[FULL] Epigenetics, South Africa and Sexuality w/ Thomas777

introductory curriculum was, and even twenty thirty years ago. I went to a Jesuit college in the big city, which might seem weird to people, you know, one to my own confessional heritage, but I it's where I went to Loyally University, and there they had a peculiar emphasis on uh on on political philosophy, you know, and they uh, they they're in those days, their philosophy and political science department were very theory based and did not have a

Jesuit or liberal orientation. That maybe different now, but in any event, so even then, I didn't I didn't have a great grasp of of what they you know, of what kind of big ten colleges taught people in terms

of philosophy. But what I've gleaned just kind of from you know, perusing you know, the syllabi of philosophy courses and things, and from what people have told me kind of young and old, you know, they they they kind of present the distinction between continental philosophy and analytic philosophy, you know, somewhat derisively, I think. Okay, but that doesn't

need to be the case. You know, there's no there's nothing inherently punitive about describing continental philosophy in contrast, uh you know, uh rationalist and puricism and things like that and and what have you. And and there's more, there's there's more. There's more interrelatedness in terms of intellectual foundation

than most people will allow. But if if you want to know who the true father of philosophy is as we perceive it, it's Hegel, okay, and uh, the degree of what German idealism kind of created, the basically European philosophy is all in all in dialogue with Aristotle and German idealism. Okay, that's a little bit outside the scope.

And I'm not any kind of expert on Aristotle. I mean most of what I know of Aristotle, I mean obviously, like I've read you know, the Nico Mackey and ethics and the politics and things, and I studied that extensively. But I don't have fluency in Greek, so that's one barrier.

But also I mean my my kind of area of focus is uh, you know, the modern era, so I I mostly I mostly came to the Aristotle in the classics as well as the pre Socratics, you know, through uh, through thinkers like uh Schopenhauer, Niche to Hegel, Turke Guard, you know, people like this. But in any event, to bring it back continal philosophy, I mean today it's your philosophy is uh, it doesn't need to be this way,

but traditional philosophy is somewhat dead. Although I'd argue that a lot of a lot of a lot of kind of neurosciences, you know, like neuroscience and things specifically like the you know, the science of of mind versus uh,

you know, just to study of the physical brain. I mean that that very much, that very much spills over into in in into the territory of philosophy oka inevitably, and it ends up having a philosophical discussion in kind of conventional terms, whether the intention or not, some of you do find you do find condinal continental philosophy insinuated into modern academic discourse. But it's it's in somewhat accidental ways, Okay. But at the same time, there's a there's a lot written,

uh in critical capacities, positively and negatively about philosophy. You know, there's a huge amount of stuff published in that and which is good. I mean, it's good people are still reading these things. It's unfortunate again that there's not a lot of original work. That's that's uh, that kind of

unqualifiably you know, calls of self philosophy. But the but regardless, you know, all all all that all that scholarship that I just described, it's all, it's all, it's all basically in dialogue with Hey, okay, in some and into some degree or another. Okay. So I mean that's whether people

realize it or not. Anybody who's kind of intellectually engaged with with these sorts of thought, paradigms and and in this kind of this kind of intellectual history and heritage, you know, they're they're engaged with Hegel when if they if they if they haven't studied, if they haven't studied the original uh source documents by the man himself, if they were, if they were to do so, they they'd come to realize that, oh wow, you know I I you know, they they recognize the concepts that they've been

in dialogue with pretty much for the the entirety of their you know, sort of academic career. So that's that's something to keep in mind. And more concrete terms, the twentieth century was the Hegelian century, you'll gain a very real sense. But for peculiar and peculiar capacities. I can't remember who it was, and uh, I don't think it's

early on set dementia. It's just that I my memory fails me sometimes with with uh with names, but uh, it may have been Louis Fernand Sealin, you know, uh the French, uh the the kind of the kind of French, uh, transgressive philosophic novelist. It might have been him, but I if I'm wrong, I mean some some will correct me in the comments or whatever. Said, Uh that the Battle of Stalingrad, with where right and left he Gallien's met, you know, to settle their differences once and for all.

And I mean he was there. That was the intended That is kind of Gallows humor, but it actually was correct. Okay, And uh, the uh there's a peculiar thing in in Marxism because you know, dialectical materialism turns Gelienism on its head. You know, it's I think of I think of it as I think of the relationship of Marx to uh to Hegel's kind of like the relationship of Karl Schmidt to Hobbes. Okay, and people are familiar with both Len of Snammer. I'm going with it. But Marxism really kind

of rejected the core it kind of presented. It adopted a Hegelian methodology in a sense, but that postulated, uh, the opposite cause as the as the prime moving force of history, which is really strange and it's further complicated by the fact that originally the quote left Hegelians were guys like David Strauss with these kind of liberal theologians, you know, who who were very much concerned with, you know,

removing a reference to the who. And they they viewed kind of the you know, they viewed their opposition, you know, kind of the Prussian UH apologies for the Prussian state.

You know, they viewed them, you know, as as uh as basically appealing the to the absolute you know, and to the UH and the and the biblical authority and you know, and supernatural causes in order to kind of shut down arguments that you know, forced them to kind of rationalize why they they posited that, you know, the state, you know, represented the kind of concrete zenith of an ideal that you know, brought about by you know, centuries

of dialectic. But these the big guys like Strauss, I mean he was he was like he was liberal and like you know, the kind of the nineteenth century sense, Okay, like he wasn't you know, and he had he had heterodopts views of Christ and things. But you know, these guys had nothing in kind with Marxist or anything. So then later they you know, so when Marxism kind of came into its own, you know, and became this huge animating force and this kind of you know, incredibly powerful movement.

You know, Marxists became viewed as the quote left to Galiens, and these guys extrass became referred to as the quote young Hegelians. So I mean, this is all very convoluted, but I guess my point is that in a very strange way, like like like Marxism is kind of a peculiar I mean, a right a Gallian with you, Marxism is kind of this like deviant offshoot of the dialectical

process itself. That's like purposefully that purposefully contrarian. But nevertheless, you know, owes its origins to the dialectical process that you know is the is the is the prime moving

agent of history. You know, Marxists themselves, like calling them quote left Tagilians is peculiar because again, you know, they they cite, uh, you know, they cite you know, dialectal materialism and and you know, these these kind of determinative you know physical literally like determinative physical processes of labor and production and technics. You know, in manage relationship to these things as as being what you know shapes man's

conceptual horizon as well as driving the historical process. So I mean it's very it's very very strange. But the uh so essentially, if you if you're if you're a traditionalist Tagelian, you know, in in terms of UH, you know,

you're you're you're centered on the absolute. You know it's the source of ultimate reality and uh, you know, you basically accept like Hegel's postulates about the nature of mind versus the nature of concrete reality, and you know, the interplay between uh both uh domains and if you you know, accept that, uh, you know, if if you accept UH, if you accept the perspective that uh, you know, the dialogical process ultimately uh you know, ultimately perfects uh perfects

uh its progress towards uh the ideal that is uh inspires it in the first place. You know that that if you accept that perspective, by default, you're kind of you're considered a right Hegelian. I mean, I can I refer to myself that way, because I mean, I'm not I think the right left paradigm doesn't hold a whole

lot of meaning in the twenty first century. But that but but just for in the interest of coherence and and uh, you know, uh, in clarity, I mean that people understand we're talking about in familiar terms when we say right versus left, because if nothing else, that describes basically a series of you know, a set of values and preferences, you know, ethical, aesthetic, and otherwise in a

certain historical perspective. So I mean, I don't run from it when people, you know, say that I'm a right wing but you know, it's not I don't have some I don't have some discrete kind of take on hegel It's that I'm literally a right wing writer and revisionist

who's also a Hegelian. So and kind of by default because I don't ascribe to this, you know, I don't describe to this kind of critical theology perspective of people like Strauss, not Leo Straus, David Strauss for the clarity, you know, and I and obviously I'm not any kind of Marxist like by default, you know, I that makes me a quote right Hegelian as well. So that's I realized I was long winded, But it's it's a dense topic. No, not at all.

and and label and labor and capital itself and how technology impacts these things. That that is literally you know the what what what what facilitates the historical process? Okay? In contrast, you know, right Hegelians or traditional Hegelians, you know, again like they they they believe that uh, you know,

they believe very very fundamentally in the absolute. You know, they believe that processes of mind are uh is the is you know, is the prime move on in history and the dialectical processes intrinsic to mind in uh in service of and uh in relationship to the ideal is what is? What is what you know, facilitates the historical process and and is what allows man to to comprehend it conceptually. Okay, so these are these are these are

radically opposing viewpoints. And again I it's uh, it's a peculiar kind of fact of of history and and kind of uh of a of the limits of language. Again that that that that Marxists uh became identified as you know, left Hegelians when reality they basically reject Heyl's paradigm outright.

