You.
Chilly effect is sponsored by Wallstreet, Window dot Com.
And listeners is likely yeah, nowated in autia.
Okay, minor variation on the original intro that was original about three four years ago, but hey, why not recut, re edit, and reuse. It seems like that's what Hollywood and TV is doing every single day.
Anyway, Here we are.
The o'celli effect, and it is the seventh day of January twenty twenty six, allegedly according to that thing we call a calendar, and I've already done a news snapoo
for the day. But now we're going to get deep on the dive, if you will, with the guy who is the best man to survive if you want your sanity to do so, regarding sober analysis on guess what historical topics things that are in real time may be happening at the moment and history being made in twenty twenty six and maybe the tail end of twenty twenty.
Five and the hangover of that's still happening.
Because we're going to talk Venezuela with author, researcher and overall hell of a guy, Larry Hancock. Go to Larry Larry Hancock's word press site which you will see in the show notes attached to this show, and follow his blog over there because your blog is still perfectly live over on the word press site, right Larry.
Oh yeah, I just made a post about an hour ago.
Excellent, So definitely go over there and read it. And I highly recommend all of his books, and I do mean all of his books that have been released, and I am looking forward to seeing what the updated Oswald Puzzle is going to look like, which I think is due to be released like now or very very soon. Check on Amazon. I know you can pre order and keep up on that. God knows we need somebody at least giving us a healthy bit of information regarding the history,
even if it's being made in real time. Who knows what book would we have to attach today's discussion to, Larry Gee, let me think a shadow warfare, surprise attack, created chaos. You know, all of these things might touch upon the current event subject for our discussion tonight.
What would you suggest, though, if.
Somebody wanted a primer or a primer on this, if you will, regarding the action that we're seeing, that's no longer plausible deniability.
But anyway, it is what it is. It was what it was, And did.
We just actually and the proverbial we being the United States government, did we just snatch as the president of a country, whether legitimate or otherwise, and then tell the vice president they were going to do what they were told or else? I mean, did that just happen in public? Or am I imagining things?
Larry?
Which book should we attack this one? Two of your previous writings? Sorry? Which ones?
Two responses?
Chuck On the first one, Shadow Warfare would definitely be the right book to give the backstory to what's going on now.
There's no doubt about that. Give some perspective.
I mean, what we're doing now goes on back much further than that.
But Shadow Warfare I think does a good.
Job of illustrating how what we're doing now is different than the other fifty two times we've done it in the last two centuries, because we continue to do the same things over and over again. It's just a matter of how we do them and how we describe them and how public we are with them. Well on your second point, actually, I think not. My best assessment at the moment is that we actually not we that the
president did a deal with the Venezuelan administration. He did a deal with the Vice President of Venezuela to leave that administration in place and lay the groundwork for buying their oil and taking control of their oil and basically kicking to the kicking to the side the woman who we had helped get the Nobel Prize by saying that, no, she leads a democratic movement, but she's not really strong enough leader. So we need to say with the vice president, who will sign off the rights to us.
Ah. Okay, so just keeping you know, for those of you keeping score at home, first thing is okay, fine, shadow warfare works, just fine. This is not unprecedented. That's the thing that bothered me throughout the reporting is I had to read over and over again how this was some sort of unprecedented situation, and I'm like, no, it's not if you actually know the history. What is kind of unprecedented in my mind is the WWE.
Style scripting here.
I mean this very much reads in the public anyway, very much like a storyline that you know, maybe somebody had, I don't know, missus McMahon, you know, give us a bit of I don't know, script consulting, maybe regarding how to write this. It was very weird because in short, Larry and just let me get over my stupid superficial look at it. Yeah, we see that. Okay, Maduro is snatched. He's being captured because drug boats and on his way
over while he was still in transit, they started to spend. Yeah, but we need the oil too. Trump goes out, makes a statement and basically says, that's okay, we'll deal with the Vice president lady, and she's gonna do what she's told. She made a statement right after saying I don't know what you're talking about. We want our president back. Hey, you know, feigning at the very least outrage over the
whole thing. We don't see any movement from anybody. But again, that whole strangeness with the Peace president, you know, being pushed for a prize by somebody else who won a prize and then dedicating it to him. That political theater went on, and in reality, what are we looking at. We have a foreign leader brought here. Now if a deal was struck with that administration, that's kind of fascinating. Would that be to simply assure the safety of Maduro?
