The SAVE America Act Standoff

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March 19th, 2026. I'm Dave Anthony. The Senate is considering a bill to require proof of citizenship and an ID to vote. But President Trump wants the Save America Act. To be more than that, I think Republicans want to use this as an exercise. I'm Jessica Prosenthal. Recent statistics show

Crime in the US is declining. But could the positive trend be undercut by those who say they've been a victim of a criminal act? We should really caution against national level explanations because crime is something that you know is not experienced in the aggregate. That said, I think the general trend nationwide is that things are getting safer and that's that's a good thing. It's news that we should be celebrating. And I'm Joe Concha. I've got the final word on the Fox News rundown.

It's one of the most important and consequential pieces of legislation in the history of Congress. That's what President Trump says about the Save America Act. Saying he wants no more rigged elections. So good for our nation. I mean, who would not have voter ID? Who would not have proof of citizenship.

And uh the only people who would want not to have that are people that want to cheat. The bill Republican Senate leader John Thune is pushing and they start a debate on Tuesday would require states to get proof of citizenship For people registering to vote and require a photo ID when voting. The president also posted on Truth Social only sick, demented, or deranged people would vote against it.

But not a single democrat is in favor. Демократ are always willing to do what we can to move voting rights forward. This moves voting rights way, way back. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer. It could purge millions of American citizens from the voter rolls through a screening algorithm designed by Elon Musk's Doge Squad. І кудисенфраншизе у твои мільйон.

Americans. House Republicans already passed their version called the Save Act. But uh the President wants to go a little bit further with this. Chad Pergram is Fox News Chief Congressional Correspondent. And you'll notice in his language that every time He addresses this issue. He will uh you know, throw in transgender sports and say, you know, we we can't have transgender for everybody. Um he says we we can't have men playing women's sports. Well those things are not in the bill.

Even the Save America Act, which is a a separate standalone piece of legislation And so what Republicans are going to try to do is add those in as amendments. And I pressed Marsha Blackburn, the Republican Senator from Tennessee, about that just the other day and I said, What does that have to do with voting? And she really didn't have an answer for that.

Uh but the th the main thing is that that's what the President wants. And so uh most Republicans, at least conservatives in the Senate or those who are closely aligned

Aaron Powell Okay. So those things would be add-ons and amendments. But that is part of quite a process. is that they need sixty votes to get things done in this piece of legislation. Amendments, including the final passage There is there any chance anything gets a sixty vote threshold? Very slim. And this is where there is some contention between different wings of Republicans in the Senate kind of fighting with each other.

You know, I mean I talked to Cynthia Lumis, the Republican Senator from Wyoming, who says there just aren't the votes to pass the bill. Now, you need just a simple majority to pass the bill, but you talk about sixty votes. That's very important because you need sixty votes to overcome a filibuster. And uh what uh John Thune, the majority leader, has done so far is allow the Senate to just debate the bill.

Uh there will be some amendments uh considered and and I think Republicans want to use this as an exercise to get Democrats on the record about where they stand on transgender issues and transgender surgery for kids and and men and women's sports. And then, you know, y use that against Democrats this fall they will have documented a roll call vote is what they will have done, even if those amendments aren't passed.

But I have been told by Thun's office, and I pressed him about this, at some point he is going to terminate debate on this, and that's where he would file in the term of artist cloture. And cloture is what sets sets up that sixty vote um threshold to end debate. And if you don't get that, then guess what? The debate just continues. Now this is where, Dave, you have some conservatives, Mike Lee of Utah, Ted Cruz of Texas, some others.

They have been very clear saying, well, you know, why don't we just have a long debate and eventually after several weeks everybody peters out and then you don't need to mess with sixty votes because everybody has talked and talked and talked.

