content for free and subscriptiononer Season two is only physically five dollars a month, and that's like, that's as low as I can go and still remain and still not eat a loss. So like, unless you're

a hobo, you can afford that. So and I'll make it worth your while. Like I'm constantly like uploading free stuff too. That is uh, that is like a.

a book recommendation on that? But what they mean is, you know, like where can I find some sort of concise cliffs notes version of you know, like the revisionist perspective with World War two or something like that doesn't exist? You know, some constantly how to admonish people like look like not everything is in a book. There's not. There's

not like the Big Book of World War two? And why why court narratives are wrong or there's not you know, why the why the wardsman the States like wasn't about like people being mean to black people? You know, like it's there's not You're not going to find that. However, there are there are seminal texts that you kind of have to have more than a rudimentary familiarity with to

be considered an educated person. And like what books are used for is you know, books are a tool a I mean not only for you know, not only their record of you know, raw data and you know, like literally historical record, but it's also I mean to use them as conceptual tools to you know, to help identify variables and phenomenon you know that that shape you know that can sexual horizon on an that box, you know, for example, where that identify you know, variables that you

know constitute as a causal nexus, you know, the reasons for you know, historical events, you know, be them like seminole or like rather prosaic. So you know, I I want to include a caveat here too, Like I'm not dropping a list of This isn't some like top ten list where you know, like the answers to all of your questions about what's wrong with the way historical questions are presented or like found within these pages. That's not

how it works, you know. But at the same time, again, I I think for anyone to have any kind of meaning, for anyone to be able to call themselves educated on political or historical affairs, like on the theoretical side, you know, they they have to be acquainted with these things. First and foremost, You've got to read Aristotle's politics. Not just all political philosophy in the Western world derives from Aristotle.

That's inarguable. Okay, the relationship between Plato and Aristotle and the kind of tension they're in and to what degree, like Aristotle is a repudiation of Plato that's another question, and that deals mostly with metaphysics and things, Okay, And yet you can't extricate metaphysics from politics in some sort

of discreet way. But the point is, like, that's not, that's not what I'm up on for purpose of purposes of of why I'm of of what I'm suggesting here, Like what I'm suggesting is that you know, if you're talking about if you're talking about the Western tradition of

political philosophy, you're you're you're beginning with Aristotle, Okay. And even even even even those who aim to break with aimed to break with Aristotle to greater or lesser degree, like they were in dialogue with them and relying on the pre Socratics and things. Okay, So the politics and uh Nica machy and epics have got to be on your list. And in order to put those things in context, there are secondary sources. You know, Leo Strauss and a

guy named Joseph Propsy. There's this book called The History of Political Philosophy, which is an outstanding book. And it's not it's not it's not full of like STREUSSI and bullshit or anything like that. It's like very much like

a hard and fast. So that condensed version, I mean it's it's a hugely voluminous book, but it's got a section basically, Uh it becomes like Xeno is Zeno, like uh, Zeno and Heraclitis and ends with you know, Heidegger and a and I think, uh, I can't remember who the final entry is, but it goes it ends in the

mid twentieth century. But uh, that's that that I guess there is like a great like secondary resource and you know, the if you want, if you want, but Aristotle, I think any any translation that's worth anything has got is you know, he's got a complete annotation such that you know, you should be able to you know, kind of get by with without you know, having to move mountains to you know, put things in context. By the way, secondary sources.

If your modern political theory is the progenity of Hobbs, you've got to read Leviathan. Okay. I think a Leviathan. Leviathan is the political philosophy kind of like Moby Dick. It's a literature. It's like this daunting, voluminous, incredibly worthy toma okay, like, but it's there's nothing in it that's wasted or there's nothing in it. There's not there's nothing

in it that's that's superfluous. There's Hobbs is uh. Hobbs is fascinating because on the one hand, you know, like I think of I think of I think Carl Schmid's relationship to Hobbes is being kind of like Marx's relationship

to Hegel. You know, Schmidt very much repudiated hobbs ontology and kind of is uh, you know, kind of kind of what he positive about man and like anthropological terms, but Hobbs' description of authority in man's relationship to authority and uh, the essentially theological characteristics they're in were and are tremendously insightful, and the uh for better even if

we're that not true. You know, again, every everything subsequent in uh, you know, the Enlightenment tradition, if you accept that sort of conceptual timeline, and you know, even things that repudiated the kind of modernist perspective and and and you know, on on the political side of things, I mean like derives from Hobbes as well. So I'd say that I'd say that, uh, Levia then should probably be

number two. I Uh, Machiavelli is the Prince. If you take like, at least traditionally, if you went to a liberal arts college and you took like political theory, that's one of the first books they to sign you. It's not that there's such great insight in it. I think it, you know, I think it captures it just sort of a snapshot of the European political mind. But it did represent that kind of It was the first book of

its kind that was widely circulated among literate classes. Okay, And obviously, like my list is going to be like heavy on political theory, such that some people might object, like you know, going to their own sort of conceptual prejudices. Number four, I'd say probably, uh, Hegel, a study of history. If Hegel is kind of like Marks nobody, I mean, aside from the fact that there's there's a kind of there's a perverse feared of in literal like association between

the two thinkers. But Hegel's is cited constant lead, but almost nobody actually reads Hegel. Reading Hegel kind of like reading your Ristotle is is I think a lifelong endeavor, you know, and you you'll return to the same texts again and again for clarity and because uh, as one's own sort of understanding comes into high relief. Proverbially speaking, you know, you'll you'll, you'll come to understand more and more, you know, what is under discussion and what's a fundamental

concern and he Gaelian thought. But if you're any if you're any kind of if you're any kind of political theorist, you know, Hegel is a kind of like your metaphor your starting point for like metaphysics, as metaphysics is such that it it dovetai inextricably with the political you know, and there's more than a kind of narrow overlap there. My uh I uh, I don't know. You I'd say I'd say, for five or six you should read the

Federalist papers. Not because there's like incredible wisdom there, Like there's really not an other than Hamilton and j Like I don't get a lot out of the Federalist papers and stubs in in terms, but if you want to understand kind of like the confused like pastiche of what supposedly, you know, was the underlying rationale for the American Revolution was really wasn't a revolution in any any meaningful sense.

You know, it's I it got branded as such on one of these kinds of romantic instincts of people like uh Jefferson, who uh, you know, had had kind of an absurd and distasteful reverence for Jacobinism. But if you want to understand, even to this day, although it's like faded because you know, there's not there's not any like substant discourse in America about anything of of of real importance, but you do you do still see, at least in the federal courts occasionally you do still see like reasoning

directly lifted from the Federalist papers. You know. The degree to which is you know, the degree to which that's cosmetic versus substantive, I mean, is arguable, but I think at least a once over and even this this goes from people who are like you know, in Europe as well too, because obviously this this the occupation regime that they're unfortunately availed to is uh is the American regime.

You know, I'd say that, and you can find I mean, you could probably downloak like a PDA for the Federal's papers, like after like a two minute freaking Google search. You know, I'd getting into the more esoteric I'd say, uh, Mercia Eliotti The Sacred and the Profane. I I think it's

a very important book. It's I I really, I really get a lot of the stuff like Rene Gillon too, but I that's that's I wouldn't I wouldn't say that that's essential uh reading for most people unless they're deeply intrigued by comparative theology as well as you know, what I think of is kind of deep politics, you know, the kind of the kind of conjunction of a of

anthropological and cultural phenomenon with the political. But the segment in the Profane it very much bears on the twentieth century, and uh, I think, uh it's a it's a splendid rebuttal to this kind of preference for for secularism that you find among a that you find among the postmodern right. At least that's one of the reasons I initially gravitated towards Mercia Eliotti. He's written a bunch of other He wrote a bunch of other stuff too, Like he wrote

a book called Shamanism that was great. He wrote a book on called the Myth of Eternal Recurrence, which is great but not But again, those kinds of things were only obliquely related to the topic of hand i'd uh, Carl SCHMIDTZ, No, Most of the Earth is essential reading if you want to understand the world system post Westphailure.

The book I'm writing now about international jurisprudence since World War Two, I consider it I intended to be a compliment piece or a successor to know Most of the Earth. It's an arguable that the world system is is fundamentally uh grounded in in juristic reasoning. And that's why the sea of sovereignty invests in the judiciary now and not not in any not not in the executive branch of government.

And it's it's that way like on a planetary scale, Okay, I mean there's the every every government on this planet is structured basically the same, you know, Like that's one of the reasons, as we talked about its ridiculous people talk about democracy versus not democracy, as if this is still the Cold War. And yeah, obviously there's systems where you know, the executive branch wields more power than others

actually or or or symbolically. But the rationale of of of government activity in war and peace terms is is inextricably it derives from juristic reasoning, and that's that's inescapable and for no other reason, that's why one should read

numblest of the Earth. It's voluminous, it's about five or six hundred pages, but it's I mean, it's a dense read, but it's actually highly readable, and it's better than any It puts post war political order in context better than any other kind of single value a lot of people. What pops up again and again, like the Karl Schmidt text that pops up on most people's lists is the concept of the political and there's nothing wrong with that.

That's actually I believe the concept political was a lecture like a two or three lecture series that was transcribed and uh, it's it's not I mean, it's yeah, it's important, okay, because that's like the political, that's the ontology that underlies like the Schmidtian perspective. But it's not. It's a very it's a very incomplete understanding. If you're just gonna read like one one Karl Schmidt text and I, like I said, I think is plus know most of the Earth was

is like post war kind of like magnum opus. You know, it puts it puts the experience the first d half of the twentieth century in perspective it and as a as a follow up to that or as a compliment to that, I I'd suggest anybody who insists in themselves right wing read Imperium by Francis Yaqui. I don't consider Imperium to be as esoteric as some people do. Maybe that's because of my background in terms of what I always kind of gravitated too instinctively as regards like theoretical

texts and things like that. But for those that aren't as familiar with sort of the source material that Yacky's relying on, there's a book called Profit of Decline by a guy named John Ferrenkopf. He's an independent scholar who for a long time was based here in Chicago. This book, Profited Decline is both like an intellectual biography of Oswald Spangler as well as kind of kind of a like an abridged explanation of of his whole body at work and core concepts. You know, I it's uh, that's frankly,

it's not in the cards. I think for a lot of people to read, uh, the two volumes or three volumes of the Decline of the West in its original form, and then you know kind of kind of pour over that and imperium like some kind of scholastic and then try and decipher you know, the context. I'd uh, i'd I'd say George Sorell is ah essential reading. I can't remember if we're on number six, number seven, Sorel's Reflections

on Violence. I think pretty much everything Cerell wrote is worth reading, but Reflections Reflections on Violence is uh is highly significant to the twenty revolutionary paradigm as and as well as uh, there's if there's some additions that have kind of a there's this essay on Sorell. Uh wrote a great essay on why and why Socrates desire to be executed? And uh, that's a peculiar significance to the radic will write like it, like it all in all times.