And isn't it interesting The hypocrisy of pardoning another narco state leader, like in very close proximity to this happening. It's pretty wild, Larry. So, all I'm saying is this doesn't look quite the same on the surface as you would think it would appear if you really know what's going on behind the scenes, and yet it's not being done quietly. It's being done very much outfront. Unless I've lost my mind. I mean, let's begin with the beginning again.
Not an unusual action to turn around and capture a sovereign leader, despite the fact that I think others would object to this if it was done by someone other than Donald Trump. I think there would be people right now in political power who would be making statements against this kind of movement. Why are we involving ourselves in the foreign affairs of well foreign countries, etc.
Etc. But where should we begin unpacking this?
Well, I think we have to address it in three steps. The first step is to look at forced rendition. I mean,
that's the very first step. Is does the United States have the authority, the history, etc. To literally designate someone as a criminal essentially lay a case out in an American court, not in the court they live, lay out an injunction, get an injunction granted, and as a nation, grant itself the authority to go get those people wherever they are, regardless of extradition laws or not, regardless of the objections of any country where they happen to be, and literally state our law.
Trumps your law.
We don't care what your laws are, we don't care what your position are. We have made a decision in our country. This person has committed an illegal act which involves us in some fashion, and it's perfectly all right for us to do whatever we need to do to go get them. This could be an individual.
We did a lot of that. We did a ton of that after nine to eleven.
You know, that was primarily individuals in a host of countries overseas, black rendition, with CIA teams grabbing them up, taking them to interrogateation centers and actually never bringing legal charges against them, just grabbing them up and eventually ending up with them either dead or in Guantanamo. So on an individual basis, forced rendition is nothing new, because we.
Just declare we have the authority to do that.
However, we've done it at this scale before in Panama with Noriega we declared him a criminal with drug connections, went into the country, literally savaged its small military force, took him, did the same thing.
I think.
So if you just leave it to forced rendition, you either have to say, you know, it's okay that the United States declares that its laws supersede everybody else's laws. Okay, if you take this position, this is nothing new. We just do it because we can't do it. What's different about this one is that we didn't. We literally and nobody's tallied up the numbers, and the media is not
covering it. We destroyed a significant portion of the Venezuelan military that had nothing to do other than providing cover for the extraction force.
But we we.
Took out millions and millions dollars worth of their military equipment. We killed lots of people. That's beyond just getting Maduro. So we literally, you'd have to say we waged war on a foreign country in conjunction with the rendition. And we're certainly not going to offer any damages. We're not going to offer any apologies. We're just going to say it's all right that we destroyed equipment that you guys spent tens, maybe hundreds of millions of dollars on because we were enforcing our law.
And that's just the way it goes.
And that's you know, if you look at the military channels that I do, you can see the extent of the damage because if you looked at Caracas that it wasn't just Caracas, it was all over the country. And again, as a military buff myself, I understand why you do that to protect your own people. But if you felt you were forced to do it, you might just say, look, if you guys have cooperated this criminal, tell you what. We'll come down and we'll try and I'm going to.
Third party, you know. But no, we didn't take that approach.
We whether you like it or don't like it, and I think there's a general we didn't just do forced rendition. We did a broad scale military action and chewed up a lot of their resources to get them.
And they're the first thing that you have to in your own mind say, was that lead right? Larry M don't legal within our system and we have and over again.
Larry mute up for a minute and just relaxed because we're getting a little bit of weird interference. It seems like the internet signal is degrading, just a touch, and I just want to enter something into the conversation here and perhaps it'll stabilize while I'm talking.
You know, what's.