And there's literally no other opportunity and we just move the question, we put the we put the question uh to the Senate is what they do, and you just need fifty one votes. Okay, so back up one second back up one second on that. I know I've been hearing about this talking filibuster. Mm-hmm. That why would Democrats give up at that point? Like why they wouldn't want this legislation. They don't want this legislation, so why would they allow that to happen? Probably you're probably not.

But here's the thing, and this is gets very in the weeds, but it's very important. Each senator is allowed to speak twice per day per legislative day, and I'll address that. There's a difference between a legislative day and a calendar day per question. Okay, uh what is a question in the Senate? That could be the bill, that could be an amendment, that could be a motion. Usually in the Senate at most you have two amendments in play at any one time.

So in other words, let's just say you have the bill, you have two amendments, and maybe you have a motion or two in there. Okay. Well that conceivably is up to eight speeches per senator. Per legislative day. You see what I'm getting at? There's a hundred senators. There's forty seven senators who caucus with the Democrats. Everybody gets up and let's just say they speak for two hours and there's no limit on the debate about how much time you can speak.

You know, that's probably a week's worth of time at minute, twenty four seven. All right, so this could in theory go on and on and on and on. That's right. And that's where Ted Cruz and everybody says, let's actually have a filibuster. Make them filibuster. Do it the old fashioned way. Jimmy Stewart and Mr. Smith goes to Washington. There's the scene where he literally collapses.

on his desk in the movie, uh the Frank Capra movie from the late nineteen thirties. And, you know, that's it. Well, uh th that's where the you know the what the Democrats would do is they would set up a you know squadron of people, you get four hours, you get four hours, you get four hours. Now I want to come back to that very important point about a legislative day. Okay. This is of crucial importance.

You're gonna make our eyes glaze over, you realize that. Well but uh but but are people ready to do it? It's not your fault. I know it's it's not your fault. It's just the the way this process goes, it just is so frustrating. And and I'm explaining why they probably can't get it done. Okay?

If the Senate were not to adjourn and were to recess, there's a difference between at the end of the day adjourning and recessing. So here's the thing to watch for, Dave. If they move to adjourn, and even if people like Ted Cruz and Mike Lee and Democrats would be on board with this because they want to shorten this up, that they would vote to adjourn, that would be the test vote.

that would tell you whether or not there is a snowball's chance and you know where of passing this bill. And that's why John Thune Has said, Okay, I'm gonna let this go for a while. This is gonna be a show, maybe around the clock, overnights, maybe the weekend, maybe early next week, but he's looking at two things next week. The Senate is supposed to start its Easter recess at the end of next week. Okay. There are rumblings about maybe trying to get something done on funding DHS.

Because if they don't get it funded by the end of next week, then it's unfunded again for another month. And we have long air and the airport lines get worse. Right. Uh-huh. Over spring break. And then you also have to confirm Mark Wayne Muller. So this is where we think that John Thune, a and I've been told this by his office, will move to terminate debate. You will have that vote at sixty votes.

They won't be able to break the filibuster, and then they will probably move on to other things like confirming Mullen or if there's a deal on funding DHS. And that is why, you know, you have some conservatives, Anna Paulina Luna, Republican from Florida in the House of Representatives, who says, Well, this is just an all all a show. You know, th you're not serious about this. This was terrible leadership by Thu. And that's where some on the hard right.

are really starting to uh you know lay into thune about how he's managing this. Uh I I should note, and I reported this on the air on the T V side, uh it's been very interesting to watch that President Trump has held his tongue in his criticism of John Thune, uh and that's uh a contrast compared to what used to happen when he would routinely take on Mitch McConnell when he was the majority leader and tell him to get rid of the filibuster and everything else.

Uh that's not been the case here with uh John Twitter. Okay. So the filibuster itself that th that allows the the sixty vote threshold, there have been a lot of people who've wanted to get rid of that. President Trump has uh suggested getting rid of that to get the c this kind of a uh bill through. Could that happen? Uh John Thune says no, and I'm gonna tell you why. You've probably heard this before somewhere, I don't know where.