And you know, again, like I said, the initial the initial kind of descent dissenter Hegelians of the left were were people like David Strauss, and you know, people who people who were God centric in a way, because most of them are theologians, including Strauss himself, that's obviously what

he's known for. But they they had a very critical view of of reference to the to the absolute in uh in uh in historical processes because they believe that it was you know, just a way again of of kind of the way of winning arguments for like, a better way to describe it without without having to resort to, you know, the rigorous process of uh of uh truly

rationalizing their perspective. That's not to say they went quite as far as these like Charlatan's, like Carl Popper or something who you know, invoked the scientific method as some kind of as is, some kind of end all process by which history can be interpreted and you know, of of which like you know, values must be subject if they were to be if they were to be accepted

as correct or valid. I mean it's I was nothing like that, nothing crankish, but it it did very much owe to you know, kind of the the the bias towards materialism of the of the nineteenth century. And I mean that can't be that can't be denied. So I mean that's in very basic terms, that's the way to that's the way to understand it.

so it's odd because we were talking and the topic of historiography came up, and she was, despite being you know, you know, I'm a kind of a Calvinist tradition, was absolutely and totally convinced that essentially the world operated purely

along the lines of you know, dialectical materialism. And I was kind of just I was a little bit shocked by that, not because I hadn't heard the ideas before, right, but just it was a very odd I guess like it was very an odd preconception for someone to have, you know, with a certain background and with a certain

set of ideas. And to me it's it's odd too, because on one hand, it's like it's like what you said, right, Like, on one hand, Hegel is you know, kind of dense and difficult to read, and not many people actually like engage with him directly. But at the same time, he does kind of form the bedrock of so much of kind of second order political discussion.

But I mean, amer there isn't an an intellectual strain in America, like not not in the way that like these kinds of like Midwood npr Leans was claim, you know who, because like they're they're the most they're the most uh kind of pitiable like strivers, like Midwoods of all. But you know, they fancy themselves as educated. But I mean genuinely if uh, Americans really don't you know, even like a lot of like even like a lot of

churchmen I respect, like in my own confessional heritage. You know, they'll read institutes the Christian religion, you know, and uh, they'll Readerristotle and they'll read the Scripture obviously, but beyond that, they they don't they don't really read philosophy. And you know, you get guys to uh, you know, you get guys like I are theorists and things, uh and uh and

kind of political sociologists and things. I realized these days those disciplines are like a joke in terms of the people they attract, but during the Cold War they were not.

And you still have some You still have some guys who are pretty prominently situated in those disciplines, who are serious people, but you know, they they kind of purposely avoid uh, reference to Kana philosophy because it's viewed as like this full power or like something to be you know, some something to be shunned, or at least, you know, not not referred to within you know, within uh, within

the four corners of their of their research. So there's that and uh and yeah, but I mean beyond that, it's just it's just a strange thing that you know, like I said that Hegil became so identified with the left because I mean, again it's the I mean, this is something that this itself is like a Hegelian process,

I mean, which just kind of fascinating. But you know, anybody, I know that a lot of younger guys read Carl Schmidt, and that's great, because Schmid's very important, Okay, and uh, I think he's uh, particularly because I mean it's because like I was a lawyer, I I've I've got a bias for inductive reasoning. So Schmidt I find him kind of relatable in conceptual terms. That's kind of the way

my mind work anyway, and attacking problems. But you know, anybody who anybody who's read him extensively, particularly written almost of the Earth, and you know, understands his kind of scept of political theology and also as a deep understanding of lebah than by Hobbes. You know, the relays. Again, the relationship of Marx to Hagel was very, very very much like the relationship of Schmidt to Hobbs. Okay, Schmidt basically rejects all of Hobbes's ontological postulates and uh in

turns uh it turns it on his head. Yet he retains uh. He he retains and is totally in agreement with you know, Hobbes's view of uh, of whatsoever and authority represents, particularly in symbolic psychological terms. It's really kind of fascinating. Like obviously, Schmidt was a far more he was a far more rigorous thing than Karl Marx and Mars marsh is a weird thinker. That's part of it. And so the angles, I think angles is a bit more discipline. But these guys weren't They were not economists,

and Marxism is not economics. That's why, I mean, obviously don't really find them anymore other than these some some like weird fossils. It probably Berkeley or whatever. But you know, throughout the entirety of the Cold War, you know, you had in economics departments at big universities, you had like and Marxist economists, Like Marxism is not economics. It's this weird theory of uh. It's it's this weird sociological theory, and it's this uh and this kind of brand theory

of reductionist theory of history. You know that that that that that relies upon postulates that that are kind of self referencing and uh, a kind of a kind of speculative deduction, you know, about the human condition and the modern age. But it's just the claim that it's the claim that it's some kind of like economic methodology is absurd because it's not at all.

I have a certain amount of econ background. I don't stay up at night thinking about econ, but you know, I've read a decent amount of it, sure and fair enough. Maybe econ isn't a true hard science. That's a separate conversation. But you read Marx and it's it's very much like you said. You know, it's kind of this like self referential, like I guess, like not like logic puzzle, but kind of like thought experiment. You know, that seems to be

particularly attractive to a certain type of person. And that doesn't mean that there's nothing in Marx that Marx was like, you know, a mouth breathing moron, you know, but it is nowhere near as I guess like scientific or I guess like not rationalistic, but I guess like uh, experimental, as it kind of presents itself.

it's like or that it's this uh or there's this value leading perspective, or that you know, it's it's some kind of like absolute means of revealing some some sort of higher truth, like all sciences is a methodology. It's not something you believe in, you know, like you don't. It's like saying you like believe in metallurgy or something, you know, like it all it's this idea. That's one

of the things. That's one of the reasons why like when I hear these people, whether it's these bizarre freaks in public life or whether it's kind of Midwain and Foltament consumers, you're talking about quote trust the science, It's like, that's that's kind of that, that's kind of that, that's kind of cranked nineteenth century thinking, like you won't think that way anymore, you know, you're not really part of the conversation if as it were if you think in

those terms, And that's that's one of the reasons. Yeah, that that's one of the reason is Marxism, uh and and Leninism later on, even until the nineteen eighties, it was senreally obsessed with talking about you know how it's postulates are quote scientific, I mean, like even if that was the case, Like, so what I mean, like I you know, I that that means nothing, you know, like unless unless your goal is like build a bridge or to like you know, fire a you know, or invent gunpowder,

or like make an automobile run, or like launch a rocket into space. Like it means it means nothing to me if you're quote involking a science, you know, like, I mean, what does that even mean? Like in a political in political ethical capacity, you know, like nobody, nobody can explain that.

He's a State Department spook, essentially political scientist, and it's always interesting talking to him because he will quite often and I say this as someone like this is not a moral claim on his personal character. It's just kind of a claim on how he talks, right, but if it will oftentimes like refer to things like human rights and kind of objective terms like the idea that you can kind of measure something is is like odd and

subjective as that. And don't get me wrong, like if you gave me a choice between living in America and you know, North Korea, that's a pretty easy choice and maybe you can say, okay, that's human rights.

It's not it's not some crank idea or conspiratorial to point out that the regime today, it's it always more to people like Trotzky, and then it does John Locke or Thomas Payne. Yeah, and especially the state the state

of art is positively deranged. You know, like there really is these kind of it's it's these people who who come off like these kinds of diluted, disengaged at baratrics in the final days of the Soviet Union, who are just like invoking this kind of gobbled book language that didn't move anybody anymore, and that seemed like outdated even even as they were uttering it, you know, like uh like sitting down and saying like, you know, you're gonna

slate this society for annihilation and you're gonna sanction these people, and you're gonna do this, and you're gonna move this population around. And it's like, you know, because quote unquote, you know, human rights demand it, and you know, we're progressing towards some towards some telluric utopia that is gonna be you know, facilitated once we make men more governable

and suited to government like that. That's a bizarre idea in all kinds of ways and doesn't really make any sense, But it's also that's that's that's that's an idea that belongs to nineteen twenty. You know, it's a century out of date, you know, and that's what the reasons this people sound so weird and like I pointed out to these types before I spend some time in Washington, d C. You know, around like two thousand and five, and that was kind of at the zenith of the second sort

of neocon renaissance. I point this out to people like over cocktails, so we're very insinuating in that culture. And it's like it didn't compute, Like it give me some kind of like moronic look, pause, and then like keep going. You know, it's like you can't. It's like in cool and look, but some men you just can't reach. Like I'm not just sing your friend is like this. I mean, I speculate the's a lot more as a lot more depth. Otherwise somebody like you wouldn't associate with them. But but yeah,

it's true. It's bit's bizarre. It's like there's not it's uh, it's like these people have been kind of trained. They're kind of like trained seal they're kind of like trained parrots, but they're not they don't have any they don't have any meaningful understanding of the words that they utter. You know, it's like these things aren't even platitudes, you know, it's like they don't they couldn't. They couldn't. They're not capable of unpacking what the actual meaning is of these things.

You know. It's just they've kind of committed it to memory and and by repeating it over and over, you know, like a script like that's that's kinda helped them get insinuated into whatever sort of career role they want. And it's really that simple and that simple minded, I think.

But even it's it's the apparatriics who are situated in in in in in powerful roles. They were fundamentally serious guys, and there was a remarkable consistency to them. I mean, yeah, okay, they're Marcist. Leninism is nonsense and it's characterized by gobbledy doesn't really mean anything. But they had a very very deep understanding of their own perspective. Like in addition to

it being just like a very bad person. To your point, Madelan Albright was was like an she was like a fucking moron, you know, Like these people are like they it's incredible. They're the kind of obtuse, ignorance of these people, you know, like somebody like her, like like to your point, Like she didn't even she didn't even realize like what's wrong with that statement? Like I don't I don't even mean like an ethical moral terms. I mean, she didn't

even realize like what the inconsistency is. It's like, you know, it's like you said, it's like so you so you annihilated half a million people, you know, many of whom were minor children and the elderly to advance you know, human rights and we beat suffering. They're like not and be like oh yes, of course, like doesn't compute, like what's wrong with that? You know? That's and you know,

I've made the point before. I'm sure people get tired of it because it seems like I'm just like some like angry old guy like beating it at a horse.