Interesting here is that it's undeniable that an act of war or warlike acts were committed here. That's a certainty that's publicly observable. But the idea that there should be no sort of retaliation because we were so super justified is one thing. But the weird thing to me is this again, I can't stand it. Like I said, it's like a WWE script. They are feigning surprise that this happened,
when meanwhile, we watched military assets get maneuvered. People talked about, you know, these ships being moved into the Caribe, and people talked about there being a focus, okay, with some of our assets being deployed in such a way that in my mind, it was predictable that something like this was going to occur. It's just that the target, the chosen target of Venezuela, seems weird to me because of the let's call it the priority list. How is it
that Venezuela is on the top of the priority list. Well, you know, the real answer is given to you in the new spin, which is, oh, by the way, it's not just about the narco state aspects of this and the government supporting drug trafficking. Oh no, no, no, it's not just that, but also oil. And there's no apology to that, There's no, it's unapologetically offered that oil plays a serious role here in assembling the motive for what
is either an act of war or a warlife like action. Okay, if you want to get into the semantics battle here, and that is significant in and of itself, or again, am I crazy the fact that they're sort of like, oh, by the way, you know, it's not just about the drug boats, but also you know, these people with their oil, we got to deal with that, and.
You know, and and Trump doing his.
I call it the I don't know if I should say this with you on the show, but I will anyway. The warped mister rogers, we need good neighbors, okay. Explanation for why this needed to happen, this was essential, and how this rose to the top of the list on priorities is almost as weird as them reinjecting the maybe we should also take over Greenland at some point. Real soon, you know, discussion talking point back into the political discussion sphere publicly, you know, just this.
Week where we're to that.
Oh by the way, you know, we're still looking at take in Greenland, which almost seems like a threat if we're willing to do this, and we're probably willing to do something over there, even though the discussion so far has been we're looking to purchase it, you know. And I keep using this we thing and whose we we as again the administration the United States, because remember, like it or not, this is what represents you and me at the moment, So there is a we to it.
But I mean, tell me.
About that part of it, because it does seem different in that way that we now have a spin kind of being assembled in real time, and like I said, it feels like and maybe I'm crazy, but it feels like a WWF or WWE script that's being assembled with the same very sort of shallow reasonings. You know, we need vengeance, so we need to go back at the you know, the big boss man needs to pay for his crimes. You know, Maduro needs to be taken for his crimes. Like why did they snatch up Hiss? That's
another weird one. You know, is she the emmel dea Marcos in this? You know, in this equation, there's a lot of open questions here. But one thing that's not open is that there's going to be a variety of choices here on the buffet table to justify what we've seen happen here, which is not normal, even though it is a regular occurrence in our recent and even far further flung history. Uh.
But am I reading this wrong?
Or I mean it sounds confusing coming out of my mouth as I say it.
But I mean, am I confused? Or is this what I'm saying good?
I think it's deeper than that, Chuck.
I think Venezuela represented a target of opportunity and went
up on the priority list because of the oil. But if you dig down at a deeper layer, what we have said, what the President has said, what the Secretary of Data said, literally is that under this administration, we have the authority to determine, especially in this hemisphere, that any particular nation that we see as a national security threat to us, and in other words, any nation that is not cooperative with us, we have the authority to do regime change, or we have the authority to do deals.
I won't even call it regime change because one of the things that's going to emerge in Venezuela is we may not really be doing regime change. That may be a cover. There are a lot of people going around saying permit to Venezuela. Well, at this point in time, that's not what we've done. As a matter of fact, we turned down the woman that would have represented democratic government, and we appear to be doing the oil deal with the vice Predessident, who is a Maduro regime figure.
Now clearly she's going to do some cleaning.
House and make yourself look better. But the democratic condition a person is not the person that we're dealing with. Nor has anybody talked about new elections. So but let me let me cut back to the chase. The point is we have established a statement that now as within domestically everything is about national security.
If the admin.
H srince Cuba or Greenland or Columbia or whatever, then if we have the right, we've declared ourselves just like with an addition, our decision whether they want or don't want, doesn't matter. And all right, sorry she had a warfare.
And I look.
Okay, I'll tell you what we're gonna do.
I'm gonna tell us I'm gonna take one more crick break here, and we're gonna come right back and continue with this discussion with Larry stick around.