And it also it distinguishes the partisan from the radical. And you know that's there's there's all kinds of like remarkable stuff. There some people who I think probably haven't actually read Cerel or they or they've read write in but don't fully understand the context like they seem they seem to like look at Cerell as some like heterodox socialists. Or I mean, and he was that too, but that's

not really the key takeaway. He's not just Werner Sombart but with uh, but but with a kind of anthropological streak interspersed there in he's one of the he's one of the most I say, I put him in a part with with with Lenin in terms of his understanding of a practice in uh, within a revolutionary paradigm. I'd uh this is probably gonna strike some people as peculiar, but i'd uh i'd include Men among the Ruins. But Julius Evil, Uh, that's a remarkable book, and I think

a lot of Evel's other stuff. It's probably not a waste of time to read it, but it's totally different than Men among the Ruins, and specifically the addition that was put out by Inner Traditions Publishing House, which is Michael moynihan's outfit, or it was because that one contains a lot of stuff that was later redacted by from

whatever reason, by like various publishers. But Men among the Ruins, it's it's it's it's lacking in evil is uh kind of like symbolic his musings that symbolic psychology and metaphysics and things and oh of that. It's very much diagnostic in character. And uh, it's about the best description of the European political situation in the later Cold War that have come across and it uh, it's it's very very accessible so long as somebody has a rudimentary understanding of

of the Great War in World War Two. It's a remarkable book. I'd uh. The King James version of the Bible is essential reading, even if you're not a Protestant, even if you're not religious. It's a arguably the most significant text written in the English language, and if you

want to do like the Anglophone kind of inner world. Conceptually, it derives from uh, it derives from Aristotle, it derives from stuff like our theory in a legend, and it derives from the King James Bible, which is kind of a which which is kind of a conceptual reality into itself. I can't explain it anything better than that. And it's it's very different than every other translation, which uh, you know, people people argue about the soundness of it theologically, that's

not important. I mean it is important, okay, but like for purposes, I'm talking about.

But if Hitler himself, it's John Toland, okay, and his biography is just that it's the life of Adolf Hitler, and Tootland is the only story you know Hitler's family was willing to speak to. Like It's fate kind of conspired to assign Toll into that role, as is often the case with historical writers. As I age, I realize more and more that that's true, and it's not some sort of self uh created mythology that you know, historical authors have have kind of crafted about their their endeavors.

Off the top of my head, that's some That's about the best list I can come I can come up with.

a perfect example of that. It's it's it's it's a great it's outstanding philosophical discussion of you know, historical time. I'd say, uh that that that's that's the top, that's at the top of my list. Like read the Dune books and read them in order. The book Dead City by Shane Stevens, that's uh, that's the best. Uh, that's the best gangster like book ever written. Like it's a it's a rough book, it's very brutal, but that's that's that's what the street was like in uh the early seventies.

And Shane Stevens was a guy who you can tell from his he's of his writing that this was like stuff that he witnessed and these are like people that he knew, you know, like it's some it's it's like like I mentioned to people that, uh, the best gangster movies of all time, my opinion, are Carlito's Way and mean streets and dead cities like in that vein, you know, like it's it's it's a it's kind of like the anti Hollywood gangster novel. It's somewhat hard to find these days.

There's a lot of overpriced paperbacks, but I can probably I can probably find a PDF or like a really priced paperback if if if people hit me up because they can't because they can't find it, i'd uh Wuthering

Heights definitely belongs on that list I mentioned before. Like people probably think that sounds like fruity or something, and I mean whatever, like I don't, I don't, I don't care if people think that that's that's the best uh literary treatment of the tragedy and character of romantic love in uh the English language. And and there's something uh it deals it deals with with like what properly is like supernatural. I don't mean like ghosts and goblins and stuff.

I mean, the you know, there is uh there, there is there, there is something mysterious about arrows. And I think it's the best. Uh. I think it's the best best treatment of that. There's go ahead.

think it's a lot better. Frankly, like Highland wrote some fascinating stuff and uh, but he was kind of like a pure he Uh he got very strange later in life, Highlight did. And I mean that's fine. Like some of his some of us weirder, wilder ship like the Number

of the Beast. I actually got a kick out of but his Starship Troopers is uh is very much UH as very much military science like harden Man's military science, and like a fanciful setting to you know, facilitate, you know, kind of like discussion they're in armor is very is very much is a much more complete book, I think on a on a similar subject, you know, and and kind of like the the dehumanizing aspects of uh of

a you know of of hyper advanced warfare. But i uh, for for reference, the uh stigly died uh rather young. His only other novel was A Vampires, which is what carbon John Carverenter based his movie Vampires on, which is not a terrible adaptation with the book is way better and uh basically in the novel, like vampires are a real thing, but they're like vampism is like a is like as like a disease organism. And these these guys who are basically like Blackwater. They get retained by the Vatican.

They kill vampires when it's infestations are discovered, which is obviously like a very kind of tough and disgusting job, and like that's it's basically like about like just kind of these guys' lives for like these PMCs de Stroy Empires. It's really fucking cool and they get into some of that like in the in the film, but it's it's uh but that and uh though that Had and Armor were like Stak's only two novels.

of deal. Like I actually think the uh Theklau the klaus Kinski version of nos Feratu, which was released in seventy nine. I mean Ernard hertsaw I directed it, but klaus Kinski plays count Orlock, which is appropriate because laus Kinski probably is like a vampire. But like, uh, that's probably my favorite vampire movie. And speaking of John Carboner, the John Carbenter TV movie of Salem's Lots is actually

pretty dope. And when I was a little kid, like a little little kid, they'd always show it on TV, and I found it really scary, and then like, uh, as an adult, like it's it actually holds up. It's it's pretty cool.

I mean he mostly focused on like the sociological and cultural aspects, you know, like the human side, but striver he began insisting that he was having contacts with alien beings, you know, and then like communion. You know that he wrote that book that they made into a movie Fits for Walking. He really like went off the rails. But I believe he wrote the book that the Hunger that

they have to do the Hunger very much. It's where the aesthetic of it is like Super nineteen eighty one and like that, just like the very very early nineties were kind of like neither the eighties nor like the proper nineties, like the very very early eighties or kind of a weird time. You know. It was like uh, it was it was like not quite post punk, not quite new wave like styles were weird, you know.

that's that's another thing. The reason that Epoch was cool is because you'd see just like random stuff like that, like.

It just becomes obvious, like that's what they are. But they're like these but they're like these they're like these outlaw like grimy white people. They're like these pecker would you like live like addicts? You know?

you're a junkie. And it's like even if they don't like they you know, the empires don't get what they need, they get dope sick and like it's and he uh like at first, uh, at first the kid finds like the entire process discussed thing. But they're just like look like you'll you like get used to it. You know, you you end up being able to do things you know,

startself capable of. Like that's that's very much because like being a vampire actually is disgusting and it sucks, you know, like that and that's like it's and that you know. That's why I uh, I've always found that to be

an apparable metaphor. And like if you're an addict, you truly like do like live at night, you know, and like, uh, you're you're almost like afraid of daytime, not just because you know, because like you know, you'll be sick in the morning and like that's when the police are around, and that's you know, when you've got to you know, you've got to like be aware of people finding out what you are and coming down on you and ships like that. And that's why I, I mean, I've always

like near Dark. I like it even before understood that implication and the Catherine Bigelow who was and she's a real fucking dying piece back in the day, but she she's an interesting filmmaker man, and she's uh, she's a rare uh like female female uh directors who have really good directing shops, Like they're rare. I mean, it's just

like a fact. I'm not saying that's like come down in females or something, but they but those that do are good at their prey after, like, very very good at it, like Lenny Riefenstall comes to ninth too obviously.

But I mean Trader kind of lost his way for a minute, Like I think, I think American Jigglo is like a shitty movie, you know, like I know, and that's one of the ones that kind of put him on the map with like mainstream movie goers. You know that that's and that's the movie also like made like Richard Gear but like I I uh but I mean I I I like his I like hardcore, I like the Yakuza. Like those are like my favorite Paul Schrader movies.

And I think, uh and then later in life, uh like Auto Focus, you know, which is the Bob Crane topic, which is really kind of disturbing. Like that's a great film.

somebody watched Kid People. It was on my mind, what I'm getting. I can't remember if somebody reviewed it like in our circles a year or two ago, and so it was I got on my mind again and I think ace I asked me if I liked it or not, and I'm like, no, I thought it sucked, but I'll try watching it again, you know. And then I tried it. I gave another chance. I'm just like, I don't this is just this is just a shitty movie, man.

any sense. I mean that might not have been Trader's fault, but again, what kind of what kind of grabbed me about is that it's just not it's just like not optically like a good movie.

sort of like uh, spiritual counterpart or something. But it's the suspense kind of gets blown like halfway through the movie, like when it like because because the kid finally is able to convince like the police that like this guy actually is after him, and like like the like the movie the first time of the movie is like dope because it's like it's like this like Hitchcock type nightmare, like the kid is he can't convince anybody this insanity's

actually really happening. But then like it, but but then the movie kind of like shoots its load and and then it just becomes uh you know, like like almost like a slasher movie. And see Thomas Howells.

it's cool. But it's like it's done right, like it's uh and it's like it's kind of like the anti Streets of Fire, which which I hate. Uh. I'll never forget Walter Hill for making that piece of ship right. He like he's goofy and like the whole the whole, the whole movies is awful and cringe. But the Loveless, uh.

I'm sick of being rich and famous. I'm gonna go like work as a Walmart because like it'll be awesome. Like uh, it's like, let's feel like a torture tortured artist. Yeah, unless you got like five star heat, like you don't fucking fake your own death, you know, Like that's that's fucking retarded.