But the agree to with the government became totally bizarre, crazy, freakish and clownish, like very suddenly, and like in nine ninety three, it was jarring, you know, and it's like I, I mean, I guess I was always waiting in the wings, and it was just necessity that dictated that you know you have, uh, you have a serious regime in place, because when when there was when there truly was a possibility of armageddon that was kind of always uh in in the wings, and about every decade, you know, uh,

strategic conditions kind of broke dout or the the uh kind of the the balance of uh the kind of containing balance broke down, and about every decade you know, uh like fifty three, sixty two, seventy three, and eighty three, you know, and uh and the world really did come close uh to nuclear war. I mean you can't, you can't.

You can't have literal clowns like battling Ober eight and like you know, these piggy kind of the perverts like like Bill Clinton and in executive roles if if you know, you're if at any moment, uh, you know, the civilization might be under threat owing to nuclear in new general nuclear war. So I I I it makes sense that that happened, because you know, the the regime is that it existed since nineteen thirty three essentially put itself out

of business. Okay, But the rapidity with which these fools were were kind of catapulted into into prominent roles like I found it shocking then, and I still kind of find it surprising. But yeah, the uh it's particularly and that's what's weird, I mean, especially with the State Department. Is is the worst of I mean, the because the kind of the most the most abjectly cretinus of all the of any kind of branch of the regime as far as I can tell. But uh, it's the weird disconnect,

is that. I mean, like, like I pointed out, if people uh you know, for better or worse, and people's motivations certainly not pure and arguing on neither side of this issue. But until uh, until the Clinton administration, there was there there was a real tension between uh you know, people uh in the established may to oppose military action kind of categorically you know, and people at like a

hoggish perspective after the Cold War. I mean, part of this was because the military establishment like had to find a reason to continue to exist, you know, so they kind of they kind of availed themselves under Clinton. Is like the the kind of the kind of corpse the kind of corpse menu facts, your division of woke capital

as at were. But the degree to which these people, the degree of which uh, there the degree to these like regime oyal people think nothing of the fact, just kind of like endless, unprovoked military violence against the world's populations.

It's totally insane and said to your point, it's sociopathic, you know, like uh, these people, uh, they'll they'll they'll fly in like trembling rages if you suggest that, you know, maybe like man on man, sodomy is not you know, like a sacrament, but uh they think nothing of yeah, like killing half a million kids or like you know, uh they're slating you know, the Russian Federation and as people for destruction or uh you know, or are waging is like a perennial war on on darhl Islam, you know,

owing to some uh owing to some u uncraditional fealty to uh a Zionist apartheid state. Like it's is totally insane. And but I mean again, it's like you Michael Jones is always saying, you know, it's moralities and all or nothing proposition. You can't like abandon reason and say like, oh, you know, like abortion is great, like you know, sodomy's a sacrament, you know, and and embrace kind all these

like sociopathic h perspectives. But then retain some kind of like you know, respect for human life or or some sort of h or some sort of aversion to you know, murdering your fellow man for you know, no good reason. So I didn't mean to turn that into a polemical rant.

come up a little bit short. You're like, well, okay, why, you know, because like people like Bill Gates, right, like he gives away a lot of money, and he has more money than he can really spend, but why does he keep doing things? It's probably not to make more money, you know. And you kind of come around to, well, they must be possessed, either ideologically or maybe like on

some other level. Right, But there really is this kind of like I don't know what to describe it, but this like kind of disturbing ideological like genocidal surety, right, this idea that like I know exactly how to remake man, you know, to create a new, a new time type of person who can be kind of governed better. And if it's five hundred thousand children, if it's you know, the destruction of the world economy, it's, well it doesn't matter, right,

We'll get there eventually. And to me, I don't know what you call that, but I see it in I guess a lot of kind of like the the upper class and like the striving class now and maybe it's a human constant. I'm not sure, but it does seem very odd. And the way you describe the like, I guess, like the the reorganizing of kind of like the US government along very like non serious lines. To me, it just at a certain level. I still have a hard time believing that you can be kind of ahead of

state and so disconnected from reality. But maybe that's a little bit naive.

from I mean from the twentieth century onward. Really you know that you can't, like government can't function without without

without discrete cadres of experts. And there's also choke points where the means the road in terms of functional policy, wherein you know, there's not it's just not possible for one man to be, you know, at the helm of these things, or or for some you know, or for some quorum of elected official dumb you know, to you know, to be to be directly to be directly managing these these functions. I mean that that's just the way it is.

You know that it's a sociological and structural reality. So I mean there's that, but it's also the uh, you know, if you're gonna have a if you're gonna have a media driven culture, and if you're gonna if you're gonna be committed to this kind of bizarre social engineering project, you know, you're gonna you're gonna basically have like a two tiered kind of kind of elite You're gonna have like the you know, you're gonna have kind of like

the public relations department, you know, which is uh you know, which is the people who hold formal office, and you're gonna have like the actual function areas you know who uh who uh who run the government. Yeah, I made the point before that. I mean places like the Russian Federation and be able to look at China, they're not particularly free societies, they're not particularly well run societies in

a lot of ways, but they are transparent. Like the Russian Federation, there's not guys like Medvedev and mister Putin, uh you know, behind the scenes kind of running the government while you have these like bizarre actors and and kind of like career pr guys like you know who they pretend or like, you know, running the country, you know, like only America and the uko's that and you know and kind of like some of the some of the

some of them were prominent use states. But even that even uh, I mean, the Estalia Buonize Republic has no sovereignty because I mean, it's it's under proan occupation. But the German Chancellor is basically the head of government. You know, it's not it's not that's not a fake or something, but so yeah, I mean it's it's there's that you're I mean that that's how things can continue to function.

It's but it's also the uh, you know. A key thing to understand too, is I mean, like I said, there's a the uh, the Westphalian state is going to continue to exist for some time, although I believe it's on its way out. But the government is structured since nineteen thirty three. I mean again, it's not it's not really tailored to do anything. I mean, it's tailor to

do two things. I mean, it's it's tailored to take on these kinds of mass social engineering projects, which in the case of of this country, it's it's an incredibly destructive uh prospects considering what its goals are, you know, which is basically to eradicate any organic uh sources of identity and and and communitarian association and all of that. But uh, you know, the other thing is it's it's basically tailored to fight the Cold War and not much else,

you know what I mean. That's that's uh, this touches and concerns everything, including this, the kind of recent COVID foolishness. You know. Uh, it's you you've got this, You've got you've got this, You've got this regime that no longer has a raise on debt for us. So it's it's just perpetually kind of seeking out, you know, confabulating you know, quote unquote emergencies to manage you know, because uh, it's not uh it's not really structured to do anything else,

you know. I mean, so that that's an important thing to consider too, in terms of the in terms of the kind of peculiar dysfunction of uh, of our regime or not ours, but the regime you know, within the the country in which we live. It's just uh, you know, and it's I think, uh, there is a U in terms of why people abide it's it's it's violence figurative

and literal. I think, uh, you know, considering that Americans aren't particularly intellectually inclined, and they don't, uh, they don't seek out answers the historical uh questions in quagmires in any meaningful way. I mean, well most people don't. But what they do is, uh, you know one of the reasons this but the people like bizarre about the Supreme Court. Yeah,

I made the point before that. Uh, it's it's bizarre that that Americans view as this kind of like rabbinic council, you know, like I people really do, I mean in will Carl Schmidt Agan, you know, they really do view government, particularly you know in America where you know, you're in this kind of where where the people are regime loyal or are these kind of you know, a historical dirastinated people who we don't really understand, uh, you know, the

source of morals and authority and things they really do vi the government, you know, is that it is their standing for God, you know, in the Supreme Court. Really is this kind of like high pre this kind of like you know, high Council of rabbis or priests or something, and you know it's declaratory judgments. You know, really are really do have the really give the force of like a hadith or something, and you know, they really do view you know, government like government actions as as a

literally miraculous occurrence. And they really do view you know, like official to them as as uh as some there's some kind of entity like that the warrants you're you're kind kind of like, uh like you're kind of like odd Fieldy. I mean, I that guy that's complete. It's a completely alien concept to me, like because I'm so great or so smart, but because I the idea that anybody, even I mean I realized, like human psychology is highly symbolic.

But you know the fact that anybody could uh anybody could look at the at that that the current regime is anything other than this kind of bizarre failing, you know, entirely worldly apparatus is kind of incredible to me. But I you know, then again, I'm not really I'm not really I'm not really a normal kind of citizen, you know, and I'm not really insinuated into things like that. You know, It's not like I work a ninety five job or something,

or like I got kids in public school. You know, it's not you know, it's not like I. You know, it's not like I, uh, I've got you know, some sort of steak in in in the in the system, because I really know, you know.