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Okay, so hopefully we're back nice, live and loud, and we've got a clearer connection now with Larry Hancock. And this is really important to be because I had asked the superficial question and Larry was getting into a deeper and explaining the difference here and what we're looking at. So please continue, Larry.
Sure, Basically, to some extent, this is nothing new, and we talked about that. But what most people aren't getting, I think, is that we have returned to a position which we had kind of left since back in the nineties. We have under the current administration, we are making the assertion that the United States has the right to change any government that we feel is not cooperative, that we
feel might be a threat to our national security. And when I say not cooperative, they have resources that we need. That could be Venezuela, it could be Greenland, they have whatever, whatever it is, whatever we manage to come up with and express our concern about, we gave ourselves the right to do it. Now.
It's not that we didn't do that before.
I can quote statements from John Foster Dulles in the fifties that literally say, you know, it doesn't matter if there's a country out there that had domessed that elected through standard democratic process, a government that we feel as dangerous. Maybe it's communists, Maybe that's kind of pastay now, but it's it's not a cooperative government. John Foster says, we have every right to replace it. Henry Kissinger in the
seventies says the same thing. You know, it doesn't matter how that government.
Came to place.
It could be democratic, it could be Basically the fun thing is tree go bad due to the irresponsibility of its own people.
Right.
So, we've seen this in any place from various South American and Central American countries talk about Yeah, we've seen it in Iraq even right where now our national security is threatened by the Iraqi regime, and well they have weapons of mass destruction, they're threatening us, so therefore there's our justification for going in. It's just really it's just kind of labeled a little differently, but it's more of the same.
Yeah, yeah, it's absolutely more of the same. It's just.
Basically asserting that either your law or your your security trumps everybody else. I mean, and it's your decision and you can do it because you've got the power to do it. That just say, we can do it because we have the power to do it. And we've been in that position.
This is part of the American tradition, like it or not, right, I mean, did we take Texas from Mexico? Yes?
Did we take the Philippines. We've done this before many times. I think what is different about this.
It's kind of like before or in time we're favorable to us.
This is really a spin on that because certainly we would have had the opportunity to do.
This with this lady who we helped to get the Nobel.
Prize, who was all in and who offered her party and her supporters, and we're saying no, we're going with the like the remnants of the current regime because they actually control you know, we don't.
This is shortcuts the whole deal. It's like, if.
We can do a deal with the regime, we just have to get rid of the top guy, do a deal and get what we want. So Maduro is out and it looks like we're getting as the President said, we're getting. It actually only amounts to about three or four days production as the best I can see of oil that we're going to sell. And this is the fascinating thing. You could even this is sort of like
plunder in the olden days. They're gonna it sounds like we're going to pay for it at market price, and then we're going to sell it and take the money, just like we took the money money from the oil tankers, and maybe we'll give it some of them back to them in some form.
We don't know. But essentially we got what we wanted, which was not just Maduro. Maduro is.
This is a way a quick way to get you know, the rendition was a quick way to get rid of him, show our power and essentially do a deal and check I'm going to give you the first the first take on this, I've invented a new word. Before we had deniability, now we have deal ability. With the current administration, it's all about deals, it really doesn't, you know. It's our interests come first, and we will do whatever we can to.
Cut the deal.
It works for us, just as we thought. I do think the President thought he was going to be able to do a deal with Putin because he was putting all sorts of economic advantages and investments.
You know, that's the way we play it. You know, we're making a deal. It's good not to play. So what did we do today? Eight? Even though Russia said this is.
Our tanker, we have authority over it, we officially legally declare and protest that do not stop it, and they sent us.
So we got in ahead and took it.
Right.
Well, the strange Yeah, the strange thing.
That's a pretty big slap in the face from somebody who was just an Alaska.
Yeah, well exactly and kind of not exactly the thing you might want a time right along with trying.
To cut a deal again with Ukraine. Oh, by the way, that's still happening.
You know, that's still a war in progress, even though they said they were close to a deal.
Seems like a.
Bad time to be aggravating putin when you've got them at the table for that.
But let's put that aside, you know, the actual mechanical deal.