Dave, it's about the math. It's like a signature line, yes it is. Because you need to get the Senate into a particular parliamentary posture. Where there is no more debate. Okay, and and and I won't explain how you can do that, but that's not the hardest thing to do, okay? And then ask for a revote. and bring down the threshold to fifty one votes. The Senate has done a version of this on filibusters three times.

They lowered the bar for, you know, all non Supreme Court nominees back in twenty thirteen. This was Harry Reid, the majority leader. So that's fifty one votes to end a filibuster. So Democrats did that. Right. Democrats and then Mitch McConnell. Uh and this is the reason that Amy Coney Barrett and Neil Gorsuch and um uh Brett Kavanaugh are all in the Supreme Court. They lowered the bar then for the Supreme Court.

There was a mini nuke that Thune executed last year, which was just a a slate of nominees together, pretty non controversial lower tier nominees. And so that was so that was a mini nuke, so they lowered the the threshold there. But They have never done it for legislation. This is legislation. And that's why I'm watching closely to see what he says to but John Thune. Yeah, because if he pushes for that and John Thune doesn't give him that, then what?

Well, he he can say same thing I did. In fact John Thune last week used my line. He s he turned to me in response to my question said, It's about the math. I don't have the votes to do that. That's the the the exact quote. So yes, it does come down to the votes. So in the end, this just as you talked about earlier will give Republicans the ammunition they think they need to try to keep control of at least the Senate in the midterm elections.

It it's possible. You have to remember what they ran on in twenty twenty four. It was border issues. And they will point out that, you know, these types of issues are are very important because this is related to people who, you know, are in the country illegally and and and are voting. Uh y you know, it's we it's been barred in the constitution. You have to be

uh you know, a a citizen to vote. That's not a a a news flash. I mean that's been around forever, so that's not really a uh you know, a surprise in that sense. And you know what, there have always been these studies. Credible organizations of voter fraud, and it's infinitisimal. Uh the Brennan Center does an annual uh vote fraud report here and it said that the incidents

of voter fraud are between point zero zero zero three percent and point zero zero two five percent. But some Republicans don't believe that, Chad. And Columbia University says that uh you know, that the uh their study says that it's usually brought up by people who said they lost the race. And then there was a a comprehensive study by the Washington Post that found thirty-one credible instances of voter fraud between 2000 and 2014 out of one billion votes cast.

Again, President Trump doesn't believe that. I I I I understand that. So bring us the evidence of that. In the end, with all of this that might last for weeks. Right. This is going to go to about next week. Your math you talk about the math. Give me a percentage chance. that this bill passes the Senate, President Trump gets to sign it? Probably fifteen to twenty percent. Only because if they were to get they only need fifty one votes to actually pass the bill.

But John Thune and others have said there aren't even fifty one votes to pass the bill. So I would have thought you had said zero percent. So there is a shot. Only because you see, and and I said this on the air, there is a a universe where you could get a simple majority. Yes.

Uh we're not there right now. Uh you know, so I wouldn't say that it's that it's uh you know you know you know point five percent or something, but I think it's about fifteen to twenty percent. And that might even be a little high, for Chad Pergam, Chief Congressional Correspondent over on Capitol Hill. Great to have you on. Thanks for being here. Thank you.

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Country. Watch it live at noon Eastern Monday through Thursday at Foxnews.com or on the Fox News YouTube channel. And don't miss the show. Listen and follow the podcast five days a week at Fox Newspodcasts.com or wherever you download your favorite podcasts. This is Joe Concha with your Fox. Fox News commentary coming up.

The Council on Criminal Justice examined dozens of cities and found the crime rate was lower across the board in most categories last year. They reported that homicides in thirty five cities were collectively down twenty-one percent in twenty twenty five compared to the year prior, nine percent fewer aggravated assaults, twenty-two percent fewer gun assaults.