Blind Fury. Yeah, and then yeah, I'd have to I'd have to think about I actually like a guilty pleasure of mine is Split Seconds, which seeking a movie is

don't any sense? Like Rutger Howard, he's a he's like this mercenary, Like he's like this p MC type in London and in London the future it's like flooded and there's like this there's like this serial killer like alien that's like ripping people's hearts out, and it's not clear if it's like like the movie doesn't make any sense, but uh, it's got it's you know, it's got like that. Uh it's got like that Predator to kind of aesthetic where there's like just like tons of guns and just

like insanity like my my rout Grower guilty Pledgers. Split second.

I find that very very cool man. Like, uh, you know, he came out when I was in high school or like just out of high school. I think it was released in ninety four on HBO, And like I'd read the book when it came out, and.

why I like my workflow has been fubar. But you can always find the kind of like one to stop spot for my work product and my content is Thomas seven seven seven dot com is number seven h O A S seven seven seven dot com. You can find me on X capital R E A L underscore number seven h m A S seven seven seven and of course substicks where the pot is and where my longer form stuff is. And I'm gonna drop some I'm gonna drop uh some stuff on there this week. People will

be intrigued by you. It's a real Thomas seven seven seven substanct dot com. I am gonna populate my YouTube channel with some video content. Well, like I said, man, I've been this this winner has like been fucking really hard, but I I am on the man. I'm gonna start shooting in earnest in the next couple of weeks video content.

that's not what happens. I'm like no, no, no, no, no no no. Like in Chicago, which unfortunately is like ground zero for for for like DNC support, it just is okay, you get bodies in the street when something like this happens. And like missus Clinton, who was like a dud of a candidate, including here, Like I mean she had like a fucking presence on the ground, okay, Like, uh, that's so like when the DNC is literally being held here, Like people telling me like, oh that doesn't mean anything

that missus Harris's people run on the ground. That's fucking retarded. Okay, that's not how it works. And secondly, it's like everybody else was there. You had these like goofy like commedies, like guys who actually claim to be communists. I mean, it's something that goes on here. You had a bunch

of like Zionists, like like Jew counter protesters there. You know, you had uh, you had these kind of crazy like social justice types who weren't really I mean they seem kind of like this kind of stuff they were saying and like the kind of lit they were handing out, like it didn't really make any sense. It was like, you know, we're like LGBTQ people who like opposed is really genocide. I'm like, man, I'm like Palestinians hate you fucking people, you know, like they It's like you're not.

It's like if you you know, it's like I'm not gonna like tell you not to if you want to, like if you want to be down on Israel and critique the sort of structure that sustains it, but it's like you don't. It's like they thing that like Palestine is like full of like black people and these rails are like mean cops or something. It's they don't really understand.

But as Tom will tell you, and like if they were here, like the other guys and girls who were with us, I saw all of like two hair supporters, Like one time I was walking to McDonald's cause they needed like across the streets Union Park I needed to take a week and I needed a bottle of water. I got to be crude, but that's what it was. There was like this obviously like lesbian couple, and they tried to hand me like a Harris flyer and I'm like, nah,

I'm good. And then, uh, when we were coming out of the Billy Go Tevern where we went to kind of cool off adjacent Union Park, this like black lady who looked all like really down and out and like a wheelchair, she just like handed us like a flyer. And I didn't even look at it until like a minute later. It was like, my hair is fucking That was literally the only presence like Harris's people out on

the ground. I'm not I'm not making that up. If they were like mob deep, I would say that, yeah, that's what's Han talk and give his kind of impressions. He's the one who's talking that video and footage.

I had bought. Coincidentally, I had bought some extra filmmaking equipment, you know, like a tripod, like a selfie stick that acts as a sort of like steady cam, a microphone, and a few other things, and I was like, oh, well, while I'm down there, I can help you take footage and pictures and things like that.

I'm sure there'll be people who are just there to you know, watch the world burn essentially. So it was prepped for action. But as I got down there there, there really wasn't much going on there. Are people there. As Thomas said, there's a big march. The first day

we were there and we watched the march past. I think they had marched from the Union Center, but as soon as they got into the park they started doing all these speeches on the Philippines and you know, queer rights and all these other things that just didn't make any sense. There were tons of different groups there. Everybody's message muddled. And one of the guys we were with, friend of ours, him and I if she walked around

the Union Center. We were just looking for this place to meet up with a few people, and that place was locked down. That they were like concrete jersey barriers their fences. There were all these I took. I took a quite funny picture that said d n C enter here, and then right next to it it says do not enter. But even all the DNC participants we passed, I threw up the hanging loose signed to everybody that passed, just to see what they do. I think I got like

two returns. One of our friend tried to high five a bunch of them. I think he got like one high five back. Even when you were kind of screwing around, just you know, saying kind of wacky stuff just to get a response, and everybody there wasn't even any anger. There was nothing. They just kind of it was just like.

one dude. Like people don't even talk shit to us when we were like flying like swastikas and shit, like it's you know, like there was some there was like some languid fucking get out of here, fuck you your nasties, but like nobody like nobody was doing anything, you know what I mean. There was Yeah, there was like there was a Palestinian guys or like Masm guys who were like in BDUs with like Hezebla like badges who are like kind of meant mugging people and like look pretty serious.

But I mean they were basically there because it's there's like this prayer vigil like females, and I mean like they were there basically you just to like be seen and like keep people off of like their people. But like there was no I I was getting a hit with like all these messages on you know, like social media and stuff like oh you're gonna get all you're ass kicked. I'm like, dude, I look at chicag. I'm not afraid of like fucking in TIFA. Like that's not

like this scary thing to us. When his motherfuckers showed up too, Like when BLM showed up, like people fucking literally like through shots at them, you know, like like because because it's like you're not gonna invader a hood. You know, like that's not happening.

knows where it went. Like this isn't like a real organization, and like one of them ladies that they put out fraud is like the director of BLM, just some my career NGO person who's like like, there's nothing organic about this at all, And there's nothing organic about Antifa. Like those guys who those guys who who were in the house dropped, like one of them was some dude on

bond for like molesting kids. Like the other guy he was something like a homeless dude, and the last like the last real like record of doing anything he got picked up or like beating his wife or something. It was like it's like homeless dudes, and like Kiddy Touchers, they're just like showing up in Kenosha, like get the fuck out of.

and Kenvick Donald's like who are these guys? These guys are just like independently wealthy guys who can fly all over the country without going to work, and like they they just like to dress up in Nazi uniforms, like that's their thing. Are they all millionaires? You know? It's like yeah, it's like where are these guys coming from? Just like random guys or just like going to Kenosha, Like why would you go to Kenosha? Like you know, like that makes no sense.

I think that the check with purple hair who just had like the you know signs with all the racial slurs on them. Uh. The dude he dressed up like a Stalfo, the anime character with the nosbole flag, like all those kind of guys. They actually met up with those guys and on the last day we were there, they had kind of as a protester gathering, like a bunch of us, myself included. Uh, I just started like going to the middle of the protests, like, you know,

just saying wild stuff. I think even like I think Thomas posted one of the videos, like the dude dressed up like the anime character is like yeah, Kamala Harris, I want you to molest me, and just kind of wild stuff. But like nobody even tried to attack us

or stop us at all. Like when we started doing that, what happened is everybody bought their cameras out and they started recording, and then then they didn't even try to and then to try to stop us, put her hands of us, and they didn't even shout us down.

the first Ti'm I gonna make the fella. And I can't really vote nationally, you know, like I voute local way to keep like, you know, because there's a lot of machine type judges who've got to be kept off the bench. But it's it's like I was like speaking Chinese or something. You know, It's like what do you want me to say? Like go through up like you know, I love gd bits like missus Harris was a Marxist, Like what what did she think I was gonna say?

gave us this kind of boilerplate Trotzky and stuff. But like the last day we were there, there was like a couple of people who came out who were like, it's like America first, there's the American Nationalists and they were just like, yeah, we don't support Palestine or Israel, and we're here for American patriotism and.

Then he had like a bunch of shit that like didn't make sense, like I think he had like jump wings on, which made sense. Then he had like he had like the fourth recon like fucking like Scooba mask or something, and then like a bunch of other ship and uh, I'm like I don't know, but he was like he was like Tawnic a bunch of the people and like the crowd they gathered around him and the like when they started like moving in, I'm like, Okay,

that guy's gonna get fucking stopped. He doesn't fucking stop saying that dumb ship. But it was it was weird. Yeah. Yeah, those guys just like Someddy show up like we live America. It's like you're a fucking idiot. But yeah, it was uh and it was like in Congress, it's like what do you Yeah, it's not even like there was some big mob, but like like Palestinians like marching and they're like fuck you, we love America. Just got to know these guys suddenly like show up and uh it's like

the you know, it's like who exactly were dressing here? Man? It's like you, I mean, it's not exactly receptive. Uh a receptive mob that was on. Like the whole thing was like weird. Man. It was like it was just like weird, you know, like what it wasn't what I thought it would either be. I thought that it would either be like d NC people and these uh like bee on An Antifa types got busted in like mod Deep,

or I thought there'd be like nobody there. Like what there was was like I didn't expect it and it was really weird.

RNC one was. The Yeah, you would have had people outside who couldn't get in because you know, they're not invited, but they would be there to support Trump or there would be protesters there.

and Sundays, and you gotta do it for years. Some of this harror is basically being this like people like, oh, but she was a senator. There they're there, there's there's fifty fucking senators. Okay, like you've got to. You've got to. You've got a campaign like coast to coast and barnstorm. You should have been doing this for two years. Okay.

First of all, it's not possible. You can be invisible, an invisible vice president like she was, and then replace the actual nominee months in and then suddenly be like pulling you know, uh, like over fifty percent. And today it's that like back Trump in twenty sixteen, Like that

doesn't happen. That's not possible. You know now branded I mean the point before my Twitter got exploded and nine's sixty, Kennedy was drawing these like mass crowds, Like the dude was like Mick Jagger, like like not to be crude. Like women would literally get like excited and like a porniye over him. You know, people like like girls to

be streaming. You'd have like all these like everybody from like old people to like these like tough Irish guys to like little kids were like, yeah, we love Kennedy, and like Nixon had show up somewhere and they'd be basically like nobody there, Sonny. The Kennedy's campaign is like this, this guy shit Nixon isn't nobody, like, don't even worry about it. But then come like election day, it's like a dead heat, okay, and that's why people an advanced

like Kennedy fixed Chicago, which he probably did. But my point is that it's like, okay, fine, you can't always tell by like bodies in the street, but I'm telling you and missus Harris is like this like super candidate without campaigning is like drawing like all this fucking support and like black people think she's just great. You would have had a lot of fucking people on the ground in Chicago. If nowhere else, you would have had a lot of people on the ground here, I guarantee you.