Yeah, that is propaganda, right, There's no deal at least not even in the card, so it wasn't a factor.
No.
Well see, that's the thing though, is if you put it out there as something that's happening, whether it is or not, you know, it looks pretty bad strategically.
And here's another weird part about this.
The United States government is not going to do this, you know when it comes to the oil and making this marketable and everything else. Right, this is going to require a private enterprise of some type to deal with this. So, you know, I'm thinking, just because it makes the most sense, that the previously active assets of Exon Mobil would be the ones that have the you know, the easiest access.
They've already got inroads with Venezuela. They've already got connections there because Exon Mobile up until what about fifteen years ago, dealt very heavily with Venezuela.
Publicly.
So is this, you know, a deal being made on behalf of the United States, but through the arm of Exxon Mobile. And doesn't that now make le you know, the Rex Tillerson time at the State Department look a lot more interesting, you know, because here we go, You're going to actually need people to handle this and put it into the market, right, So I mean, it's going to have to be handled by somebody who does this, and as far as I know, the Navy or the Air Force doesn't have refineries.
Sorry, go ahead, maybe or maybe not.
At first it kind of looked like that, and it looked like Chevron was going to be the big player. But the oil companies themselves are pretty smart. And the oil companies the kind of equipment and machinery, intechnician it's just heavy oil since it was nationalized. So you would be asking, here's one of the things when you do regime change or whenever you do a deal like this, it's sort of like how long is it going to last?
Is there going to be?
It have been through this many times, and they're pretty smart. So what I'm seeing so far is the oil companies are pushing back and saying we'd love to have the oil, but capital investment, you know, is the US government pay for that.
That would be one possibility.
Most people don't realize that the President has already used US money to buy into three or four private companies that the US now has a stake in in areas having to do with strategic minerals and technology. The US is investing and nobody's tracking it. Absolutely, we're we're putting money into those companies. How that's going to work, how the money is going to be tracked, where the profits go to, totally not transparent. So it could be very
possible that he would create another oil consortium. But now it looks like it may have come up with even a brighter approach because if right now the US to it's not he can do a deal. Whether he just think gets a regular shipment every month or so if several days World carriers or you know, Chevron oil carriers or whatever, what the what the Venezuelans produce it, we don't care if they you know, it's free and clear. When it gets on the water, we pay. That's no
investment required with that night. So it may end up being come some about how things are going to work, or are kind of like his early remark, they all compans are pretty sharp about the right.
Now, do me a favor. Mute up again and hang out for a second. You do me a favor.
Mute up, Mute up, and hang out for a second again, try and build up compression, because there is yet one more element here that I think, you know, I would love to hear you address, because nobody in their reporting or alleged analysis is addressing this at all. And that
is the precious metals element of this. Because what I noted is they also said, you know, not only are we going to be able to capture this, but there's going to be a deal for like precious metals in general, almost like not described, not quantified in any way, shape or form.
But you know some precious metals are probably in this equation too, but pay no attention to that. That is a big deal that no one is going to track or quantify.
I mean, that's going to be like the all cash part of this business, where you know, no one is going to be able to, you know, properly be able to do an audit on this in the aftermath of the deal and the transaction. I think there's a lot of precious metals here that are gonna get moved because Venezuela is also rich in some of those resources, not all of them, but they also have you know, pretty good mineral riches in again, precious precious metals.
So on top of the oil, we have the precious.
Metals that I think are gonna be sort of ad pay no attention to that, that's incidental, but I mean that's gonna be a lot of well a high number, a good amount of what this transaction might be made of too, where the oil is almost a cover for that, I'm thinking because the fact that nobody's even asking the question of how much what are we looking at here? What is the potential for it? You know, what is the exchange going to be? Like are the Venezuelan people
gonna gain anything from those precious metals? Like zero questions are being asked about precious metals. I mean, have you noted that as well? That it's sort of like, yeah, this might come along with it, but you know, pay no attention to any of the details. This is about oil and the drugs, And pretty soon I think they'll forget to even mention the drugs because I think that was a smoke screen to begin with. That makes no sense to me that Venezuela is a high priority drug trafficker.