And I say this even as like someone who realizes that the vast majority of people probably don't think very much about theology at all, you know, even if they kind of don't necessarily have an explicit relationship with God. I think that there is kind of like a concept of your highest authority, they integrate with.

respond to official them the way that they do. That's a constant and that's uh, you know, like I said, that's kind of what Schmid took from Hobbs while turning his is ontological while turning his ontology like on his head. But yeah, you're you're you're right. It's just uh, I mean, it's just weird to It's just but I mean, I guess, you know, in some ways, uh, in some the people

are pretty mailable. And you know, I think the kind of the kind of uh, the kind of mediocre middle you know, kind of as it were, they at least in this country is frankly, I only I don't what the Germans would call mentioned material is not particularly quality here. You know, though those people can be those people can

be molded pretty pretty effectively, you know. But at the same time, you know, uh, in my lifetime and in earnest in the last you know, ten years, you know, people the people who are not susceptible to that uh sort of social engineering. You know, the people who are capable of of of of a sovereign existence, you know, the terms around younger talking about such things. You know,

a sovereign person. You know, people like us and like you and myself included, Like you know, people have become you know, radicalized, and they've you know, been motivated to seceed as much as possible from the regime and do whatever they can within the law, because we don't advocate

breaking the law, you know, to expedite its demise. And uh that means that that mean is that the kind of uh, the kind of racial immune system, if you will, is like still intact, okay, because in America you're never gonna you're never gonna get some raw majority of people who you know, who who who respond in in in healthy terms like spiritually and ethically, I mean to uh, you know, to uh two to uh you know, evil and overreached by official them. You're just not you know it. Uh,

you've got uh, you've got mostly a nation you're not. Yeah, you got mostly the country natural slaves and you know, people who in spiritual terms are a bunch of frightened old women. I mean but and I mean again, like in in pretty much every society, Like like I said, there's kind of like a mediocre middle But I think it's characteristic of the late modern age more than and it's not it's not some universal constant, like I don't believe that. I don't believe in Boric Athens like that

was the case. I know in I know that in Uh, I know that in the Kingdom of Prussia, things weren't like that. And I don't believe that. You know, like Napoleon and Cromwell and Muhammad, they you know, they they certainly had quality human material to draw upon in relative terms.

as you want. You know, you could do things that you would have been thrown in jail for, you know, even thirty five years ago, right with that next to no consequences, you know, at least legal consequences.

every three months, repeat over and over again.

with the most evil thing ever to exist. Like don't get me wrong, it isn't moral evil, but it's like how random would it be? Is just like focus on that, you know, I mean, slavery precedes a written language in the fossil record. It's like, oh, okay, that's that's kind of a few like universal constants and human societies. You know. It's but it's like, you know, the reason the reason it endured is because again it is a natural state for a great many people. You know, this wasn't slavery

was not this case. So these kinds of like robust, uh specimens like Spartacus, like being like shackled against their will and like at every opportunity them trying to you know, like uh you know, like break free of bondage. It was people where that was like there natural lot in part, you know, not just owning the social conditions and accident the fate like that's they weren't capable of much else, you know, I mean like it uh one plus two,

It's like, what what does America do with? Uh? One of the most protesque things about this country is that it's like obsessed with prison and like it what what what does America do with a huge number of the of of of its population assented from channel slave? It like locks them in prison. So it's like, so these guys are better off in prison than then than they

were slaves. Like really like that. So it's not even as if the regime doesn't even live up to its own purported uh you know values in terms of what are the attempts to what are the attempts to take on in terms of a medial measures, I mean not not that it should not not that such measures are necessary as in ethical terms obviously, but you understand what I mean it's uh.

those are the nicest places in town. And he's like, look like, materially are these people bet are off? And so my point is not like if you gave me a you know, said like, all right, well, would you sign on as a chattel slave? As ridiculous as that is a concept, I wouldn't write. So I'm not saying like I'd be the first in line. But you look at it and you're like, well, okay, like from material perspectives,

like is this better? And I'm not even getting into the moral conditions, you know, because I would argue that those are sick like unarguably worse. But you look at that and like maybe maybe Aristotle is right, know, maybe there is just like a type of person who that is what they're kind of destined for.

especially for the for the white race. That should be that should be the ideal in Hegelian terms, I mean, like that that should be viewed as what what we're doing is a is a is uh? You know that that that that's the ambition of our of our dialectic as well as of our concrete activity, you know, and uh, in everything we do and make that point of people again and again, and obviously we won't we won't be

here to witness that. But you know what we do, what we do get word of sentence, in my opinion, includes our in in a very real sense, our our, our memory and you know, uh, our racial memory. I mean this, this, this pop I don't want to get too esoteric and metaphysical, but that's why this pops up again and again in my science fiction series, okay, because I very much believe in this, and for the record, I believe this will be increasingly substantiated by by by

the scientific method as well too. But so my point is that even people who don't particularly have a strong story sense and nonetheless realize the correctness of our position. You know, you you do perennially participate in history, you know, before and after you're dead, Okay, and in basic terms, and that's one of the reasons why you know, uh, historical existence is so fundamentally important, okay, if you want to look at it that way. So in the preservation of historical existence.

So for instance, right doesn't matter if you have the greatest genetics in the world, if you're a fat slob, your children are more likely to be a fat slob, even if they don't know you. So essentially kind of like the actions you take. And obviously, like I'm not a materialist. I think science and a lot of a lot of situations just kind of like fake and boring. But the point is that's a very kind of like technical I guess, like a technical proof of what you just said that is like materially true.

consciousness in the nineteen eighties for a few reasons. So if aver became a lightning rod of for mobilization by hostile elements, you know, people on the left, I mean, oh, in Sundry, because it was viewed as kind of the distilled less and so of of you know, of an evil government owing to the fact that it's its internal situation was singularly characterized by race, you know, quite literally, and uh, it was a rare example of a post

Nuremberg regime other than Israel. But Israel is a complicated case for reasons that are kind of outside the scope that we're talking about here. But other than Israel, South Abrica was really the only kind of openly racialized society

as a matter of law, I mean, okay. South Ambrica literally had a legal regime that defined that define what we'd consider to be equal protection and do process rights according to racial uh criteria, And there was this whole byzantine geography of of you know that dealt with race and how and how race was categorized and you know,

how it was done. So it was a combination and of a biological criteria and physical morphology as well as social criteria that we're uh that that relied upon, you know, the testimony of people who knew the person any question, which sounds really really strange, Okay, but we're getting a little bit ahead of ourselves. But just what I'm talking about is quite literally. In South Africa, there's like mixed race people whose racial status as in terms of the

jury categories like could be changed. They could be changed a matter of law from a black person to a white person. You know, if you're if you, if you if you quote acted white, you know, if you if you were accepted in a white community like things like this. Okay, this is this was very strange. And I'm not putting shade on the on the Boor regime because I in the epoch, uh, they were they were trying to they were they were trying to craft a system that was

workable and that at least, you know, approach objectivity. But yeah, it's a very strange way to approach race. Okay, by like contemporary metrics, I don't mean, you know, like woke metrics, I mean that you know, like you can just release race and things like morphology and stuff. Okay, Like it's it's far more deep in that, it's far more nuanced. There's a metaphysical aspect I don't mean and I don't I don't I don't mean that in like an area

kind of you know, mystical way. But it's just not it's not something that lends itself to that kind of inflexible categorization to JR. Because there's there's there's limitations still a law. The law is not this. It's not this tool that you know, has this kind of wide number of it that that can just kind of identify and solve social problems O cases not and so every it's

kind of a prime example of that. So they ever go also, I mean, obviously, uh, you know the uh as as uh Marxist as Marxist Leninism a traditional sort in Europe, like lost momentum. The Third World, uh, you know the quote colored world is it was called in less delicate times became more important. I mean not just because that was the primary battleground between uh, you know,

NATO and the Warsaw Pact. Politically, you know, who would come to dominate the Third World, because you know, the uh, the one of the things that ended the Cold War was, uh, was that it came to be clear that, you know, the the Third World was gonna model itself after the after the West. Okay, but it took until the end of the twentieth century from that process to fully develop.

You know, people the world lay in literal ruins after the Second World War, but also politically it wasn't clear like what kind of form you know, the huge there's about a third of the planet had been under uh you know, direct European dominion, okay, and even that which wasn't was still emulating those states that were so a huge aspect of the Cold War. You know, once the once kind of nuclear parody set in, especially was okay, like you know, with which way is the Third World

going to go? So, you know, decolonization and you know the quote anti imperialist movement, you know this this became that this kind of aside from the geostrategic imperatives there in it kind of it kind of insinuated new life in into the in into the into the in the revolutionary communism. But South Africa was a unique state because South Africa had been a colonial state of the UK. But before that it was it was settled by free Protestants.

Like quite literally, there's a reason why the Orange Free State was the Orange Free State. You know, it was you know, it's not that the boors are are and we're a population where where you know, Uh, Netherlands culture, Dutch culture is the dominant like linguistic and cultural modality. But uh, you know that there's English, there's Scots, there's Huguenots. You know, there's all kinds of dissenter Protestants, uh who found their way to South Africa because they wouldn't be persecuted.

You know, it was and it was a place that you know until the until the end of the nineteenth century, you know, no no European power had claimed you know. So if you were too, if you were a Calvinist, you know, the centered Protestant, you know, and and you wanted to you wanted to find a place we could live among white people who shared your faith, you know, and you you wanted to make sure you weren't going

to be availed. You know a French king or a who would you know, who would who would who would just assume, you know, massacre you for being heretics or you know, a British monarch that would you know kind of uh, you know, try and try and turn the territory you settle into a commercial colony. You know that that that's that's what you unique about South Araba too. And you know there's a. There's there's two terrible wars fought between the Boors and and and and the British Crown.