When he was at the RNC, the you know, you got some of the I guess like lunar religious, more fringe people there, and the Republicans are going up to them and talking to them and being friendly with them, and then the the DNC to Democratic Party, all those people hate their own guys.

is Harri's answer for this, you know, it'say. It was, it was like totally like weird. And he's like a dude who's been like like Tom just said, you know, he's a dude who's been around these types of people a lot. You know, he was at the RNC like he he's used to being around like Capitol Hill people.

You know, it's like they these people apparently, these people apparently in the United Center, like I said, they were just they were giving these kind of like canned answers that there's kind of like no margin for I don't even know, like conversation or something. But he said it was very strange.

a little bit goofy. But but like as I had mentioned earlier, those big protests in Portland and California and everything else, the kind of the main counter for us that was there were they you know, they weren't hard and fast nationalists or or all writers or anything like that. Though they were like conservative type dudes and kind of you know whatever you think about like the Proud Boys or something like that.

They're kind of like whatever. Like you're more likely to actually find like a hardline like kind of like pro

white guys here than you would like Republicans. It's like this don't really exist here, Like and I try to explain that to people, like you're more you're like walking like a bar or something in like a white hood and uh, you say on the bar and like I started telling any more jokes, like guys would probably laugh and that be okay with that, but like they would they're not guys who like are into the Republican Party or like anything like that. It's like a weird culture.

That's part of it. Part why it didn't see like pro Trump stuff. It was a stick and speaking with absence of any like hair stuff even like uh, but they were like totally foo bar like, like I shouted out on social media, like they delegates having to wait like two and three hours to get into the United Center. It's like, what the fuck's wrong with you? This is this is a this venue is like it's literally a

venue made for this sort of thing. You know, you can't you're not organized enough to like get people do security in short of than like three hours, like you know. And then they apparently much a media people were mad because you know, they divided it between McCormick Place and

the United Center. But that actually I guaranee they did that for like security purposes and to prevent like mob to beat like protesters, But that also meant that like nobody knew like where the people were they wanted to talk to, and like a bunch of people got like fucked up informations. They like went to McCormick Place United Center when they were supposed to be the other place, like the whole thing seemed like a big It seemed

like amateur hour, you know, like our buddies said. He's like this is pretty damning, and I'm like, yeah, I think so. You know, like if if I guarantee you if there was like some Trump rally or they rn T Milwaukee and it was like you had to wait three hours, like they'd be like oh in the media like look at these fucking idiots, and they'd be right frankly. But that's another point, man. I mean, like I said,

you're like say whatever they want. You know, basically the entire country is like is like red territory in terms of the political map, you know, and like Trump does these like rallies all the time. You might think those rallies are stupid or like hokey, but the point is if you want to see Donald Trump, you can see him like basically anywhere in the country. Like how to fuck even like go see missus Harris. I guess you like wait, wait for three hours outside of the United

Center and you can. But like that's it. I mean, it's like you can't, you know, I you can't like telling me that like some court to some kind of campaign is being made out of this of a legitimate sort. You know, you've got to really hustle to get people to go to the polls. You know, there's all this kind of evidence there aren't elections anymore, you know, because like they they don't care because why would they, because

we're not gonna hold an election. So you know, all that matters, is all that matters, this perception of maybe like you know, a third in the country who's like actually like you know, capable and engage enough to to do something. You know, if if they decide they're they're not gonna they're not gonna, you know, recognize the sovereignty

of the state anymore. You know. It's like but if all you gotta do basically is like sell, it is like good enough, like you know, and plan some kind of doubt in people's minds, like you know, maybe missus Harris carried this election. That's what they did to California. Man, that's what I was shouting out. You didn't California didn't like one day go from being like the Republican heartland to like, oh now it's now it's a permanently saved

blue state because of Mexicans. That's not how things work. You know, it's just not that's ridiculous.

There's no policy there. We I was talking to a friend of mine today and he was saying how he one of his like like he has a cousin's who's a lesbian and her lesbian or like, oh, we're voting for Kamala And he's like, well, why what does she stand for that you're voting? You know what policies?

He's like nope, I'm not doing it. So who they got? Yea, who they got?

gorbache off in there. It's it's like some things are with the appear man and I guarantee you I guarantee you man. Like the guys like the like the money guys who like fund all this ship, they were beside themselves that like they could not get somebody other than Missus Harris to fucking take up the slag. Okay, like it doesn't matter because they're gonna fix it anyway, but they're like, I guarantee that, like looking at this ship, like this is fucking ridiculous, you know, like, yeah, it's

a it's a problem. You know.

of get for Joe Biden. And I heard people talk about this both, you know, in the media and and in real life. It's that Joe Biden kind of represents return to normalcy, as stupid as that is. But uh, you know what, what if Kamala Harris doesn't represent anything and Tim Waltz doesn't represent anything. I looked into him a little bit, just like you.

the Trump. He's like it's like surrogate dead. So Til says that Trump, You're gonna take this guy as your fucking running mate. You know, That's that's just how it is. So I mean, Trump had no choice, Okay, Kamala's people did have a choice, but they're so goofy. They think that like Walls is like some guy, like yeah, see, like white people like him because he's a white guy. Like they don't get that, like there's real problems here

and like Minnesota weird. They were weird political culture, man, And like even if even if Walls had like more charisma and wasn't just like this kind of cringe, you know, like old guy. You know, it's not the stuff that indexes with them is not gonna index like the rest of the country, you know, So it's like they don't. That's kind of like they're desperate attempt to be like no, see this is actually a normal ticket. But yeah, you're

absolutely right. They don't want to draw attention to him as its Harris, And like the entirety of like the campaign, it's just like whether I want to or not, I get it, Like this fucking uh cricket wireless. I love it because it's like so cheap. But like I get these like aggregate news alerts on my phone whether I want them or not, Like I don't I see an MSNBC's like not a single thing about this is who Kamala Harris is this is like a bagwards like Donald

Trump said this, Donald Trump heats better. Donald Trump is doing this like you never get any kind of cap about like oh, Kamala Harris like work for the blind kids, or she's like really smart, her husband's like a great guy. It's like nothing, nothing, you know, it's not it's not a campaign like even in even it kind of like the lame like post COVID suns or post lockdown sense.

they're they're inherently too white, they're inherently too conservative just by the fact that they're not out and out freaks. You could run a Kamala Harris or Tim Walls because they really don't believe anything. You can kind of paint over them whenever you want. Exactly if you're feel like a homosexual or a you know, some urbanite woman that loves abortion, you'd Kamala Harris as your candidate because you can just project that onto her.

basically like the supply sires. Well when supply side or stuff became like the norm you know under Reagan and like a Cold War ended, like Republicans don't have anything like at all. They just don't have a platform, I think at that point, because like people insist it like I'm just like misreading this, and there actually is like a mainstream right. I mean there's not the it's not like a mainstream left either. You know, It's like you got like they're, uh, you know, they've got they've got

like what was like the counter majoritarian grievance ideology. But you need like more than that, you know, like you need like the Democrats actually like they you need like an industrial like laboring class to like have a labor party. Like that's why Ridiculo is like the British Colored Party like labor, Like why why is it labor like that? Because what said is having like the monarchist party, you know, so your Democrats as like the American like Party of Labor.

It's like, well, like what are you guys? You know, like, oh, we're we're the party of of like oppressed black people and LGBTQ. Okay, fine, you can't build a mandate out of that. You're talking about like fifteen percent of the national population, you know what I mean? Like what that that doesn't work.

unions in this country. And labor unions used to be huge in the in the elections, and it's it really seems now without that labor I mean, and that was for decades and decades it was about labor uni instead appealing to labor unions, and now it seems like when you you have to replace that with something like the woke, or you have to replace it with some kind of some kind of ideology that takes its place where the people you can gather people too and organize people too,

and nothing is going to work as well as organized labor would.

news story. You know, like the US Navy has like a stabbering like fourteen aircraft carriers and they were like on the they ran MSNBC and ran the story that went like semi viral among like mainstream like Republican goofballs, but like, oh, the Navy can't meet its recruiting goals to like staff like all of its uh you know, all of its ships. And it's like why do these ships exist? Like you're gonna you're gonna fight the imaginary

Soviet Union. You're gonna have you're gonna fight some like imaginary surface warfare engagement against the Chinese navy that doesn't actually exist. You know. It's like people like, oh, don't don't don't you support the military. I'm like to do what, you know, like this idea that like you need, like this idea that you need like a million people in uniform. You know, you need like aircraft carriers in every ocean.

That's that's not normal, Like that's you know, like the forty four years in the Cold War, Like yeah, you need like a force structure that emphasises readiness and depth. This idea that that's just something you need always Like that's that's bizarre, you know, and like uh yeah, and I mean this is one example. But like the idea that the government has structured just like must keep existing. You know, it's like one of these I mean, Federal Law enforcem had nothing to do after the Cold War.

You know, the FBI's main job. It's not to like it's not to shake down like Italian guys, like pushing heroin in some like shithole like Brooklyn Italian ghetto. Like his job is kept a counterintelligence and to suss out the KGB Jerior's presence in the United States. It's that's like arrest guys for like shaking down tramp houses and like terrorized outfit guys. But I mean that's what it does now, I mean, like that's you know, like why yeah you really like yeah, go ahead, well, and like.

nobody's buying with the United States, is selling anymore. And you don't have the Soviet Union to point out and say, look, you can you can side with us, you can side with them. Plenty of people and the bricks and everyone else has proved this. Plenty of people view the Russians into Chinese as a much better option, and then they're correct to you.

out of the air. Or even if you're a bum, okay, like Russia and China, they actually like bad as some things might be there. Those people live better than like ninety percent of this planet. So if you're some guy in Africa or some guy in Venezuela or some guy, uh you know in like Laos, you look at like China like that's that's like that's like the Emerald City

in oz or something. You look at like Russia like, hey man, Russia is like a world power, Like that's you know, they got technology and they got like all this stuff. You know, like you think that that's like insanely insane fucking wealth and plenty, you know, like it's not people are really really provincial here. They think like everywhere is like Chicago or La or like New York City. It's not at all like that. And and like you're

the majority of this planet. I think, what's what's the statistic like something like I think like six hundred million people like live on like three dollars a day, and there's like a billion people that live on like a dollar fifty a day. And that's like normal, I think about that. So yeah, this idea that like this idea that like, oh, it's crazy to think that you know, these people in in in the underdeveloped world, they're kind of the permanently well used to be called the third world.