A twenty-three percent drop in robberies and carjackings declined by forty-three percent. Attorney General Pam Bondi highlighted the numbers at a hearing last month. That's nothing short of historic. President Trump referenced lower crime rates at his State of the Union in February, but said more still needs to be done. Above all, unleashing America's promise requires keeping our communities safe.

We have made incredible strides, yet dangerous repeat offenders continue to be released by to serve eighty five percent of their sentences. He will not see the parole board until he served at least seventeen years. In the last two years, California's rolled back some sentencing reforms and made repeat theft a felony again. In Arizona, voters approved a rule that says child sex traffickers should get life in prison.

and New Hampshire reconsidered certain aspects of their bail reform law. When it comes to something like crime, we should really caution against national level explanations because crime is something that, you know, is not experienced in the aggregate. Rafael Mangual is the Niconell fellow at the Manhattan Institute and contributing editor to the City Journal. And so talking about it in the aggregate, you know, increases the chances for error.

That said, while there are certainly places in the country that have seen crime go up, I think the general trend nationwide is that things are getting safer and that's that's a good thing. It's news that we should be celebrating. You know, the if you look at the study that the Council on Criminal Justice put out. It's looking at a you know, what's called a convenience sample of cities that has generally been pretty predictive of the broader national trend. So there's no real reason to distrust.

you at least the direction of those numbers. Um but but yeah, I think we'll have a more complete picture once the full national data come out at the end of this year.

So Raphael, let's talk about why. Why might we be seeing drops in crime? I'm reading everything from more money being spent on local crime initiatives to less alcohol consumption. Uh there's a Wall Street Journal article highlighting survey data showing young people are spending more time alone. You study this stuff. Is there a reason why? I think, you know, I think you have some sort of non-policy related factors and you have some policy related factors.

On the non policy side, you've mentioned a few of them. I do think it's important that Americans are drinking less. Alcohol is a sort of criminogenic drug. When people get drunk, they do stupid things, they get more violent, they get into more trouble. Americans are frequenting bars and nightclubs at lower rates and these tend to be places where, you know, fights and assaults.

uh and sexual assaults tend to happen. So, you know, that is absolutely gonna have an impact in the aggregate. And the fact that more people, particularly young people, are spending more time alone and in the house. is also important because it reduces the number of opportunities for victimization, right? If if somebody is at home, they're not on the street, they're less likely to be robbed in their homes, they're less likely to be assaulted.

Whereas if they are, you know, walking the streets at two AM on the way home from a bar or, you know, taking the subway in the middle of the day, uh, they are more vulnerable targets to motivated offenders. And so You know, I think the broader trend in what criminologists call routine activities has been a shift more toward time at home and time alone, uh, which reduces the number of opportunities that criminals have to convert victimizations and

What what that means is that we have to view the raw numbers that get reported for different crime categories with a little more nuance than we used to, right? If Americans are spending about an hour more a day at home than they used to, well then, you know, that we're gonna have to adjust for that when looking at the number of robberies or the, you know, the number of of of felony assaults, for example.

On the policy side, do you think more money being put toward any one particular local initiative is working? Are you looking at any one particular city where you think, you know what, this this policy or this program might be having an impact? It's hard to say with you know the sort of investments in programming that I think a lot of people um are sort of motivated to point to as explanations for the broader trend.

You know, I I think part of the reason a lot of people want those programs uh uh to be successful and to be the dominant explanation for crime trends is that they're less friendly toward a kind of enforcement centric approach to crime. But I do think that if you, you know, look at policing trends throughout the country, what you're going to find in a lot of American cities is that police have reasserted themselves.

You'll see arrest numbers going up, stop numbers going up. In some places like New York, for example, you'll see pretty significant increases in the jail population. Nationally, we've seen the prison population increase. the last couple of years for which we have data, which is a reversal of a you know decade long trend in the other direction.