I mean, if you were worried about national security and high levels of drug trafficking, why wouldn't it be, even according to their own propaganda, that we were focusing on places like Mexico directly because there you have a narco state, you know, happening all the time. You have officials of all sorts from the government literally being assassinated, you know, constantly in Mexico. There is a power struggle between what some people would call narco terrorists and other people would
call the cartels. That is happening in real time constantly in a nation state that borders us. Talking about a national security issue, you know, well beyond the guys coming in to take your jobs, you got a serious issue here right on the border. That's not the priority Venezuela is. Well, why, I guess because you know there's oil and oh, precious metals,
but pay no attention to that. It seems to me as though this is just a I mean, I hate to put it this way, but it looks to me like just a grab for resources that is being justified in you know, like reverse engineering the justification afterwards where they tried to cut a deal. They couldn't get the
right deal. So now they used a bit of pressure and renditioned this guy brought them here on an indictment, you know, in a foreign land, which again is not unusual, but is also allegedly not the way we're supposed to conduct business, right, and yet here we are. What is your thoughts on these seemingly like ignored or under analyzed aspect of this being the precious metals and minerals and such.
Yeah, I get it again, to get back to the core, and it's different.
We're talking about precious metals on the order of copper, gold medals. We're not talking about the rare metals minerals that are that we need in semiconductors and electronics, two different things. So for Venezuela, it truly would be metals. Okay, But this is very much in line with some other things that are happening in the administration, for example, the Dodge fiasco, where it happened there's no tracking, there's no reporting.
You call back and say, well, what did that actually save.
And everybody goes, well, we don't know because those people are all gone.
At the beginning of the administration.
The President talked about a new office that was going to be set up to track all of the teriffs that were being collected, how those were being distributed, and to show the benefits of that. That office has not been established yet, just he didn't even set it up yet. As I said before, there are already several major government investments in different areas that nobody knows how they're going
to be tracked. He just signed an executive order saying the money would be spent and we would buy into those companies.
What do we buy into?
What percents the taxpayer getting. I've seen nothing about those deals, So I would say this is going to what rule really if we face the facts and you can either like it or love it, because I know there's some people who are going to love it.
We are back to gun diplomacy. We basically, especially in this hemisphere.
Literally saying we have the power and we're willing to use it. At Venezuela to Columbia, to everybody like, if you don't give us what we want, do the deals we want, be supportive.
We don't care how you do it.
It could be behind us on screens, it can be in front We just want to do the deals that we want to do, and if we can.
You're good. Otherwise we send the gunboats in.
That's how we played the agriculture game a century ago. Now we're playing it for oil metals. The only variant that's going to be fascinating is Ruvio obviously wants to take out the Castro regime.
What in the world excuse we're going to find to do that, I don't know, but clearly he wants to do it.
But to cut to the chase, we've just moved back into a model that we had in the eighteen hundreds, and we were good with it. I mean, I can show you the legislators, the correspondence, the articles. You know, if somebody raises a fuss with one of our companies and one of our deals will take them out with however much forces need it.
Right and yeah, in the first half of the why really quickly, in the first half of the twentieth century, we also dealt with this where gunboat diplomacy effectively was being you know, transacted, let's say, on behalf of the fruit companies and the sugar companies in the same area of the world, right, you know, it isn't just about drugs and importation that way. I mean, you're talking about
stuff like that. I mean, this is literally part of what fueled you know, various Cuban upheavals and various other South and Central American upheavals again in the first half of the twentieth century, where you have you know, sugar companies and fruit companies. I mean literally, this is why military action was taken.
And we saw that, I mean.
Yeah, and we played it with everybody. We played it in Cuba. Everybody so care really what your politics are. We care what our degree of influence is.
In Cuba.
Everybody knew that Batista was corrupt, like Noriego, like Maduro.
He's corrupt, you know, everybody knows that. And he gets to the point.
Where his own people are so upset about it that he's going to change. Well, we sent a senior level presidential advisor down to talk with him, not to say that he should just leave, to tell him who he needed to hand off power to, who we knew would cooperate with us, so we could essentially, you can clean house and you can do a reset.