That they'd be like, oh, they they'd never want anything to do with China rush. It's like what are you talking about? And like a Chinese or like a Muscovite like garment guy shows up in Africa. That that guy, that guy's like a baller, you know, like p there's the pet. The natives there look at that guy. Like this guy is ridiculous. He's got like he's got a brand new like fucking Tesla he's driving around in He's got like endless money, you know, he's got like endless

fucking guns and Ammo. Like it's it's it's like crazy to them, you know, like I don't know wy people can't get their ain't around it.

I'm like to do what, Like are they fighting like the imaginary Viet Cong or like the communists trying to sway them to their side? What are you training these people to do? It's Like, I totally get it if you want only a forward deployment in Afghanistan, especially considering what I think by mid century is going to be like a real kind of hot content between the United States, the Rusian Federation, China. You know, plays like Kazakhstan are

gonna be very significant in this kind of contest. So I get it you want like a ford deployment in Afghanistan, Like why are you training the Afghan National Army? That

makes literally no fucking sense. That's like militarily asamine, you know, like you don't you don't train indigenous forces to fight the communists and the absence of the communists, you know, you just deploy there and you buy off if you have to buy off in order to like make sure things run smoothly, you do things like the British Empire did. The British Empire didn't train indigenous forces against imaginary ops. They said we're gonna be here. It's not like Cartel says.

There's like the Spanish like I don't, I don't know, like adage or something. It's like you can either have like it's like you can have my silver, you can have my steel, you can take my money. Or I'm gonna cut you to pieces if you won't cooperate. Like that's basically how you handle like imperial foreign policy place like Afghanistan. It's like we're gonna be here, We're gonna deploy a relative depth. You can get rich from this or you can't have a problem, you know, like why

why why are we training afgames? What are you training them to do?

That's it? At every Cold warrior was like screaming, you know, screaming about how the Muslims were gonna come here and everything. If what if we don't have fourteen aircraft.

Islamic integration and then like close the southern border. Like you wouldn't build like dozens of aircraft carriers and pretend that you know we're we and and pretend that you know we we need we need like the F twenty two and the Joint Strike fight or otherwise like we're gonna get worked by by some kind of Soviet aircraft that runs it obsolete. Like I like, even if that was true, it's like, okay, so why why you're praying to basically wage like a combined arms conventional war, you know,

with these platforms that haven't been viable in decades. I mean, I also think that go ahead, I'm sorry.

It's so bad now. I'm like, bro, people fucking people hated us man at like thirty years ago, and the only ninety if you're like a white dude is like, yeah, I'm pro white. Like in Chicago, if you, like I said, if you went to a place like Bridgeport of Beverly, yeah, some guys would be like, okay, bro, I am too.

Like on the open street, people have like look at you like you're a fucking scumbag and like you you basically couldn't go to like seventy down of the city because it's like you get stopped out and people would accept it and like it's your fault, Like while you're fucking around with within a non white hood, you're asking for it. Like nobody would talk that way now, you know, like even here, like nobody would talk that way.

how dar you say about Israel? They're like our only friends, you know, like like nobody talks that way now, man, like nobody, and if you do, you're viewed as like some corny weirdo. You know. It's like so I want to accept that, Like things are so bad now when people used to be based like that's not remotely the

way shit is. Like it's it's literally like odds with reality, you know, And like I say, like I I don't plan to be like super worldly, but I'm mean I do spend like half the year traveling around and like I I basically spend my day like walking around a metro area five million people. And I think I know something, man, Like I don't, you know, it's it's it's it's like night and day compared to thirty years ago today, you know. And I'm mean saying too, like people like this like

election fakeries not something new. It goes back to nine nineteen ninety two. Okay, that was probably the last time there was like real, real like presidential election, you know, and like like with people like voting and votes being tallied and that outcome being honored, and you know, like I said, like after that, it was just like horse training as like what party and what what you know, kind of aggregate interest. Get Okay, you get this state, we get that state, you get this, we get that.

You know. I So it's not you can't convince me that like things are terrible now when like they were better like thirty years ago or even twenty years ago. Man, I mean, like even I remember even here, we're like people on the people here like hated Bush forty three, like I think Busch twenty three was like a very bad guy, but I don't know how like Norman's getting like excitedly like angry with them. He was kind of

like a cipher. But even so, I remember, like it's saying like the Iraq war is like really fucked up, and people be like, hey, don't you say that? Man? You know you remember like people spitting on troops coming back from No, you don't criticize this when we're at war, and like what are you talking about? You know, it's like now we can't like say that, like this is fucked up, Like but that's that's the way people were, man. You know, don't you remember knowing the eleven motherfucker like that?

That's kinda still okay, like out and about I mean, not like internet idiots.

Ukraine is the best example. That's a you know, a Zionist American imperialist war that that failed in real time, and you can't even hide it anymore. You can't even say that, uh, you know, you Ukraine's going to win. And they're this like you know, for our guys, is like based white country or kind of for the mainstream that they're this you know, small nation that was unfairly attacked. You can say, you know, all you can say now is that, uh, you know, the the Ukrainians are foolish

and they made the wrong choice. And there there is that other meme that Zelenski joins the Hall of American Allies up in heaven. Did people see right through this stuff?

like Russia is organized basically exactly like America is. It's got like different political values obviously, but there's not there's not like this mass diversity of like forms of government. There's like one form of government and that's it. Okay, Like globalism changed everything. The Cold War was that like the war to decide like what form globalism would take it. So like people talking about like well the left is gonna win, It's like there's not like a left anymore.

There's not like a right anymore, like not in like official them. I mean, that's not the way things work. You know, like you're either like four in the regime or you're against it. Like right wing people are against it, okay, Like Russia is against it, China's against it, Daryl Islam is against it. There's like outliers like Syria that yeah they're part of Daryl Islam, but like they're control group

like like that, like as Christians and Alloyites. But I mean the point is that like if you're like, well, you're a dick because like you hate jd Vance because otherwise the left wing wins. It's like there's not a right and a left wing. It's not like that. I think Trump's important for historical reasons and psychological symbolic ones. But like even Trump, like he's not Trump's not this like ideological guy. He was gonna like you know, and if you don't vote for him, like you know, the

left wing wins and then everything changes. It's this is not the eighties. That's not how it works. And I'm not just I I'm not just like dropping bullshit or like abstract like political theory knowledge and trying to make it trying to beat people over the head with it. I mean, it's it's obvious, that's in practical terms, this

is the way things are organized. So people got to drop this idea that like, you know, this is the West and these are sovereign countries and it's like the right wing traditional party versus like the labor radical party and we've got to stop them from winning votes or that changes the paradigm. That's not at all, that's not really true. That's thirty years that's that's that's thirty five years out of date.

put what you wrote there. And you wrote Moscow's literally at war with Israel. Nobody that I know claims some wonderful government is situated in Moscow. But the idea that it's some franchise branch of the identical regime that is situated in Washington as asinine. People who believe this or not.

In the game, you said, there are descendants of the same guys who claimed breshn F's USSR was Jewish as Moscow was deploying nuclear weapons to the port of Alexandria to fire at Tel Aviv, and you went, you went on and on here, So what is making what would

make people think this? It just doesn't you know. Somebody posted pictures like, oh, there was a picture of Putin with a yamaka on and he was talking to Jewish people, and he passed a law that you're not allowed to, like, you know, beat up Jewish people, because yeah, I mean, that's exactly what you would want, right if you want ordering your country, you just want people running around beating

people up for absolutely no fucking reason. I've had some Pagans come at me about this, saying, look at all these laws that the Roman Republican the Empire had where it was, you know, they were like, you can't do this to Jews, and you can't see that, yeah, because you don't want people running around fucking killing people in the streets, these stupid scumbags. So what's leading to this?

like none of that's that's a different question. This idea that there's some kind of Zionist cadre that runs Russian and executive capacity and that everything it does is some like super complicated ledgerd main Like that's idiotic. I think it's two things. There's people who don't really understand politics,

like they don't. So the fact that like Putin and Labra don't like punched the air every morning and like call for death to Israel, and the fact that you know they maintain at least the appearance of like marginal league good offices that's called in the traditional diplomatic circles. Of Israel. These people are so like literal minded they

can't grasp. But that's just how you do things, you know, like you you maintain an appearance of basic stability, even even among your even even when you're dealing with your enemies, perhaps in particularly when you're dealing with your enemies and in public capacities, like maybe I think there's the review someone warped, like America having a state department that literally goes around insulting people and saying crazy things. That's really

really really weird, and nobody does that. Only America does that. Everybody else they put on a front of a you know kind of like amicable diplomacy, like even when that's you know, not really on the table. Secondly, there's people who don't really understand Jewish power. It's just some kind of like stand in for like the bad guy or something, or like any any government that's all, but it all copies by any you know, by by by any faction or element that's you know, kind of like hostile to

the organic communitarian impulse of that country. Like they're like, oh, they's automatically Jewish, Like I think I think it's those things.

It's also going back I mean, the reason why, the reason why people like Francis Yacki and like Kndye McGinley and like James Hardsung Metal the reason why kind of at the heart of uh or at the at the peak of the the kind of Eisenhower era, they were making a big deal about, you know, the the Doctor's plot, which was obviously like a show trial for the benefit of kind of like the lesser Soviets and non and like and like Nomenclantera, who were like increasingly dissatisfied with

you know, kind of the way things were going. I mean, I there's a real like weariness to the staleism, like at this point, obviously they were signaling without saying it, like look, we're purging the Party of this element, that element being you know, self identified Jews, who you know very much are kind of following their own tendency and well, you know, in within the political fut of the Eastern Bloc.

