¶ Introduction
Hello there, Welcome to another episode of the Chuck Podcast. We are coming up on the end of July, and there's another aspect that I want to get into today.
My guest is Dave Wygel.
He's sort of the chief political correspondent, certainly the campaign guru these days over at Semaphore. I first got to note Dave Weigel at a few of the other stops, if you will, most recently before that, the Washington Post. He is sort of my type of campaign reporter. He likes to get out of Washington. He goes to these events. He spends a lot of time. He goes to these. You know, if there's an event where candidates are showing up.
There's a state picnic of some sort in Kentucky, they'll call it Fancy Farm, and you know it's the Iowa State Fair in Iowa where political candidates get together. There's all these different things. Someday I'll give you a whole tour. I actually would love to sell a podcast series where I just go from a political event to political event where they you know, sometimes you've got to go eat bad fried fish with the local political leaders to showcase your wares and this or that.
But anyway.
But Dave Weigel's that kind of guy, and he was a perfect guy to do.
What I think is, you know.
If you look at the midterm calendar and you divide it up into four quarters, there's basically, you know, we are at the end of the first quarter of this midterm cycle with November of twenty twenty six. Basically we're at with the first quarter poll if you want to talk about it as you're a racing fan, either cars or horses, end of the first.
Quarter, if you want to talk about it.
As far as splitting things up that way. And there's a few things that I get into deep with Dave about, you know, what are the similarities between the political environment of twenty twenty five and the political environment in the first year of one point zero and twenty seventeen. We get into all of that and sort of the different sort of historical factor, sort of near term history that favors one party versus the near term history that may favor another.
So it is this is.
A political junkie day, and as you know, most Wednesdays I do try to reserve sort of for my my campaign midterm updates, and so that's what my substack focus is this week. It is on sort of where are we in the midterms after the first quarter, And the way I put it is, we're in a coin flip situation. What you know, if you'd asked me six months ago what is the most likely result for the midterm elections, I'd have said, well, Democrats are going to win the House.
¶ Taking the pulse of the midterm elections after 6 months of Trump
The question is can they put the Senate in play? Here we are six months in. I still think the Democrats are favored to win the House, but I don't have the same kind of certainty about it as I felt six months ago. Part of that is to do with redistricting and what may happen, the fact that we are going to redo all these maps, and I think it does sort of put a bit of paralysis over the House map, especially when you look at four states that may all try to remap their congressional districts before
the November elections. Texas, Ohio, California, New York. All of four of those states have talked about a Missouri might, Florida might as well. So the fact that you may just take those first four states I mentioned, Texas, California, New York, Ohio. Boy, there's approximately over a dozen swing districts just there. So those four states alone could decide
this majority. Because you know, one of the ironies about this reapportionment map, the one that we did right after the census in twenty twenty, the map that was put into place in twenty twenty two, is I would argue it's the most competitive map, ie map that we've had. I can go in individual states and say this is an unfair map in favor of the Republicans, this is
an unfair map in favor of the Democrats. But when you actually look at it from a wider lens through all fifty states, you're like, oh, it's basically two and ten.
¶ There are only 25-30 seats up for grabs in the house
You know, two hundred and five sure bets for the Republicans, two hundred and five sure bets for the Democrats, and oh another twenty eight that are going to be the actual battleground, right we what both parties have successfully done is shrunk the battleground. Now, what could happen with all of this attempt at redistricting in this mid decade attempt here, as particularly as Republicans try to try to safeguard their very narrow house majority, is it might actually expand the
number of swing districts they could actually open up. And this is what I think could be the unintended consequence of all this. If California Democrats are looking to find more create more opportunities for Democratic seats, what it's going to take for them to do it might weaken some
¶ Gerrymandering could backfire for both parties
Democratic seats and put them more in play. Ditto for what could happen in Texas as they try to strengthen some Democratic seats to make them more Republican leaning. The Republicans they put in those districts are going to come from say, solid red districts that suddenly become lean Republican and potentially competitive if Democrats find a compelling candidate. So but at this you know, this is why you know
the fact that they're going through this process. You know, someone like me looks like it's like, well, you know, I hate jerrymandering. I hate how each state does it, you know, but the results seem to be uneasy equilibrium, which is probably better long term for the country.
So here we are.
So look, the House map I think is a bit uncertain,
¶ Democrats' advantages in a midterm election
but there are certain things that still favor the Democrats in the mid terms. One is their their voting coalition. They've become the coalition. They've they've acquired suburban voters as part of their coalition, and suburban voters of the reliable voters they vote in every election. Twenty and thirty years ago, suburban voters leaned Republican, which is why Republicans used to overperform in special elections. Republicans used to overperform in the midterms.