So, you know, you consider that alongside the fact that many states and cities have adopted tougher laws with respect to criminal justice. So, you know, you places like Tennessee and Florida and Louisiana. have adopted initiatives like truth in sentencing and, you know, harsher penalties for repeat offenders in certain categories, all of which I think, you know, is going to have an impact at least in the aggregate.

That's really interesting'cause we were having this sort of national conversation, right, for a while about reduced sentences, um even changing some felonies into misdemeanors, um sort of a a a a more relaxed approach to criminal justice. It sounds like you're saying that maybe is reversing a bit, but my question is does it have a deterring effect? Do we have any evidence that when you know your local police or district attorney are are apt to pursue you.

I is there a deterrent effect on committing crime? Yeah, I I I do think that there's going to be some deterrent effect, at least for some of these initiatives. There was a a great series of videos that came out uh not too long ago.

uh involving alleged shoplifters in Orange County, California who were being caught on camera and, you know, discussing how much more frightened they were having been caught in Orange County as opposed to LA County, where, you know, the the penalties were not as harsh. So I do think that there are offenders who take those things into consideration.

But I'm also looking at the not just the deterrence, but the incapacitation of criminal offenders through these kind of tougher initiatives. So yeah, you've had a reversal, you know, in places like Oregon that decriminalized drugs, for example, and then recriminalized them a couple of years later in California. you know, with prop forty seven, which was partially reversed by Prop thirty six.

And then, you know, you had real changes in terms of, you know, the makeup of the national prosecutor movement where a lot of so called progressive prosecutors got unseated in the November twenty twenty four election cycle. You had Nate Hawkman in Los Angeles County um taking the seat from from George. Up in Oakland, you had Pamela Price be successfully recalled in San Francisco across the bridge. Chisa Boudin was recalled a couple of years before that.

Um you know, when when you sort of tally everything up and you look at some of the ballot initiatives in places like California and Colorado and Arizona from the last election cycle and you know, consider some of the policy changes being made at the state level in places like Florida, Tennessee, Louisiana.

I I think you can start to see why North Carolina's another one with arenas law after the arena's Aruzka murder. Um you know, so so there's been a lot of shift rightward on criminal justice policy and uh, you know, I I I don't think that's gotten enough attention.

Let's talk about a possible problem with the data after this whole conversation because the Justice Department's latest national crime victimization survey, that was from twenty twenty four. indicated that um that some victimization is actually either steady or maybe even going up. This is reports of of victimization. And I'm looking particularly in aggravated and sexual assaults. W is that

noteworthy? Should we be cautious in discussing declines in crime if there are still victimizations that are maybe going unreported? Yeah. Well I I mean I I think the the first thing to say here is that there has always been a gap between crimes that get reported and um victimization surveys. So one of the things that we know um with respect to the crime data is that the vast majority of crime that is committed in the United States does not eventually get reported to the police.

Um so that that should be the starting point for any analysis of of broader crime trends. We do see the gap growing um uh in in the short term and that should be concerning. I think, you know, a lot of people are going to ask why that might be. And I again I would caution against a single explanation, but in some jurisdictions that have really been struggling with police recruitment and retention, you've likely seen an increase in response times.

So we've certainly seen that in New York City, um in Chicago and other parts of the country. And there is research suggesting that, you know, higher response times leads to lower likelihood of a report being successfully made because people

will not only, you know, stop waiting around with respect to the incident offense, but they might be less likely to call in the future, particularly with those lower level offenses where they don't necessarily feel confident that something's gonna come of making a successful report. The Trump administration has said in part.

that that some of this decline and I know we don't like I I know you don't like to pin it on one thing, but they've said some of this may be due to deportations and and people leaving. Do you think that's possible or or even likely? I absolutely think it's possible, especially if you you know accept the administration's characterization of the deportation effort as disproportionately targeting criminal offenders.