But I mean people can't subsequently, people would say stuff like Oyaki's a Jewish apologist or he's a quote communist, Like they can't get their mind around the nuances of these things. So I think it's like, oh, that's stuff I mean, I I have guys tell me there's literally a Zionist comedian who's ethnically cleansing Orthodox Christianity from Ukraine. He's waging a suicidal war like war against the Russians.

There's people who tell me, like that guy is based in right wing and the Russians are evil, Like these people like beyond reason. They're really really, really really stupid, and they they're like the people who insist that like the CIA, like kill JFK. It's like this article of faith and like no matter what, they just like can't let it go. It's like they're like committed to it, like some people are committed to their religious faith or something.

I don't I don't know, but you know, and it doesn't you know, if you don't understand, if you don't understand the the enmity between between Russia and and zionis, you don't understand the final phase of the Cold War, and you know, you don't understand basically everything that's happened in parapletical terms, really the last really since nineteen ninety nine.

You know, so you're just like not in the game, you know, I mean, if people want to pretend that like you know, if you want to pretend that, like the Russians aren't at war with Israel because like later proven like later Reef at some Holocaust memorial. I mean, I don't know what to say about that, but I mean those like I said, it's like it's like trying to argue with some like little kid about I mean, I don't even know what, but it's like it's like

a waste of everybody's time. It's just that when that kind of stuff becomes insinuated, occasionally I feel like shooting it down because it's like so like off base. And again there's people who I don't really take a strong interest in what anybody else does, and there's the content unless they're my friends or unless I find it worthwhile. And those are narrow categories, both of them. But NATO and Israel being at war with Russia, like literally at

war with Russia. That's the key development and high politics that people must be watching right now. And the outcome of this conflict cycle is gonna profound applications for the rest of the century and by mid century. Like I'm always saying, i I'm not some kind of augur and

I think strategic forecasting is as a discipline. It's not unlike these guys who claim to be like macro econ gurus, Like most of those guys just don't know what they're talking about, and if they do, they're they're basically shills anyway, because they're not. You got to treat it, like Schumpeter said, basically, you know. And on the economic side. One of the reasons he didn't oppose economic modeling. I mean, he was

a heterodox economist, but he wasn't like Avonnesian. He opposed the economic modeling because he's like, basically, you need to look at like two to three century like increments, and you need to you know, you need to you need to code the data they're in, you know, and then and then you can get like a conceptual picture about like what's happening, like you can't. But but like no,

if you nobody, that doesn't work. And like they in I mean his era, he was talking about this, I kind of the right of the advent that like television, it like that you can't talk about econ policy and like actual ters in the ear of television, all you can talk about is really like the last administration or like the last like fiscal season in terms of budgetary

or on public spending. You know, so trumpeters like, no, just nobody's this is all going to get crowded out by these guys who claim like, oh no, this is this is the I you know, modeling like the last five years of you know, this is why this is what quantity of easing actually isn't you know, like a bad thing or whatever, Like it's it's nonsense. So forgive

me for going on the analogy tangent. But if you want to really, if you want to understand, like the post Cold War conflict cycle, which I said it kicked off really in earnest in nineteen ninety nine, that's only going to be fully realized by mid century, in my opinion, and kind of the great the great power paradigm is gonna Central Asia is going to be the pre emory battlespace, but it's gonna be very fluid in like the United States, the Russian Federation, the PRC, Turkey to a lesser degree,

I Ran and also Syria is gonna play a role in that because Syria and Iran, I've got to be looked at as like a common actor and in military matters Kazakhstan is gonna play a huge role, although not like a military one. You know that that's that's the way you've got to look at these developments. But you know, the issue too with Russian enmity towards you know, towards Jews and and vice versa. I mean that you've gotta this pre seed, this predates the Soviet Union, and we

got into this and some of our earlier content. I'll dive into that again for context if the thing that's appropriate. But you know, I don't know why people they can't get through their head that you know that that that Russia is not some like in a state or something like. I don't know, but it's because they're ignorant. It's because they don't. But these guys also and one of the reasons why and I'm sure everythings I'm an incordible snob

or just like some kind of like nasty OLII. You know, there is always pointing out that like we're the one percent, like almost nobody can actually understand politics like not. It's so like mysterious, it's like present like intelligence. It's like either you can like get these things or you don't.

You know, either you've got either you've got an aptitude for discerning the kind of configurations of power at scale, and you understand like what inputs like should be coded in order to kind of predict the outcomes and understand phenomena like as it's underway or like you don't okay, and like probably the only majority these guys playing be right wing. They have no idea they have they have

no idea about any of these things. They just they don't like immigration and like, and don't get me wrong, like that's not that's not misplaced or something. But I mean nobody the immigration is never popular. Nobody likes immigration except for ideologues or a hostile to the to the state in question. They're not the state, but like I'm in the nation in question that's available to these this kind of state social engineering. They just like don't like immigration.

They don't like the irs, you know, like they've got you know, they don't like what they look at is like cultural degeneracy, I mean, which in reality is like a social engineering regimen.

It's not some like platform or something, you know. I mean, I have my own like prejudices, I have my own There's there's things I'd like to see developed. I've got my own ideas on what like good government would constitute. But it's not That's not what I'm doing, you know. I mean, And so yeah, I think it's that I don't know and createzy you have like no more tolerance for these people. I don't. I'm not planning to go anywhere anytime soon, like like in terms of like being unalive,

but you never know. And uh, there's more time behind me than in front of me. I'm not trying any more of it. I'm just like realistic about this. I'm not gonna spend the time I've left like arguing with idiots. You know, I'm not gonna spend time I've left like like like trying to like wake up randoms and I wouldn't be doing that anyway, but you know, so I don't. I just don't like fuck with people like this, you know, like they're not part of my.

in Syria. Israel is at war with itself in Hesbal, with Hesbela because Iran is Iran is supporting Hesbela, and Iran gets a lot of their a lot of their missiles and weapons from Russia. So what Israel is just fighting itself is that? Like is that what the you know, what they call the kosher sandwich. The kosher sandwich is them killing themselves so that they can be on both sides of it.

They don't think, you know, And it's also too like I don't. I mean, on the one hand, I was making the point that like they quote red pill metaphors idiotic and and even if it weren't like we're not Joel lost means megature, it's we're not going door to door to like red pill people. It's fucking retarded. I mean, I would we wouldn't be doing that anyway. But like

conceptually it's retarded, but you know, it's not. It's not complicated to recognize that the regime and anybody who serves it is not your friend, and like these are your ops. Like that's that's not complicated, but something like the nature of Jewish power. There's like nuances to it. There's dynamics, psychological, sociological,

you know, to how human populations relate at scale. You know, there's historical memory and kind of the way it the way it presents itself only to a combination of you know, like enduring conceptual prejudice and and kind of like myth making within you know, insular cultures. Like that makes a difference. And also like the culture in question, to what degree they have a basically collectivist understanding or instinct towards like collective memory, and to what degree you know there that's

not present. You know, like some culture are highly individualistic despite also being like very very kind of like cognizant of of friend any paradigms, like all this stuff are very complicated, okay, And and then like on top of it, like uh, Zionism itself is something of a house divided,

you know. It's like you've got to like you've got to like account for that too, Like there's people kind of within the that there's people within the same you know kind of like ethnic and political and sociological constellation. Or nevertheless, like at each other's throats, you know, and like that that that leads to like strange outcomes. It's like all of these things, you know, so you can't just and I mean finally at the end of the day again it's just I don't you know it. Uh,

that reminds me. It's almost the it's almost the converse of these these dummy these truly like ignorant people who think that like Donald Trump is like is doing things to them personally. But they think that like they think that like Holy Rollers and like anti abortion activists are are going to like send them to like camps or something.

What that means. You know, there's some of these people who think they literally think that like Jews are like some kind of like sorcerers or something, and like they literally control everything on this planet. You know, like uh like the Man behind the Curtain and the Land of Oz or something like that. Mean funny, but I'm not really being funny. It's literally the way they think about it, you know, Like, uh, like if you wake up in

the morning you have to take a piss. It's because like there's like some Jewish guys somewhere who like programed they into your brain by way of like a chemtrail or something.

outside as cloud. Okay, particularly in America, that shouldn't surprise anybody, especially when you consider the you know, certain certain military and strategic factors that kind of like rendered a perfect storm. But that's why like I'm always talking about like Hannah Arentz book, because I mean she that that's her whole point, you know, like there's nothing that this shouldn't like come to surprise anybody that these dynamics are present and that

they ended in like real tragedy. I mean, there's not going tragedy like born of of this, but it uh yeah, I mean it's it's but like I said, I don't I my time is valuable to me and and plus like I don't like what do I what do I care what these people think? You know, they're not in the game. Like basically it's sometime it's another show because it's like I mean that this you know itself is complicated, but you knows of all, like we're not we're not or I'm not I'm not running for office, Okay, I'm

not trying to like build some party. I definitely have a practical vision of what my people should be doing, and we're doing it like literally, like every day, this is the way I live my life, and thousands of others live their lives who I am indexed with this as well under way, but uh, you know, I uh we're a vanguard tendency because we're shifting the conceptual perspective and more partly clarifying it for you know, the one percent who will follow us, you know, and that's what's

going to dictate, you know, the way forward for our people. You know. It's not like somehow incorporating you know, like quote unquote based ideas into like the Republican or the Democrat party platform. Like it's not you're you're you're you're asleep at the wheel if you think that, or you're like mentally or you're mentally dead, like there's nothing to do with what we're doing. And even if that's not even possible anymore, you know, like that's that's totally backwards looking,

that's totally stunted thinking. That's just not the way things are. And a lot of people also can't come to terms with globalism or they just like don't understand it, like even even aside from the the design of stuff, and you know, they're kind of gross and misconceptions they're in. Like people this idea that the world's like forever like

nineteen eighty or something. You know, like there's like this firm border in America and that it's just been compromised and it's like letting in bad people or that like there's this thing called the West where it's like clearly defined and you know, like the nation state remains king, and you know, you've just got to like reverse the lever on policy and there'll be some kind of like it's some kind of like opper what back like times a million, like you know, and if you get like