Everybody will be happy, and.
This is our guy, you know, so we're not the thought I you know, it would it would be interesting to think of us as, you know, the policeman.
For the world. Know that that's not it in reality.
You know, it would from one perspective, it would be okay, if you want to use all that power, go be the policeman.
We're not policemen for the world. We're just policing the world.
But the reality is that we are just simply putting our interest first. And you have to be honest about that and say that a great percentage of.
Our population are quite happy with that. Well, you know, I'm not going to say it's a majority.
It's like, if it's making us money and we're doing good, that's you know, if it was good for general motors, it was good for the US.
That's a fifty slogan, right, And.
What we have here is rhetoric that basically says, when you take away all the coded language and the propaganda of pro America raw Rah, when you take it away, what it comes down to is, these are the policy enforcing security details for corporate America that are going to go down and make sure that the deals get done so the corporate America continue used to thrive.
This is what the bottom line is.
And like I said, that was with the sugar companies, that was with the fruit companies, so on and so forth. This is literally the model that we had again you know, about one hundred years ago. Forget about the eighteen hundreds, but one hundred years ago.
Of course.
This is almost the reason why you saw people like George de Morrinshield's trying to get involved with Haiti and you know, jute farms and things like this, because he thought maybe that was a future, you know, something that was going to be backed up by the US government. And certainly we backed up Batista, you know before Castro came in, because he did what corporate America wanted. Also just so happened to do what the mob wanted regarding casinos and stuff. But it was, you know, open season.
It was any business is good, I don't care. We'll do business with everybody. Is the way Batista was. As long as his pockets got lined, it was all good. And what we're trying to do now is put more Batista's place. Is what it looks like to me, except now in Venezuela and anywhere else that it looks like it would be advantageous to turn it around for or on behalf of corporate America Or am I misreading.
That, Larry.
Now? I think and one of the no, I don't think that's mystery.
The almost wish it was okay, because you know, there were periods of time when we like to view ourselves as ethical and moral, and we're replacing dictatorships with democracies, right, we're feeling good about that.
Right, But if you go back and look at the reality, you don't look at what people say, you look at what they do.
I can take you back to Guatemala, Nicaragua, Brazil, Argentina. In many instances we helped overthrow regime and we work with surrogates, you know, democratic you know local people that were progressive, democratic, wanted a different regime. Okay, they would come into power, they would stay in power for three years, four years, whatever, and then there would be an ultra right revolution against them, and usually led by the military.
And the military would take over.
And you would say to yourself, well, self, if we were here for the democracy, certainly we're going to try to get rid of that military. Military. No, No, because the military always loved to work with us. They would deal with us, and so we might we might create you know, a democratic revolution and put a democracy in power. But we never sustained the democracies we supported, as in Brazil and several we supported the generals and the military
and the regimes that would cooperate. We I can't think of any instance when we actually other than you could say in Cuba, but they were communists.
That's another story, you know, where we actually.
Spent lots of time, having money and effort in and said, okay, see, Ia, there's a hunter in control of the country and they're corrupt and they're doing bad deals, but we're selling them weapons.
I want you to go overthrow them. I don't think we ever said that.
So basically, what happens here is that the will and well being of the people of those countries is really coincidental. If it so happens that we support it so long as our people are in command and in control, so that we've got the right people to make deals with for their resources and their well their resources, you know, And that's it. That's the bottom line, and it's just
that clear. Anyway, I urge everybody go over to you know, the the WordPress site for Larry Hancock, which the link will be in the show notes here and follow up on this. I have a feeling Larry that you and I will get together again in two weeks and have a continuation of this discussion. But outside of the fact that now we have what did you call it now? It's not deniability, it's deal ability, So we have plausible
plausible deal ability is the new term. But outside of plausible deal ability, Larry, what else is there to really, you know, put here as a punctuation on this discussion tonight, because plausible deal ability is a hell of a thing. But beyond that, is there anything else to add?