It was Democrats that needed the presidential turnout years to improve their standing, you know, as recently as two thousand. You know, Republicans over indexed in the midterms in ninety eight, and Democrats over index in the presidential vote, which allowed them to pick up four Senate seats in a presidential year. It really wasn't until the advent of Trump when he sort of shifted the party away from its Chamber of
Commerce routes to these more populous routes. They basically traded a bigger pool of potential voters in presidential years, which has helped Trump, but they've traded it for less reliable voters in midterm years, where the Democrats have the more reliable voters. Now that's why you see them over performing in in special elections and why so many Why for instance, I believe, and you'll learn this in the day, Wigle, that there's probably going to be a special election in
December and Tennessee. That is close enough that I'll start talking about it on this podcast. You can hold me to it if it happened. If it doesn't happen, I will happily admit I'm wrong on that one. But this is that special election Mark Green who just resigned his seat in Congress, and it's got a bit of the suburbs of Nashville. It's got the makings of a potential, you know, low turnout election. The people paying attention lean left,
¶ The "out" party is more motivated to vote in midterms
the people paying less attention. There may and then that's another aspect of the midterms of why the Democrats might be favored is that the out party is already showing signs of being more motivated to vote in the mid terms than the end party. You know, it could very well be that MAGA is tired of winning and doesn't see a need to get out there and vote. This
is obviously a mindset that's Trump. White House is trying to figure out how to change because it has been a hallmark of the Trump era that in the midterms, Republicans underperform.
Specifically, Trump voters don't show up.
However, as the atmospherics favor the Democrats, you do see problems for the Democrats, right, you have a brand that is unpopular. I rattled through that Wall Street Journal poll a couple of days ago that told you that showed you that Congressional Republicans are favored on a lion's share of the major issues that can turn Americans about. The only ones that they're not favored on are healthcare, which is not an insignificant one.
And they were even with.
Looking out for the middle class, which is normally something that the Democrats had a much bigger advantage on and they don't at the moment. And there's one other thing that's going in favor of the Republicans, which is why in my sub stack I said, hey, this is a midterm cycle where there's you can't say either party is favored yet, and that is the republic Party is more
¶ The Republican party is more unified than past midterms in Trump era
unified than it's been in any midterm yet in the Trump era. You know, in both twenty eighteen and twenty twenty two, the two midterms were Republicans lost the eighteen midterms and essentially underperformed in their narrow House victory in twenty two, Mitch McConnell run in the Senate campaign army, and even on the House Republican side, they were constantly looking for candidates in these swind districts that had some distance from Trump.
They didn't want. They wanted candidates.
That Trump wasn't going to destroy and hate, but they didn't weren't necessarily looking for MAGA. They were looking for MAGA acceptable, not necessarily MAGA excited, and that would create some problems.
Right.
We saw multiple primaries in both twenty eighteen and twenty twenty two in the Republican Party where essentially it was McConnell versus MAGA or the establishment versus Trump, and it didn't.
Matter who won or lost. It it hurt, it harmed the party in the general.
It created an op for the Democrats this cycle, it appears really only the Texas mess is a Republican primary that could actually create an opportunity for Democrats if things go the wrong way. But look at out quickly Republicans have cleared the field and rallied around a canadate in North Carolina. Cleared the field and rallied around a canadate in Michigan. These are things that they have not been able to do in previous midterms. So you have a
Republican party more unified, you could say more. You know, it's Trump's party now, right. McConnell was still fighting, was still swimming against that current. And even at times Kevin McCarthy went hot and cold at swimming against that current.
You know, he kind of would be with Trump, then he'd be against him and on camp you know, so, but either way, there's none of that now, right, Mike Johnson always swims with Trump, and John Thune has made the decision, even though he's not always seeing eye to eye with him, he is not he is not going to operate that way as far as running the Senate Republican campaign arms. So this is a more are in
¶ House Republicans are outraising Dems in most vulnerable districts
sync Republican party and that should in theory put them in better positions in some of these primaries. And then there's one other aspect that unity on the Republican side has also improved their financial aspect. For the first time, frankly, in about a decade, the House Republicans collectively in the swing in the in the in the most vulnerable districts, seem to outraise the House Democratic incumbents in their most vulnerable districts. This had not been the case for multiple cycles.
Democrats had been really good about raising early money fortifying their more vulnerable members. It seemed as if this time the Republicans finally got their act together.
Now there's a few reasons potentially for this one.
As I said, I think it's the unity inside where this is Trump's party now and everybody's operating in the same way, so there's no competing finance, financial factions, things like that. The second is, I do think some Democratic downers are sitting on their hands, So I do think that there was some There was some money that Democrats successfully raised before in twenty seventeen and twenty eighteen and in twenty twenty one and twenty twenty two that is not there right now in this cycle.
It may come back.
You know, these donors are just disappointed. Maybe they're angry at Biden, maybe they're angry at the Democratic leadership, maybe they just lost faith.
Whatever it is.
Now they may come back and that money will show up in the spring of twenty six and suddenly the financial advantage that many House Democrats had been enjoying Overhouse Republicans comes back. But that is yet another reason, right you have you know, the Republican Party of twenty seventeen that was in such you know, that was basically fighting with itself, helped give And it was the Democrats that were in the United Party after the twenty sixteen election,
¶ Far less unity in the Democratic party now compared to 2017
not the Republicans, right, and that unity gave them the opportunity to win forty seats in twenty eighteen.