You know, when the British Crown developed designs on it owing the you know, various things like mining rights and you know, access to access to territory and the cape. Obviously it's always as views forded significance, but point being, ultimately when uh, you know, the the South Africa was not like Angola, not even like Rhodesia. It was its own thing, you know. You have you had a population

of white people. Who's one of the reasons I think their cause is important to people like us is because they are they are white Calvinists and and who hailed from you know, diverse backgrounds in northern Europe, you know, and they they arrived in Africa for a lot of the same reasons our our ancestors arrived here, you know, and their experience was very different than that of you know, that Portuguese and Golands or you know, the Anglo Saxon

people in Rhodesia, and those people found common cause later on, you know, and Ian Smith talked about that and his his autobiography. For those that don't know, Ian Smith was the last Prime Minister of Rhodesia, and he was h He was not a particularly exciting guy. He wasn't some firebrand order, but he was. He was. He was. He was a great leader in his own right in my opinion, okay, but he was. He was kind of a typically pragmatic, you know, like Anglo type. But I don't want to

digress too much. But that's that's why South Africa is complicated. And also what we'll get into is we deep dive too. You know, South Africa is mischaracterized that it continues to be kind of today because people talked about it in the in in America and unless in Europe like it was the American South or something like. There was just quote you know, these black people and these white people, you know, like Clive Derby Lewis, And we'll get a little bit into him too, who in my opinion as

a real hero. I think using Tera Blanche is a real clown, okay, and a very negative person. And it's unfortunate that people identify identify, you know, white resistance with him and not men like Lewis. But like Lewis said, you know, there's not there's not there's not quote black

South Africa. You know, there's dozens of tribes in South Africa who don't pretticularly get along, speak different languages, you know, who even have different morphological characteristics, to the point you could say they're not even the same, you know race. So this idea that like Nelson Mandela is the leader, was the leader of the black people, and there was these millions of black people who are you know, being being oppressed. That's not the case, you know, go ahead.

bring that up. They're like, look like the idea that Americans come in and kind of view this through the lens of nineteen fifty eight Mississippi stupid, you know, look like the primary violence in the last in the last like you know, big round of of you know, semi regular race riots that sweeps through that sweeps through South Africa.

It was primarily, you know, essentially a couple of different tribes I think it was the Zulus and one of the others against Indians, you know, brought in under the crown and against colors. And colors is not a slur in this context to specific group of essentially like and I don't remember correctly, it's like mixed white black and then also as yes, yeah.

was the white power structure. Okay. And you know the way to look at uh, you know, it's like it's like it's like Derby Lewis said, you know, like we we he's speaking of himself and his own people. He's like, we're the white tribe here, you know, and that's uh, that's not just that purballe. That's very true and.

we can get into later. But it's interesting because he said, you know, in his perspective, you know, you were a South African essentially, if South Africa was your first priority.

the internal situation became uh more critical. They they very much tried to you know, generate a kind of bigger tense sensibility among whites, you know, Anglo descended whites as well as the Bores, and to some degree that was successful, but never as much as they wanted to be. But there were two individuals like Lewis, who you know was

was Anglo by background. Who who uh you know, who identified one hundred percent with the Borer Cause, like on David Irving's website in nineteen eighty seven or so, he when he visited South Africa, like he he was pelling around with Clive Derby Lewis and he It's really interesting because he like in that moment, you know, Uh, that was just a few years before uh, you know, real

the real kind of crisis uh set in. But they you know, obviously they're both guys I have a lot of esteem for and I had no idea until really recently they were even acquainted. But but yeah, the uh, it's it's a complex issue how different white populations related.

But the uh, you know in the Rhodesians, the and Goland, it became very tight at the Portuguese and Goland it's being very tight out as part of that oh, the O, the ODA, the Bush War wherein the those that don't know the fifty thousand Cuban Army troops ended up on the ground and Gola and post Vietnam, Uh, that was that was a major coldor battle theater for reasons it

should be fairly obvious. But the uh, the South African whites, the Boars, they were never quite able to capture that that same sort of amicability as existed between the Rhodesians and and the Portuguese. But you know, some guys who live there, you know, within our within our faction, could

describe that better than I could. But it's important, Yeah, I mean, the main point I was trying to drive home about ethnos versus a biological race is you know, just what you said in a reference to Derby Lewis's interview, and that, you know, being the fact that there's not South Africa is not like America. There's not it. There's not it. There's not a basically homogenous black population. And black black folk in America are actually quite homogenous. You know,

they're they they their ancestry generally. Uh, it can can be traced to you know, a handful of places. You know, it's not it's it's not there. They're not They're not just super diverse population. Okay, Uh, South Africa, however, I mean again, there's there's there's there's literally dozens of tribes that have you know, that have discrete cultural practices, speak different languages, you know, do not see eye to eye

on basic matters of of pritical concern and things. So it's you know, I mean, you can you can argue against apartheid for various reasons. But yeah, this trying to trying to try to pretend as if it's like the American situation is off base. However, again, like I did say a minute ago though the Bores are more like us than most people on this planet. Okay, I mean I they they're they're even more like us, I would argue than than than Ulster Protestants who are also like us.

places like South Africa. You know, they're not They're not Romanian and Russian guys, you know, like you know who get into like orthodox aso Terraica. Just nothing wrong with that or that's your culture, but it's it's it is weird for Anglo uh dissenters to identify with that kind of thing. I mean, I guess people do because they think it's like exotic and cool or something. But I you know, so I always I was considered to South

they ever got to be important. And you know, again during the UH, during the Cold War, particular the final phase,

it became a critical ally, you know. And that's why one of the reasons I don't want to get into a big Reagan debate because I always find myself, I mean, people really like Reagan to this day and I don't particularly however, I I I I I do stand by my statements that his his national security cabinet was second to none in terms of the talent they're in and uh, within the boundary rationality of the Cold War they were doing, they had a remarkable grand strategy, Okay, and uh that's

uh Reagan Reygan refused to uh, I mean, Congress you know, sanctioned South Africa and all kinds of ways. But you know, Reagan, Ray Reigan refused to allow that to bleed into the executive branch. And you know, he always he always, he and his cabinet, particularly during his first term, you know, viewed South Africa as an essential hedge, which it was, and they were. They were in active combat against Warsaw

Pact and Cuban elements. Okay, So obviously, uh, if Africa had if Africa had gone communists, that would have tipped the balance in basic ways geostrategically. And I've made the point before and again I don't want to go too far on such a tangent, but in military terms, America, uh, in during the detal era was losing the Cold War. Okay, politically it was not. But uh, the military, the political and the military. Uh the aspect of of of of

power political affairs converge, but they're not synonymous, okay. And America would have had a very serious problem on its hands if if uh, you know, if if if Marcus leninisn't had swept to Africa, you know, it's swept Latin America south of Mexico, and you know, and this would have America would have found itself basically a garrison state, okay, amidst an essentially hostile world. And that that's that's the way to understand the Radi administration, especially the first term.

That's why I understand why, uh, there was a lot of support for South Africa, even in even even in basically neo conservative circles. Okay, yeah, you know this, it was just kind of across the board understood that this was necessary. So that's why South Africa has you know, well, you know has uh like loomed large in the public consiousness. There's even like a stupid like one of those like lethal weapon movies like it. I mean they came out

in eighty eight already nine. Like the bad guys in it are literally the South Africans who like run around like doing all these evil things. I move, this is ridiculous. I mean, Hollywood's always been propagana the oriented, but it was very on the nose, and you know, that kind of garbage was was ubiquitous. But you know the reason why the reason why I like mainstream Republicans, uh supported the Board Republic it was not because I for the reasons why I like people like you and I like

find common clause with Africanners. Okay, it was it was very it was very much. It was very much. You know, it was it was an extremely related to Grant strategy in the final phase of the Cold War. But and plus two, I will say Africanners are remarkable people and for a population as small as they are, they've had a huge impact and I mean they continue to today.

Like whether you will ever hate Elon Musk, he's an incredibly accomplished guy, and they're they're just remarkable people, you know, and uh they like like our like our ancestors did they they they carved civilization out of a hostile wilderness, you know, truly hostile wilderness, you know, I mean even in some ways, even more so than America.

they were cousins, but they look like they could be brothers. Okay, And so there's just kind of this there's kind of like this manikey and weirdness to the fact that they came to hate one another. That's not I mean, obviously there was there was complex reasons why the relationship between London and Berlin, like WINSTI South not, most of which are not particularly rational, Okay, but uh, wil Helm felt constantly slighted by London and will Elm was actually a

pretty ugly character. There's a reason why Adolf Hitler denied him a state funeral when he died. Okay, he just was not he was not a good man and any in any sense to the term. Okay, but neither was

King George. But there was this this kind of in those days, particularly because uh, you know, uh the Kaiser was was the head of state as well as uh you know, the the chance was the head of government, but he was accountable to the Kayser and uh, the UK to this day like the royals holds sway in a way that's weird in the in the in the modern era, you know. So the kind of the kind of preferences and animosities of of the Kaiser and the King respectively had like loomed large over politics in a

way that can't be said for other states. And when uh in the course of uh, in the course of the Second Boer War, Paul Krueger, who's this kind of dashing uh a boor uh partisan he uh he pulled off h a major operation against uh British forces, and uh Wilhelm uh Wilhelm sentiment telegram congratulating him, you know, essentially on on on defeating the British Empire, you know, in his own small way, and uh, some people at Christopher Clark, he's a guy he writes primarily about you know,

the history of Germany. But uh he's he's written pretty extensively on the Great War, and he cites that is is being kind of the straw that broke the camel's back. And in terms of you know, uh relations between Berlin and London deteriorating into conditions of genuine animal wherein you know, war became somewhat inevitable when it had it with catalysts emerged.