Yeah, I think there's another way to judge this. I think a step back, and that really kind of wraps it up. For decades and decades and decades, we had a continual, essentially battle between the State Department and the CIA, where the State Department in the military.
For those of us who went through Vietnam, you know.
There was always a battle but what the State Department wanted to do because they were basically following a local national charter like what's best for the nation, and they got into constant fights.
With state with military, state with CIA.
That was just The interesting thing is, now that's not going to happen because if you look at this, you know, look at our.
Mister Rubio, he's all for this.
So the good news, I guess at least, is finally we got State Department lined up with the military and the CIA and everybody's on the same page.
Except when he goes up and say that positively enough, you.
Did, you said it perfectly positively. And the only thing that's confusing is that he goes on Meet the Press on Sunday and they straight out asked him because you know, the very simple explanation of we're now going to run Venezuela. They basically went and said, because Trump had implied that it would be Rubio and all those State Department people that would be in charge of Venezuela from now on on Meet the Press, they basically said, so are you
like running Venezuela now? He didn't really know how to answer that, too, well, like are you running Venezuela now?
That was because Trump did say that.
He looked behind them on the podium and said, you know, the secreator fence, these guys are going to be running.
Venezuela and it's like, Okay, uh, what do I do next? What have I do tomorrow? So that that was a shock, that that is a that is a quandary.
So maybe they're on the same maybe they're in the same book, but not quite on the same page yet A good point.
Yeah, I'm just saying a few details to be worked out for future consideration, maybe, like who's actually.
In charge and who you're going to tell the world is in charge.
But otherwise the the actual efforts here and everything else are being streamlined, and it does appear as though there is cohesion and coherence in the strategy now, right, So State Department is not battling ci A while trying to implement their agenda and vice versa.
We now have them at least working together. So there you go.
There's the positive spin, if you will, of what it is we're looking at. But does this bode well for our future? Larry, I mean, and now I am onto our as in you and we and me and you you know, does this bode well for the US? Or does this make us you know, once again the gangster nation on the planet? Or am I again you know reading hyperbole into this?
What do you think?
Now?
I think what it does. It does restyle the US, And in the last twelve months we have restyled the US.
I grew up in an era which was called the era of the Ugly American because we were overbearing.
We were, you know, after World War Two. We have more military power, we have the A bomb, We can do whatever we want to do. We can go to your countries, you know. The it was almost like entertainment.
There were movies made ugly because we were just viewed as being, you know, obnoxious, overbearing. You know, our ways the only right way. Why why aren't all you people speaking English? It's our language. Why aren't you speaking.
That's that's where we are again.
And now that didn't work out too well in the long run, and almost none of our regime change worked out too well in the wrong. But quite frankly, to be honest, it's usually it usually lasted long enough serve somebody to make a lot of money and somebody to you know, maintain a position of power for two or three years, won a few elections, and so it's very
it's not a it's not a long term strategy. I guess you would have to say, gunpoat diplomacy is a tactic more than a long term strategy, and it works well for a time. But you know, we've It's not we're the only ones that have done it. Basically, everybody that's had an empire, British, Russian, French have gone through that phase. It's just that they've kind of come back in it, out of it. Well we're going back into it.
Well, there you have it.
I mean, so we have the short term strategy as opposed to the long term plan and you know, will that will that pan out? Well, I guess we'll have to stay tuned and see again. Check out Larry Hancock's word press blog. I advise that you read all of his books anyway, But for tonight's purposes, here we go. I would say shadow warfare. I think that was the first one I said. It was either that or surprise attack,
but either way, both of them highly recommended. But specifically for tonight, maybe shadow warfare is best, even if we're not actually casting too many shadows, because everything's just being done in broad daylight.
There it is.
Gunboat diplomacy and plausible deal ability. So thanks again, Larry, appreciate you for stopping in, and maybe in two weeks hopefully we'll have something else to talk about. But I dare say there may be a continuation of this topic, and who knows what else might happen in the meantime, because twenty twenty six just started, and I have a feeling it's.
Going to be a rocky year anyway. Hopefully it's not for you listening.
I am merely o'celly, you guys who support this network and support the show and all that you are indeed the.
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