If you were deporting a significant number of criminal offenders out of the country, well, that i is absolutely going to have beneficial effects in terms of overall crime. But there are other federal initiatives that I think also don't get uh enough credit for at least contributing to some of this decline. And those are the federal joint task force surges in places like Washington D C and Memphis, Tennessee.

where you have seen real sharp declines in uh local crime rates after those task forces have been launched. You have, you know, a combination of National Guard and US Marshals, ATF, FBI, DEA, and all these other agencies collaborating with local uh police to to make more arrests, to do more enforcement, to have a more visible presence.

um particularly in problem areas of those cities, that has produced real benefits that seem to have some real staying power and I think have absolutely contributed to the broader crime decline. The only question is how much. We've seen just this year, um, really ever since the strikes on Iran, a different type of criminal threat, right? The bomb throwing in New York, the Austin shooting, the attack on the Michigan synagogue.

Talk to me briefly about the perception of safety, even if numbers like you say, the agri crime doesn't happen in the aggregate, right? If even if these aggregate numbers are lower, one can have a different perception. based on the conversation, based on the events of the day. Yeah, I mean when you're talking about the terrorist threat specifically, I do think that that uh uh is going to have a real impact on people's perceptions of how safe they are.

More importantly though, it needs to be a wake up call to state and local police departments because they have to understand that they are going to be the first responders in these types of, you know, sort of lone wolf uh uh um attacks. you know, we we saw that in Austin, we saw that in New York City, right? These individuals are first being confronted by local police. And so departments, particularly in big American cities where, you know, um maybe the targeting likelihood is is higher for

terrorism, you know, police departments need to start training. They need to start reinvesting in counterterrorism assets. and, you know, really putting plans together for mass casualty events. Unfortunately that's that's a real risk uh in the United States today. I I think it's probably more pronounced in the wake of of the hostilities in the Middle East.

And so it's it's it's absolutely going to be something that, you know, the public is gonna wanna see a a robust response to in order to feel better about, you know, going about their daily lives without interruption. Rafael Mangal, thank you so much for your time. Appreciate it. Thank you for having me. Isn't home where we all want to be? Reba here for realtor.com. the Pro's number one most trusted app. If you're hearing me, And if you aren't

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at Foxnewspodcasts.com. It's time for your Fox News commentary. Joe Concha. What's on your mind? So is America winning the Iran War? Of course. But that's not what we're hearing from legacy media. Hi everyone. After ten years of talking about this stuff since Donald Trump came onto the political stage, I think we can safely come to one cold and incontrovertible fact.

That if it's good for Trump, and therefore good for the country, legacy media will reflexively be against it. Let's quote Secretary of War Pete Hegset, who told reporters this. Quote, you cheer against Trump so hard it's in your DNA and it's in your blood. You take half truths, spun information, leaked information to cause doubt and manipulate the public mind.

Hard to argue with that argument. Let's put it this way. Trump could sign an executive order banning pineapple on pizza, which ninety five percent of you out there, I know it. would probably support such an executive order. And yet Democrats would come out suddenly and be in favor of pineapple on pizza. And their allies in the press would echo that sentiment as well. Same thing goes for war with an adversary of ours of nearly five decades.

even if it means being sympathetic and even propping up the Iranian regime, which by all counts is profoundly evil and evenly recently killed thirty-two thousand people at a minimum in its streets simply for protesting. It's the reflex for the press to greatly exaggerate the negative while applying the bias of omission to the positive. We're now less than three weeks into this war, and American success is something that almost

No one could have predicted going in. But if you listen to many in legacy media, you would think we are losing this war right now, and that absolutely is not the case. I'm Joe Concha. You've been listening to the Fox News Rundown. And now stay up to date by subscribing to the channel. Newspodcasts.com. Listen ad-free on Fox News Podcasts Plus on Apple Podcasts. And prime members can listen to the show ad free on Amazon Music. And for up-to-the-minute news, go to Foxnews.com.

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