So there's that. And despite what people, you know, people never people don't think of Germany as an imperial power in the nineteenth century sense, but it was to some degree.

And in what's now Namibia that was German Africa, okay, and uh so, I mean Germany did have a toe hold in in Subzhan Africa, and uh like Herman Gerring's family actually made part of their fortune in Africa, all right, But uh so there was uh you know, Germany had had Germany's uh cultural sphere of influence touched and concerned

white people in Africa too. Okay, it was not it was not just the French and uh and and and and in the Anglo Saxons and the the Portuguese, so the the the African can to identified very strong with Germany. I mean not just because they're culturally Dutch and large part, you know, but they they had uh you know, German Protestants and and and Dutch calvin ITTs are different, but

uh they are both you know, dissenters. Okay, and uh there was a basic uh you know, there was a basic Uh there's a basic affinity between uh Protestant Germany and uh and the Afrikaners. So I mean that there's that too when uh the uh, the German uh view of the British is kind of this bully power that you know, insisted on that it had a mandate to dominate, you know, the dominate the planet, as you know in in key theaters. Yeah, it was it was unwilling to allow Uh, it was.

Can't you know, they didn't just characterize this in terms of a realistic policy course wherein they you know, they had to look out for their own best interests and that other people, so it you know, as opposed to uh, you know, the Germans always had a you know, political identity as well as uh, you know, cultural ethics and you know what they viewed as uh as the role

of loyalty they're in. I mean always had always had an ethno racial characteristic that was prominent, which is correct, you know, and and and the British too, and I'm not talking about English people and talking about their regime. You know, always always disdained that, you know, and and kind of stupid and and condescending ways. And you know, just this there was something of a Velton Shawn's Creek did come to exist somewhat between the UK and Germany.

I mean different from obviously you know uh that uh of a you know between Christians and Jews, or between you know German uh National Socialists and and in Russell Bolsheviks. But nevertheless, there was a there was an aspect of of of of open political warfare that came to characterize angle German relations. And I will add and I mean people can sellings is a conceptual bias that basically was

the UK's fault. Okay, because I don't think I can be denied pretty much at every turn in the modern era, the Germans tried to cultivate the British and they the British always sued for war, you know. I mean if it's if you sue for war one hundred percent of the time, I mean that you're you're not You're not you're not you're not a reasonable Uh, you're not a reasonable act Okay. I mean that that's that's got a parallel today. And you know the way America behaves in

places like Ukraine. You know, if you're if if your end game is to find a way to go to war and people can't reason with you, okay, and you're not you're not acting in good faith, you know. So there's that but that.

You know, it's kind of like rattled off in a list like that. So can you maybe like go into that a little bit? Just like your experience growing up during the time was very much kind of one of the the like I guess, like unadulterated goods in heavy scare quotes of kind of like polite society.

about Gronston enlisted people. I'm talking about the brass. I can't ecess how bizarre it is in the twenty that as of today, like the military is like woke incorporated, like homicide division, you know, like it uh, because the Pentagon and uh and and the precursors to the Woke were totally at odds in the past, like intractably so

and then and uh, they endured until the Clinton administration. Okay, and there was there was there was something of a verial culter comp against the Pentagon by by the Clinton regime, which is why you know, people like these these you know, these these these these clowns and these lunatics like Wesley Clark, you know, the kind of the first woke general emerged. But there's a few different layers to it. In the eighties. You know, like I said, you know it uh the

uh the uh the social justice types. Uh they're they're they're always looking for some kind of like bumper sticker, cause the uh the truly uh you know, the kind of radical uh uh post sixty eight uh communists in America, you know, who would become very anti Stalinist but claimed that you know, that's why they all identified with MAO and you know they identified strongly with uh, with North

Vietnam when the war was raging. You know, they their whole thing you know was uh, they're you know, they were Trotsky and through co were kind of their patron saints. So they were constantly making the claim that like see like South Africa's that's still essence in capitalism and capitalism has been intrinsically patriarchal and racist, but also the traditional Marxist Leninists you know, uh who uh who had fallen

very much out of favor. But you know, I'm talking about the CP Communist Party USA guys, you know, and they're like Gus Hall, they they they South Africa was in their gun sites too, because their their troops, you know, well where they're talking about, you know, D D r and Soviet advisors on the ground, the actual Cuban army, you know, they were they were they were in active combat with the South African Defense Forces and yeah, that

was they they they emphasized it for the reasons. But you know, of course they were saying like you know, well, you know this is you know, South Africa was racialized because you know that that's the best way of oppressing the proletariat there, like white and black. You know, but uh, you know that, and yeah, it's important. They it's it's it's it's insightful that you raise the issue in Northern Ireland too, because yeah, that was part of the that

was part of the package. You know, like you you you you were a bad person if you didn't support the Fenians and in Northern Ireland, you know, you were a bad person if if you sympathize with with white South Africa. You know, just there was a kind of like virtue signaling really large by people who weren't particularly thoughtful. And yeah, it on top of that, there was the you know, the like I said, the Cold War, dynamic

and diverse factions of the left. You know, it had something for all of them in order to kind of argue their case. And in the eighties I was getting increasingly difficult for them. Okay, however, like the eighties is what I'm the eighties and nineties or nothing like today. But I mean, the social engineering regime was well under way.

And the idea that quote racism is you know, the worst thing is is is you know this grave moral defect you know, uh that that that that always to you know, uh, a moral deformity in the Western minding character. You know this this loomed really large, and this was kind of like Danny about Okay, so if you could find you know, if you could point, if you could point to a real world example of you know, apartheid quote racism, that became your kind of exhibited a like

indict the West. Okay. And obviously doesn't mean like a thinking person be like that. That's that's ridiculous, that's trash. But we're not talking about thinking people, you know, we're talking about we're talking about we're talking about basically middle class people who are chasing cloud. So they just take on ideas because they want to feel good about themselves and they think that that's what you know, sophisticated people

do it really is that simple. But in the case, like I said, in the case of guys who the minority of the the American left, guys like Hobsbaum was, and guys like Sartro was frankly you know when he was alive, who were still pro Soviet And I mean they they were very much a minority on the last, but they were a vocal minority, you know, like I said,

they they they held out South Africa. I think, you know, like see this is the future of America, you know, like you have an increasingly colored America on this like white oppressor class that racializes everybody's conceptual horizon, you know, in order to in order to oppress the proletariat and prevent you know, the the advent of socialism, you know. And then you just had like a typical like you had a typical like you know new Left uh crazies who were kind of the dominant voice in in uh

in academic uh Marxism. But then you also had just like you know, you had you had just you had just kind of like them, the like the Midwood slabs who just like Bandwagon. So I mean that's why it, uh, I mean, I had kind of a weird experience growing up because like I, I grew up in what I hate this term, and I'm not because it's something I'm cloud chasing or something absolutely not. I'm just being honest. I grew up in what people call it super zip. Okay, but it was a bunch. It was a bunch of

it was. It was a bunch of Jewish people, like rich Catholic people and like ten or fifty percent like rich, like Asian and like Hindu immigrants. So it's like I didn't I me and my family like didn't fit in with these people. Okay. We went to the Pirespe church, like the next town over. My dad was an okie guy who ended up going to Harvard and made it, you know, very much in life. But you know he he was a cold warrior, like literally that was his job.

of a different environment. It's not like folks like hard right people, because by today's standard they might be viewed that way, but for the time they weren't, you know, but they were just kind of like regular like presby Republicans. But they basically simulated to me, like, look, you're gonna hear fucked up things in school, like our neighbors are like goofy immigrants and people who you know have agendas,

so just like be aware of it, you know. I mean they said that without saying it if you follow me, So I mean I was kind of like a critical eye about this. So that's why I don't totally relate with people like oh but you know, growing up you have no choice, you have to think this way. And I'm like, what do you mean? Then I realized, like most people would kind of like random America. They're they're they live around people like them, at least in basic terms,

like I did not. Okay, So I maybe that's why it was like easier for me to get over those things. It's not as I'm smarter than anybody, you're have like better insight or something. But yeah, point being, I even before I was you know, before I was mature enough, you know, as like a later teenager to think you know, in more developed conceptual terms, even as like a kid. When I was like twelve years old, I realized, like, what's being said about sale area, It doesn't really make

any sense, you know what I mean? Like so, but yeah, it was ubiquitous.

and correct and deal with everyone, you know, honestly. And then South Africa magically became you know, essentially a European democracy. And it's odd to me because obviously that's fundamentally untrue.

But what's interesting is to me, at least one of the first areas, it became very apparent that whatever, if you want to say, the Nuremberg regime, the managerial regime, that they were kind of failing, and not in the sense that like, oh, they're losing their power immediately, but just like the things that they want to do they

do not have the power to do. To me, seems to be South Africa, like it kind of seemed relatively quickly that things were not going well, you know, and now we've got to the point where it's very very apparently not going well well. And so it's kind of like the promises of you know, nineties liberalism. It's like, oh, we we beat the Ruskies, we achieved you know, reconciliation

in South Africa, and now we've done it. We did everything, you know, and very quickly both of those promises kind of started to ring hollow.

From about the Botha regime onward in the seventies, the idea was that South Africa was what what they're gonna do is they were basically gonna they were gonna transfer populations to tribal areas called Bantu stands, where within these territories they would be basically homogeneous. Okay. So this is a way of like affording sovereignty and you know, uh management of their own affairs to the indigenous element. Okay. And there's a number of these quotes quote unlet Bantu stands,

one of which was uh. Both with that Swanna okay. And both with that Swanna had a president that Now these these band new stands were recognized as sovereign states by South Africa, but the rest of the world claimed that they were illegitimate, okay, and then they were just contrivances of of of of pretoria. That was not entirely true. And and both with that Swanna specifically, the regime there did not want to join the Union of South Africa.