Donald Trump, and that don't even wrong. I like Trump. I'm not like saying he's people shouldn't like him, But the other idea he's gonna be like Eisenhower and he's just gonna like deport like eighty million people or like that's not even conceivable anymore, Okay, Like the state is dead,

like the Nermer system is collapsing around you. It's gonna take about another like century and a half, but it's like really kind of an earnest like and probably and probably like another like centric probably like two to three hundred years like that. That's memory who won't exist anymore. But it's like collapsing all around you, like conceptually as well as like physically, like the way people think about like law and order and law enforcement like that, that's

that's going away. Like all kinds of all kinds of things of a profound sociological character are happening, and people like can't they like like it doesn't compute, like they

can't like understand it or someth thing. You know. So there's that too, you know, to understand like the earlier issue, like understand understand like Zionist power and understand like why it's slipping right now, and understand kind of like why it was able to insinuate itself into policy corridors and and such like a it's such like a domineering way. Like you've got to understand the Cold War. Understand the Cold War. You got to understand what you understand Nerve

understand Nurmer. You got to understand like why World War two is fought, you know, like understand that. You've got to understand like you know, the Westphalian system and how a combination of and how a combination of of conceptual

as well as like material factors. You know, like like you know, just destroyed institutions like the Holy Roman Empire and like rendered in so that there couldn't be like a nothing like a like a Western Caliphate, which was the way things were going, you know, not none terms like Islam in the West. I mean like the Roman Church basically was like heading that way. It's not some trashing Catholics. It's not any trashing Catholicism. But you know,

like a thirty years war like change everything. So when you see like unless you truly like understand these things, you don't really understand what's going on right now, you know, and you don't and like I said, the I'm rambling at it, but you know, the the system wheel of under is is dying at death by a thousand proverbial cuts. It's just, uh, it's just gonna be a slow thing.

But it's already well under way. It's not gonna there's not gonna be like a November ninth, like nineteen eighty nine moment where like everything like collapses and like it's no longer you know there, there's there's like no longer like a functioning like uh like like regime government, Like that's not gonna happen, you know for a lot. It's

it's like rubber eysed against that. But it's also like America's unique both and like its size and and certain other factors, and it's kind of like you know the way there's still like there's still like localized like power bases and things like that in a way that like would be unthinkable in other countries. Like America is still even though a lot of it's like a Potemkin village, America still is like hugely rich compared to like everybody else.

So I mean, like it you can you can you can solve a lot of problems and money, or at least you can like staple off like a lot of problems if you can like buy people off basically, and there's like a lot of that going on right now and that's going to continue. Okay, don't like things.

the roof, and I don't know what did Uh. What do you think about hearing uh, hearing some of the things that you've been talking about for decades reaching millions of people.

I okay, not like doing it at all. I'm just telling you literally, like people on the street now like come up to me and they know who I am, and it's kind of wild. It's it's kind of wild. I mean, murder Made seems like a good dude. I don't know him, you know I And it's totally fine because I'm not like a cloud chaser. If people if

people repeat things I say, that's totally fine. I if they don't credit me, I'd be salty if I'd be salty if somebody was publishing stuff I wrote and claiming it was theirs, or I'd be salty if somebody literally like took like if they literally told one of my pot episodes or something like that and dropped what amounts to you know, kind of like a heterodox theory on the war or something, and it's like, yeah, you know, like this is my this, this is my conclusion. That

makes me very salty. But I mean, I don't I don't expect people like murder Made to be like, oh, this is what this guy said. I mean, you know that's not I mean, gon'na be corny. But it's also like it's not nobody's trying to take try to for things or or put shade on me by doing that. But it's it's it's a lot to get used to, man, you know. But I mean, don't get me wrong, like I'm incredibly blessed. I you know, I I don't know.

I mean, like life is strange, man, but I did and I don't want to be like more bitter like or at like like I had such a bad time early on. I had a lot of advantages, but the first half of my life, like adult life, it was kind of rough, man like, and I mean a lot of that was like my fault and some of it wasn't, but a lot of it was. And at the end of the day, you know, like how how you manage things is it is on you, you know, and like I mean, tragedy is gonna happen and you're like you're

gonna experience horror. And I didn't handle a lot of this stuff real well, and I ended up in a really really food our place. It's like I can't it's like incredible, like in in a fucked up way. However, I never wanted to kill myself, man, like, not just because I think I got every strong survivor's instinct, like like legit, like I do. I think I'm literally hard to kill, Okay, not like I'm tough. I'm not like any kind of fire or anything. I mean, like because

he allows me in spiritual am hard to kill. Okay. But I in the back of my mind, even when things are really bad, like like really bad, you know, like I was like holmeless and stuff, I thought to myself, like if I only hang on and find a way out of this like fucked up thing, you know, like like get a handle on on my addiction and get well and get out of this kind of paradigm of like of like violence of all kinds you know, like physical,

like spiritual and everything else. Like I can probably like make something of myself, you know, by through like my writing specifically, you know. And other times I thought like, well, that's stupid, you know, that's it's way too wait for that. But you know, I figured, then, well, it's like, okay, at least it's like a cop people I care about, and they've got like reams of stuff I wrote, so like if I die, like they'll they'll be there for posterity.

And then like in the future arena it's only like, you know, something like five guys or ten guys and girls who like read something I wrote, and they're the right kind of people, like they'll like carry that with them and you know, maybe that'll have like a positive impact. And especially because I don't have children, which is totally fine. I'm only find being like a Chase sold in the apocalypse. But this does make a difference if you're not like a father, you know too, like, well, gee, what I

want to leave something behind men. But yeah, there was a little bit personal man like forgive me for that. But uh, that's I I appreciate that people find my content worthwhile. And you know, like I said, it's uh, I think myself first and foremost as a political theorist and historical revisionist. But I also think I have something to convey to people about the human condition, you know, not because I'm so smart or so like moral. I mean, I'm a depray of center, like of the worst sort,

like every man is every man and woman is. But I I do think I have something to convey to people that you know, in their own lives and especially considering where like our people are situated at this like you know, historical and epoch where I mean in some ways, in some ways there's like plenty everywhere. In other ways we really like like a devil is really winning, you know, and it's perilous. It's hard to survive, especially for young people. You know. I'm not I'm not I'm a sole survivor

out of my like little poetterie. Okay, I mean that I try have to dwell on that. I'm not afraid of dying. But there there's things implicit in what I just said that they're kind of fucked up and like I don't like to think about it, but I you know, I don't. The young people today, I think are a lot more squared away than was my generation, but it's still like not easy to survive, you know, and it's really hard being young, so especially I'm hoping that I

can convey some of that stuff. But yeah, that's again, forget that probably got kind of personal and like rambly, so like, forgive me for the no problem.

that they may be a bandon here. Okay. I still maintain like there's not going to be like an election in precedented terms if Missus Harris totally fucks this up and there is like a deal hashed out in a perbial smoke filled room between Peter Thiel and and you know, Missus Harris is uh like Wall Street friends and whoever else, and they just like decide to give it to Trump like there's still not going to be an election. You know,

that'll just mean that Trump gets the nod. And I think, like a dear friend, Jay Burden pointed this out, and so did uh, so did my other my other buddy. Second of this, he's the latter. He's a guy who's been around. He's the guy like uh who like finangled the press pass and was able to like you know, subversively like get inside the d n C. But yeah, both me the point that you know Trump has on paper, Trump has a lot of assets. He does not have a lot of liquid capital. You know, it's not some

bash on Trump, that's just reality. And you know, his war chest, uh what remained of it was depleted by like this like lawfair nonsense. And I mean a lot of these a lot of these complaints that were brought against him, like they were like laughable, you know, but at the point was I mean, they they were trying to you know, they were they were filed in jurisdictions

where they wouldn't simply get laughed out of court. So I mean, even even if it only proceeded to like you know, preliminary stages that cost they cost money to fight that ship. You know. So like what I'm getting as that I don't think Trump has I don't I don't think Trump has any money, okay, and that makes him beholden the people. When you're beholden the people, you're no longer like a wild card variable, you know. And

like I said, uh, Teal is a weird guy. I think I don't want to get into like an argument, not with you, but I mean, I don't want to rehash the Peter Teal thing, like whatever can be said about him, and like his character and stuff. He's not like a dummy, especially about money. He's not gonna be like pumping money into the Trump campaign for the sake of appearances or something, you know. So that's where I'm at with it. But I still don't believe that it's

just gonna be this, you know. Okay, We're we're gonna return to, you know, having an election day where people you know, where we're like US citizen like present an ID on election day and then they cast a vote at a polling place, and then those votes are tallied and then at the conclusion of election day. You know, the man or the or the lady you who is telling the most votes of the president United States. That's never going to happen again, you know.

This is a different breed of people. This is literally a government that was founded upon slaughtering white people, every white person on the island. And then they did a human sacrifice and asked a demon to bless them, and that's how their country was founded. There are reports that they're eating ducks out of parks, some woman ate some some was on the lawn somewhere eating someone's cat. These people historically are not should not be here, should not

be around white people. The Domerican Republic shoots on site and they share an island. What the fuck do you do about this?

an evasing force. Like one of these idiots was like squeezing off shots that like towards O block because he's trying to apparently like this went like viral on TikTok or something. It's like I said to the hood guys, there's gonna you know, this is a this is gonna cause a potentially like a bloodbath in terms of like gangster ship. And obviously the only the only point of the policy is an arco tyranny, like you don't and

it's it's it's becoming increasing increasing like laid beer. Like it's just like why are they they're taking these like guys who've been like chased out of Pakistan, you know, like all military age males, and like dropping them in Ireland. Like why would they even occur to anybody? Like that

literally doesn't make any sense. And even even by the internal kind of like perverses, it may be like logic of you know, kind of these un resolutions on unlike refugees, if you're a ref if you're a true refugee, you're required to apply for what do you call it amnesty or whatever? Not amnesty, but in the first likewecan say, stylum, sylum, Yeah,

thank you. So there's guys from Pakistan just ending up in rural Ireland, I mean like that they're just got like they're gonna they're gonna boat lift a bunch of Haitians into like Alabama. I mean, like it's obvious what's going on here. I mean, and it's really the only the only way people are gonna be able to mitigate or remedy that until you know, the regime is forced to stop these things, and it will happen. But like