They wanted to remain sovereign. There's an element on the ground that was highly radicalized and Marxist Leninist symb of these something of a civil unrest developed between the government there and this element on the ground and the AWB under Terra Blanche. They invaded quite literally to support that both with that Swanna regime, and they acted like real cowboys, and they started throwing shots at a bunch of these

protesters and stuff. They ended up trading fire with the police there, and this car was pulled over where these awb Africaner dudes who'd been wounded, and they put their hands of the surrender and a black cop went over one by one he shot each of them in the head and just killed them like you executed them on the spot. So Tera Blanche then said basically like this is a race war, like we're at war. And uh, kudos to the South African Defense Forces because a guy

in their general staff. Uh he is the founder of what was called the africaner volks Front, you know. So, I mean he was very much like for his people. He wasn't some liberal, but he basically was able to defuse the situation and prevent like open slaughter between whites and blacks from you know, jumping off from both with that Swanna like across you know, the entire republic. But you know, South America was very much like on the

cost of a bloody race war. Okay, I mean it wasn't like it wasn't the case where like a bunch of dopey fucking idiots like uh, you know, like at the EU today, like they just say, you know, we're like just like, oh, let's have a reinbonation because we're being told to vote that way. It's like, what are we gonna do. We're gonna werena, We're gonna go all in and like you know fight some and those race war you know in in in on the Cape. I mean that that uh, but so they average better war.

Literally for twenty years they've been fighting the Cuban fucking army, Okay. I mean it's like it's at some point like war weariness sets in. They were states that was totally mobilized, you know, like even like every man uh served in the SADF and then he was you know I active reserve status for decades after, you know. I mean it's like they something had to give, you know, and it's some So I mean that's what uh that that's babsy

what happened. But like I said, that footage of uh, that footage of those that footage of those those guys being executed in the street, like literally that's like been very quickly memory hold. I'm sure you could find it now, but it's like that story ran you know, uh there was you know, uh like ninety three, ninety four, like the nightly news was. You know, they were relaying like at any moment, you know, South there is going to develop into race war, but then very quickly, uh you

know that was that was a memory hole. It was just like never talked about again. I mean to your point because the narratives like, oh, this is the end of history and like now there's just no more quote racism in South Afgo, but very very disastrous situation, you know, and obviously later on too, boors have been uh availed a tremendous amount of violence. You know, everybody knows about the farm killings and stuff. I don't want to I don't want to go down like a just like a

list of atrocities or something. Okay. I not not because I'm like afraid to talk about upsetting things or because i want to like hide that stuff obviously, but people can see that on their own, and I it's frankly, it's it's oppressing to delve into it. But every everybody, everybody thinks critically it knows the history, like knows the reality these things. But that's bit. See what happened and what was keeping what was keeping South the Africa alive? Uh?

What was the Cold War? Okay, I mean that's what That's what it was. I did agree to which I November ninth, nineteen eighty nine. Everything changed. They can't be overstated, okay it uh I can't emphasize that enough to people

like it. It changed, It changed everything you know in the it's you know different, not just in terms of relations between states and power, political affairs between you know states and between a like like blocks, and but I mean the internal situation of states, including the United States, like changed totally. I mean it so that there's it's

all of those things. But I you know, I uh I, I'll go back to you in a minute to resonant speaking for a long time, but if uh we we we've got we've got a big tent in our in our fiction and you know, in our in our kind

of resistance community. And that's and that's great. Okay, However, if if you're like us, when I says like you and myself, you know, people, there's a reason I emphasize, you know, pros and Ulster as well as you know, uh the uh, the uh, the boar, uh, the white tribe in South Amerga because you know, like I said, the experience is peculiar in ways that are about good and bad, but you know, it's paralleled in places like Northern Ireland and to an even greater degree in South Africa.

So not not only should we sympathize with these people and and hold them in our hearts and in our thoughts and prayers, but uh, there's also things that we can extrap away from the situations respectively, you know. So that's that's why I said that AFG is important, you know, and not but STU Africaners generally a run apologetic people. You know, they're probably who they are, and they don't like,

they don't care. They don't care if losers want to put shade on them, because like why why would they? You know what I mean? That's that's I want people to adopt that attitude. You know, you people gotta people gotta get over this, like social pressure like this, what

will the neighbors think? Bullshit? Okay, Like I'm not saying everyone needs to live a life like me or something, but you know, you people have to stop, you know, this stuff like apologizing for being a right wing or like thinking there's something like weird or wrong with it. It's like the the people who hate you, we are

in the weirdos and the devians, you know. I mean, like that's so that you know aver cons, you know, they're they're admirable in a lot of ways, you know, And that's that's that's kind of why I guess I emphasize them and their situation a lot more than some people might think it.

is a conscious caricle. I'll link the episode I'm talking about. I can't remember off the top of my head, but he was talking with another guy in AFRO for him, and they're basically saying like Okay, why don't you leave because it's a bore. Not only are you legally discriminated against, not just are people are rude to you, but it is materially harder for you to get into college, to get a job, to own a business for a variety

of reasons. You know that someone who's more educated can explain to you, and not to mention that, but there is a there is a active campaign to murder bores, right, especially literally farmers, right, which is what bore means. But essentially why South African farmers are being killed? Now, do I mean that that it's like a full on you know, like Soviet style genocide. No, but there is ethnic cleansing going.

And he basically said, look like this this place is my home, you know, are my ancestors have been here for you know, essentially as long as the US has been settled, right, And he's like, look, look, I'm not going to throw that away from my own personal comfort because the things that I like about the place that I lived, things that make it worth defending, are there because someone essentially put in the blood, sweat and tears to put it there. And so he basically said, he's like, look, look,

I'm not going to give up my home. And to me, this was particularly impactful because I was kind of in a situation where I was I had just moved away from my small town to a bigger city to essentially make more money. I was kind of looking around her

like what the hell am I doing? You know, like, really like, if I have these beliefs, if I have whatever you want to call them, you know, right wing or normal, as I have kind of you know, prefer to call them like that kind of requires a certain amount of personal sacrifice, and to me, I've always admired the africaners for that because they are they are not living.

to America from your home. Like people who just drop everything and turn their back on their family, their culture, their language, their heritage. Those are weird people, and often they've got something really wrong with them. Okay, So I mean this idea that like, oh, there's a war in Syria, everybody should empty out of the country and move to America as you know, refugees or as a people who

need asylum. Like, yeah, that's a coward's move and a fool's errand, and it means you don't actually stand for anything.

You don't care about what counts. But also you know, maybe it's because maybe maybe you have to be older to recognize this, or maybe it's just you know, like like Heideger pointed out when he when he dealt with consciousness, and this is becoming more and more of the four is having you know, a scientific basis, you know, epigenetic epigenetic memory and things like you really are kind of the progeny of generations before, okay, and there's this kind

of shared consciousness that you know, it's not heritable like your eye color, your hair color, but it is heritable. Okay. So I mean that's what endures after you die. Okay, that's what's perennial. You know, that's what it is to live historically just saying like, yeah, I'm just gonna like cut off my culture and you know, alienate myself from history and just become you know, this kind of anonymous

person in this geography of nowhere. Like it's kind of a way of like committing homicide against yourself metaphysically, Okay, I mean, like it's and against like your entire lineage. I mean it uh, if it was just you would be a suicide. But it you know, there's something there's something wrong with people who think that way. And also it's just more pragmatically just getting this point will turn over you. People tell me that, like because they say

they you like, Chicago's in a hell hole. It's like, well, I'm from here, man, and like to your point, what am I gonna do. I'm just gonna like run to some random town or like I don't know anybody, I don't fit in with people. I'm not really familiar with the customs, you know, like like why would I do that? Like why would that be better? So it could be some weird old guy who's like, yeah, there's no you know, there's there's no you know, there's no stupid immigrants around

and no black people. It's like, Okay, that's dope. But like I sit in my house and be happy that there's not like you know, like like like like these problem populations around whatever, Like that's not That's like an autistic way figuratively and literally of like looking at life and and and the circumstances we find ourselves in.

work without reaping anything. And to me, there's this kind of analogy between that and this like weird listless cosmopolitan you know kind of I will go to anywhere as long as they have a Starbucks, right, which is like these people are just so odd and disconnected from kind of like the things that make you, the things that

make you human, you know. And part of that is like a place in a community, and you can't just move that and have it be the same, you know, it is tied to a place, and to me, it all goes back to this big distinction.

oh my my bloodline dies with me. And to me, it's this weird, odd, like radically selfish way of living where the ultimate goal of your life is essentially to like increase your like u tols of pleasure, you know, and the idea that you could be called called to give anything of yourself, you know, to a people, to a place, you know, to even your own lineage. It's just incomprehensible and.