I said, it maybe in real long process. You know, you've got you've got to think locally you absolutely have to think locally. And I'm not trying to sound corny, You're like it takes a village. Like what I mean is in practical terms, in common self defense terms, especially, okay and most especially, this cannot be ended enough. You've got to think locally. You've got to defend your own hood, you've got to defend your own family, you gotta defend

your own community. And you know when our people come catch like punitive flag for this, whether in the former like law fair or a malicious prosecution, like we've got to show up to defend them to okay, in a broad front kind of way, you know, like socially pulit we legally every other way. I'm not gonna like fed speak or you know they go on a fed post thing,

like you absolutely must do these things. And you know that's why, like I said, like I I'm always coming back to social capital and where we're we're accomplishing that. And every time I see that, there's like a there's like a bunch of like randos who like who send who send me like emails or DMS or something like like like I'm like I'm asking a felt job applications or something like it's now I'm talking about you don't get to like we're not we're not building some like

community of beast people. And like it's not like going to chuck e cheese or something. You don't like get a ticket you can come to like you got to do this ship in your own orbit, in your own life, in your own locale. You know, it's not some paint my numbers thing. But at the same time, it's also should like naturally happen, you know, I mean five years ago, I didn't know any of you guys. Okay, Like now you're like my family now, like we have like we're

literally like you know, tens of thousands strong. Like now like I do have an actual physical community that I'm gonna start spending a good part of the year in where there's like thousands of us who deliberately like took these measures. That's all you can do, Okay. And it's not like I don't mean that like some kind of minimal like like it's some kind of like minimum remedy like this is the this is the way out.

is like guy's hands. This is the way, like history is moving. Okay, So it's all you gotta do is like show up and be correct. It's the end of my Stirne.

right to go kinetic, it's this. It's seeing those videos on Twitter, seeing you know, America First Legal just put out a thing today a long thread today talking about where these Haitians, how these Haitians got here, and how many any are actually here right now? And this is I I'm not I don't like making predictions, but a friend of mine said, make predictions. It means you got skin in the game. I'm thinking that if anything is going to make the right Gough kinectic, it might be this.

has been. But I'm not saying like, oh, I'm such a bit ass so like you know, I I know better than anybody else like that, That's not what I'm saying at all. Like what I'm saying is that like I I I don't even like notice it anymore, you know, because of where I live. But uh, yeah, obviously what they're doing, is the regimes trying to compromise readouts potentially and UH as well as compromise the ability of UH

of people to mobilize locally. But they're not gonna be able to They're not gonna be able to do it. And what we're up on. It's not a numbers game, but like in terms of God forbid uh, you know, like a ross and krieg, or in terms of like in terms of like racial like war politics, I mean it's a conflict politics. Rather, it's a spectrum. I mean we are seventy million strong, you know, in terms of people who are like, yeah, I don't I don't vote for like the one weight nation thing, you know, like

I just profound differences between people based on ethnos. But in terms of like silent majority coalition stuff, I mean, these are the people we do stand with, you know, like when Shiit is hot, I mean again, there's like seventy million of us. We're not We're not gonna take a knee and get our asses kicked. A bunch of like I went to like filonious creeps, like being chased out of their own like freaking bailed state shiphole countries.

No fucking chance, you know. But I mean we're always we're always outnumbered, man, I mean I I you know, like guys who got I know, some of the fellas a you know who what fuck with us heavily and our great guys and like lots of some of these guys like been in prison and stuff before they turn their life around. Thank God, I've never really been in prison. I've only ever had to like freaking stay in jail

for a couple of days. But you know, like these guys said, you know, like if you're like a you know, I feel like a white dude who's down like you you you basically like walk the yard alone and like, you know, not just because you know, know that's that's like the fate of the master Cast. But it's also because like we're not we're not a munch of freaking

tribal primitives. Like we're not. We're not people need you know, some kind of like we need some kind of like collectivist paradigm to function, you know, like and I emphasize the other people again and again. And that's like there's a younger like like younger made a lot of that. That's why I like it irritates me with people like like when I when I talk about like being a wood and like walking alone path like people like some like esoteric thing that's like indecipherable but they don't want

to have to fucking talking about it irritates me. But it's obvious if you're in the game. And well, I mean this, this is where it's at. I I get on the bus every morning and when I leave my little town, which is like, you know, fifteen, like eighteen minutes north of downtown. Like, uh, I mean, I'm a minority here, but like, let's like less, it's less, h the volume is little less. But uh ever I go during my day, I'm out number one thousand to one.

You know, it doesn't shake me up. I mean obviously obviously, uh I. I want to return to kind of the the proverbial like warm yet iron embrace and my own people. And that's again why like I'm so lucky to have clicked up with you guys, and why I've kind of found my home away from home in the south Land. But uh oh, I can fucking thrive anywhere, man.

One of the reasons why I don't like people being down on the gropers like this, the say of de do in question, like a lot of his, a lot of his is a lot of the dudes that he a lot of the dudes that he he rides with here in America are like the East Coast grapers and they're like, they're like fucking solid as dudes. I got I got love for the East Coast brapers.

They're serious dudes. But the problem is, you know, that kind of breakout momentum they're cultivating, they're they're just going to be banned, you know if uh, if they continue, assuming they don't just like kind of like peak like with some kind of obviously they're they're beyond just like being some like you know, having some like little stronghold in Saxony or whatever. But there's always a point at which, uh that there's always a point at which, uh the

boon is for public. Like there's some like bands like parties that you know are are serious about, you know, dismantling the occupation regime. So unfortunately that's the fate of af D, like if they continue on this path of the success. But it does, but it is positive because you know, they're that regime is uh is losing credibility just like you know, the just just like it's just like get the the host regime from which it was emergent.

You know here in America is losing any legitimacy. You know, like NATO literally pulled off a massive terrorist attack in German infrastructure, basically tank their economy, and like now they're especially at bank roll like this kind of permanent like desionist war against Russia. Like you think, how do you how do you sell that as like sensible government, you know, like it's not long for this earth. So it's something to watch. And I can actually I can basically decipher

German media like a do all. I'm not at all fluent in German, but I can. I can basically read it and understand it, unlike say, like you know, trying to try to get sense for what's happening in like TV France or or or Russia or something. But yeah, no, God God blessed the the German guys, a lot of a lot of whom are are big supporters of my stuff and and just like good guys man, you know, my heart's always with the Germans. I mean, I'm I'm

very much like an anglophone person. I'm like, oh, I am like an ulster bastard like you know, I'm like more, I'm more like and more like angle Sax and then like a lot of English people like literally like my dna is. But I did have like a freaking German granny, you know, something like I And I mean I like I like the crowds anyway, you know. But yeah, that's that's my take.

of reasons. But all I can tell you is that the dudes I indexed with and who have like broken bread with literally who kind of like represent their ship in America, these guys, I don't think they were just like telling me what I wanted to be here, Like why would I why would they? You know, I'm just some guy. They they realized that what I just said that there's not going to be some kind of sea change and sea change and policy I think and somehow, you know, get a place at the table of a

future coalition. Like they know that. The read I got was they're they're playing the electoral game. They're playing the parliamentary game for the same reasons. Why, like I've said, I think Donald Trump is important, like because Trump the guy is like this amazing guy, like because like his policies or even like such as they exist. I mean,

Trum's good on immigration, he's good on trade. Beyond that, obviously he sucks it policy wise, but Trump the Trump the guy is an important like him as a as a as a sociological and historical phenomenon symbolically speaking, and like an animating catalyst for the silent majority coalition. Like that's why he's important. I uh, it's an impervent analogy.

But when I gleaned from these AfD guys, like they met me and uh my buddy, my, uh my, my Swedish buddy who's actually back in Sweden now like over in Sweden. He was born here, but he's got you know, like the little studentship. We we met them at this north side German place, not not like my go to place,

an arming park, like at a different joint. And you know, like they they when I was out like a year and like two months ago, when I was out in Brooklyn, like these guys showed me like a lot of a lot of love and give me a lot of respect and show me a lot of fatality. But I think they're realistic always the dudes I talk to. I mean maybe the man in the street, he was like a dude's paying member of am D like what he thinks.

I have no idea, but I, like I said, man, I I don't think there's a lot of Germans running around, like don't understand kind of like the parameters of of them, the regime they live under.

local coptroll or whatever. You know. Make sure that like the state legislature, like the guy you send there like isn't a ship bag like stuff like that.

But you know, I uh, people gotta be habituated the fact that I mean if you take on political commitments, especially ones that I mean, I don't think it's like this big scary detriment to like not fuck with regime stuff. It's like it's it's like it's like total it should be like totally liberating. But for those people who find

it like upsetting or like really fucks with your program. Okay, Well, if you're gonna take on a disin perspective, you've gotta be you've gotta fully embrace the fact that like you're going to be long, you're gonna be dead, you're gonna be dust before like you know, you see anything like truly counterfruition. Like I said in my life, I I

figured what's happening now? When we started happening like like around like eight years ago, I knew that would happen at some point, but I figured, you know, I always, like I said before, like I figured I'd be like long day, but then it happened. I was totally okay with that. You know, I'm lucky to have been alive when this kind of phase of the historical process that tourch concerns, you know, the kind of fate of America and it's uh late modern phase. I mean, I'm lucky.

I'm lucky to be alive like at the time that I am. Okay, that's what we gotta look at it. This this this pros and cons that every like EPO, I.

don't know why he did that. It's stupid. But as it may, you can find me there. It's at real all caps R E A L underscore number seven lowercase h O M A S seven seven seven. You can find on my website. It's Thomas seven seven seven dot com number seven h M A S seven seven seven dot com. You can find that substack real Thomas R E R e A L T h O m A S seven seven seven dot substack dot com on Instagram.

Another I'm like all over the fucking place, include like my plug is like in the disc if you would please of course, And yeah.

his his designs are just like freaking awesome, man. So yeah, that's where we're at. I'm trying to bear down on this manuscript and it seems to be going well, and yeah, all is well and every bless and it's autumn and autumn's the best season. And in a few days on Sunday is my birthday, and uh, I'm kind of looking forward to that because I'm gonna go eat good with with the fellas and it's u. On September fifteenth, nineteen seventy six, Atron Big Alerts Singleton, the rapper who was

also a cannibal murderer, he was born. I was also born on the exact same date. Auvert Stone was born on that day too, but that was like way back in nineteen forty seven. But yeah, so like me and big LARTs like share a birthday, just kind of creep evil.