you like don't matter, you know what I mean. It's like that means like you have to speaking anything, and it's a it means you're basically like you're you're kind

of like a punk, you know. It's like you're you're you're one of the expendables, You're one of the nobody's because it's like, you know, other lineages are gonna exist perennially, and yeah, pretty much everybody, Well I think this, you know, I don't want to go too far a field, but some of I think that's what some of what understood, like the COVID nonsense, Like people have some idea in this country, like they're not gonna die, like they really do,

like subconstantly, they can't come to terms with dying and so they just like for ten they're never it's never gonna happen. So it's like, so I think some of these people they are like they figure like they can't accept that so that they just can't they can't envision a future without them, So it doesn't register that like, well, I'm not gonna be here very long, you know, and I'm a part of something that's perennial, you know, and I've got to make sure that that's in place before

i go. They're just like, oh, I'm never gonna get die, So why wouldn't want kids? They cost money? And then I can't go out and do fun things. Like it doesn't it doesn't compute that, like they're gonna die soon, because nobody lives very long, you know, like like eighty or ninety years actually is not a long time. There's freaking parrots that live longer than that nine average, you know,

like humans. That's what I'm not a big fan of toll kind I'm like a Frank Kerbert guy, you know, in toll Kinds books, like the races, you know, like the elves and like the and the the dwarfs and stuff, like all these races live like thousands of years. But man, like,

is this incredibly short lived being? Like that's actually true, Like for it's it's weird that humans basically are or like you know, they they they've got everything on the animal kingdom in every sense, but like but as a species, like people are only here for like the blink of an eye, you know, So it's you're in some basic way, you're you're like unable to live life as an adult

man or an adult lady. If your notion is I never want kids, It's like, well, okay, man, but before you know it, you're gonna be an old person and you're gonna die. You're not gonna stay some like perpetual adolessent forever, you know, like it, you know, and it's like they can't handle it, you know, so it's uh, you know I I I really believe that, And that's why this that's why I like when the government claims the seasonal few the seasonal flu is like a global emergency.

Like people like freak out because on some level, but it forces them to confront reality. They're like, well, yeah, you could die at any time.

with that. I don't want these people around in five hundred years, you know what I mean. So it's like, go ahead, you know. I mean, it's unfortunate that they're able to poison the culture well the way they are, but it's you know, we they're they're not our people, man, They're they're they're they're really really damaged people, and we don't we don't want them, we don't need them. So li' like that right?

human history, that's difficult to say. But he's like, look like that existence was one in which you came into contact with birth and death on a fairly regular basis. Right, You had animals, You had a multi generational family, and so you know what, like obviously you didn't just live as kind of a you know, a nuclear family with mom and dad and your grandparents. If they die, they die in a home somewhere. Right, Well, your grandparents, if

they died, they died in your house. You probably had siblings who died, and so death was a like a prescient reality in your life. You know, it wasn't something to be kind of like pushed to the side. And it's interesting because you're right, he may be a fraud, but I have a I have a one of my best my best friend. His family, in addition to owning a cattle ranch, also runs you know, a small town

funeral home. Oh wow, and what they talk about because it's because it's multigenerational, right, And yeah, yeah, and he's got his his grandfather, who has you know, been running it since the fifties, who's now, you know, eighty five, And he's talking about the difference of how people react to death, Like, no one wants an open casket, No one wants to see a dead body. Everyone just wants there,

you know. Once Grandma cremated, stuck in to earn and he's like, look like it's kind of killing the business of funeral homes because people are so radically like derascinated they can't even be bothered to essentially show up to their dad's funeral, you know, because that's not only an imposition, but that requires you to kind of acknowledge mortality.

but he was right about that. But I'll also point out, you know, women used to die constantly in childbirth and bring bring you know, because it's it's really I mean, if you think about it, I want I don't want to upset people or be or be crass about it, but it's really incredibly you know, like a woman giving birth to a baby naturalill that like terrors her body apart and uh finishally, you know, if you don't have modern medicine and things, it's like sharads are probably like

fifty to fifty you know. So, I mean it's like you become a woman, like you basically grow up when you come to terms with the fact you're gonna die. And if you're a man, that usually comes from the hunt, or it comes from you know, going to war, or it comes from some kind of rite of passage, like nature makes you a woman because that's when you are

able to get pregnant. But it's like, so every lady who survived, you know, when she got pregnant as a teenage girl, you know, she was very aware, like when this child comes out of me, you might tear me apart and kill me. I just bleed out, you know. So if you live through it, it's like that's part of how you become an adult, you know. And and yeah, coming one of the things that under likes marriage, you know obviously is bare is is can't be extricated from the procreative function.

It's about like never looking at women as anything other than your moni and never looking at them as you know, uh, romantic partners. You know. It's about never like acting like a grown man.

by essentially adopting more and more kind of ties to your community into others.

The movies? Like what we're gonna go to the senior prom like, I don't know, you don't talk about quote nute dating when you're forty six years old. You know, like if you're going if if if you want to get married, that's great, you know, that's how you should do. But then you're looking for a wife, you know, it's you're you're not You're not quote unquote dating like that. That's how you do when you're seventeen years old, you know, when you.

too like that's why that's why the government pushes homosexuality so much. I mean, part of it's because they're constantly looking for like, you know, metaphorical solvents you know, to you know, to kind of break the bonds that are organically occurring between people socially for the purpose of you know, engineering their behavior and and eradicating cultural modalities that you know,

people be as authoritative. But it's also uh that that's considered like the ideal, like like men and women wally get together because it's like some kind of like sex consumer choice. There's nothing to do with family. He's nothing to do with pregnancy. Like I remember telling my guy, I actually liked your generation. I don't bash like zoomers and millennials, but this one guy, he's not like in our He's not in our he's not in our circles. He's just like a dude, I know. And uh, you

know he was uh he was. He was freaked out about uh like a pregnancy scare. And I told him, like, look, man, I'm like, if you've got no BIS basic I told him basically, you know, ms, you've got no biss having sex with a girl. If you're worried about getting are pregnant, that's what happens and you have sex with women. And he like, actually, like I was saying crazy things, you know, like he did. He like he was silent, but I could tell by look in his face, so like he's thinking, Wow,

this this old guy. It's like some muktaes or some like Holy Ruler. It's like it's like, so it's like nuts to you that, like, you know, you shouldn't have sex with girls that you don't that you aren't okay with getting pregnant. It's like, well, what do you think sexy is a man?

early twenties are going to go on forever. And you know, I think this is especially apparent with women, but I think we're deluding ourselves if this hasn't happened to men too. Oh definitely, essentially just you know, live hard, you know, have a three digit body count, and then are wondering why they can't settle down and be normal at thirty eight, and you're like, well, did you think this was all a game?

way it talk to and about women. But then like these internet goes like You're it's like, no, I'm just saying like women aren't any better or any worse than men, And if you got an act men with women, you're being a loser, you know, like it, they're just different and like men are just as bad women maturity, just in a different way because men and women are different. But but yeah, I'm also in my I guess you know. I made this point again and again, and I'm I'm

just talking shit, I'm really serious. Like the worst time in my life was as a teenager and a guy in his early twenties. I didn't know what the hell I was doing. I was, I was, I was scared all the time. I you know, like everything was like a mess. You know, like being a guy in his forties is pretty dope, assuming like you've got your health

and like you're not sitting in prison or something. You know, like you like like things have become easier and like people like respect you more, and you know, there's just like more and more options and you actually have like equity and things, you know, like figuratively and literally. So you know, I always worried about money and stuff, I mean, and so like I I wouldn't I wouldn't go back

to being nineteen years old for a billion dollars. Okay, So when I hear guys my age, you know, saying like, man, like I can't even I don't even like think about high school because I, you know, nothing could ever touch that. It's like, bro, when you were like seventeen and and like getting de mariage of home monitors, that was like the best time in your life. Really, man, It's like what it's like, what kind of horrible life did you have after that?

dear god like and so. But my point is that not that like, oh wow, let's all laugh at me for being an embarrassing seventeen year old, but look like that's that's a stage in your life, and the idea that like you you peak at seventeen is just it's a little bit embarrassing.

like make the NFL okay. And it's like if you're a limited guy and you've got like a great throwing arm, but other than that, there's not a lot going for you, and so like, you know, you're like you're like you're like the king of some like freaking you know, highly competitive like high school where they got a great football program, and then like after that, you know, you literally work some shit job. And it's like I can understand a guy like that, like's looking into his you know, cocktail

and saying like, man, like what went wrong? Like when I when I see guys like you know who who are of like above average intelligence, you know, and have objectively like good jobs, you know, and they got like wives and kids, It's like, bro, like what are you

talking about? You know what I mean? It's uh, it's really it's almost it's almost kind of like low key sociopathic, you know, like it's I can't find value in anything other than you know, when I when I get my rocks off all the time and you know be yeah like act you know, act like uh you know, like like live like uh, live like a degenerate. But chalk it out to youthful discretion, you know. It's yeah, it's

really it's really disturbing. I mean, like I said, maybe I was just like a I don't think I was like any cooler or bigger or like as you know, any cooler or uncool than like anybody else. But I, like I said, man like, I don't I don't look back on my youth. It's like, oh that was hell, but it's like, man like, it was probably about the most like unfun like uncool like part of my life. Man, And like, you know, that's why I'm away saying like

that's why I don't bash young people. It's not just because that's fake and fucking like g A T y. It's it's it's it's because like being a young person actually is not easy, and being my age is a lot easier. I mean, yeah, grant, I'm like a single man. You know, it's not like I'm looking after a bunch

of kids. It's not like I got a wife who you know, has got has got problems I've got to attend to but it, you know, being being you know, being like seventeen to twenty five years old is not easy, man, you know, and I I'm the first a mint. I've got it. I've got it easier than a lot of people, Okay, and I definitely have it easier than young guys today. You know, I don't recited that, but uh,