There's just obviously a lot less.
Unity in the Democratic side at this point in time. The atmospheric still favor the Democrats. That's the who you know. Usually people that are unhappy are more likely to vote than people that are satisfied. The magabase may feel satisfied, and that's why I think Republicans are fearing if they don't have a negative message to use to motivate their voters. I think they fear they won't have a motivating message. It is hard to get a voter to say, aren't
you happy about this tax cut? Come out and vote, aren't you happy about these deportations? Come out and vote versus So they got to create fear. I know that they're talking about trying to use the threat of impeachment if Democrats win the House, they'll impeach. I would be surprised if voters buy into that. You know, maybe someone there in the base will, but you know, you know, outside of al Green, you don't hear a lot of Democrats talking impeachment right now in the.
Real world because they're just not having the votes.
I don't think there's credibility there, and I think that there's an exhaustion, right I think it would be you know, if anybody campaigned on there's one thing about being a check on Donald Trump and and working within the system that I think is going to be quite appealing to voters. And that's another thing that could be advantaged to the Democrats. Here's one other trend line that I picked up on as I was doing my dive into the first quarter
of the midterms. It's interesting, since nineteen ninety, every time
¶ Since 90', Democrats winning the midterms led to winning the presidency
the Democrats have won the midterms, so that would be nineteen ninety, that would be arguably two thousand and six, twenty eighteen. Those three times the win in the midterms led to winning the presidential Two years later nineteen ninety, they gained seats in both the House and the Senate. They already have the majorities, but the gain seats in both the House and the Senate. They won the presidency in ninety two. In two thousand and six, they won both the House and the Senate, and at the time
the Senate was a bit of an upset. In what happened in eight they win the presidency and won even more House and Senate s. It's added to both majorities on that front. Eighteen they win the House. While they didn't get weren't able to pick up the Senate, it did foreshadow the ability to win the presidency. The last time Democrats won the midterms but lost the presidency the following two years was actually eighty six.
That was a year they win the Senate.
Back in eighty six, they already had the House majority, and then they go on to lose the presidential in a landslide in eighty eight. And I bring up the eighty six midterms because I think if I were looking for a model that I think the current landscape supports the best, it's potentially that where I can see the Democrats doing well more as a reactionary response to Trump. But come twenty twenty eight, all that baggage that the Democrats are carrying right now about their brand, about their
what are they as a party. They're having a generational fight, they're having an ideological fights. Sometimes those two things aligned, sometimes they don't. You know, has the part already lost enough in order to do the soul searching that needs to be done? You know? How much should the party be focused on policy and democracy versus culture?
Right?
I think that's the if I had somebody asked me this question on my sub stack, what's the soul searching that needs to be done? It's sort of like, you know, what is how do they denote that they will fight for the underdog without taking up every fight for every underdog identity group?
You know?
How do you shift away from identity politics without abandoning those very voters.
¶ The presidential primary may help the Democrats cohere
That were with you because they felt like you were looking out for them.
I think these I think these challenges inside the party they haven't fully figured out. Look that stuff usually doesn't get sorted out until you have a north star of a presidential nominee. And that is why I think both things could be true here. This is a party that well, there will be some ideological fights and maybe some primaries produce some nominees that can't win generals for the Democrats.
But in essence, the larger momentum of the atmospherics may favor them, and they may do well in the midterms, but it may be meaning, you know, it may it may not foreshadow success in twenty eight, because twenty eight may truly be the actual fight for the soul of the party. Which direction should it go? Right, That's what happened. That's what happened after ninety.
You know, ninety took place, and then there was.
This a bit of a back and forth which direction should the party go? And Bill Clinton ended up winning that argument, and the center left coalition became became the majority coalition on the Democratic side. So this is why I think it's fascinating in this respect, Republicans in the Trump era have never been in as good of a
position before midterm. Yet doesn't mean they'll have success. It just simply means Democrats aren't going to get handed easy opportun tunities thanks to own goals by the Republicans right that benefited them quite a bit in eighteen, twenty and twenty two. In these down ballot races, I do think you will see fewer own goals on the R side than we've seen, and the question is are there going to be own goals?
On the Democratic side?
Is the is the the concern about the direction of the party. Does that how much does that hurt Democrats in the midterms. History says it may not hurt them that much. What will really hurt them, I mean is is the debate that may take place after the midterms. But like I said, this is a check in in
the first quarter. There's plenty of examples where one thing looks like it's going one way after one quarter and then literally, you know, you know the expression a week is a lifetime in politics, Well, imagine what three more six.
Month periods are in a midterm cycle. And we still have that to go.
So with that, enjoy my conversation and you're sort of deep dive into the where the two parties stand at the moment and where directionally they may be headed in the next eighteen months.
¶ Dave Weigel joins the Chuck ToddCast!
All right, Joining me now is well, I will I will let.
Him tell what his official title is with Semaphore, But he's basically the political guy, is the way I look at it. He's the campaign guy. And Dave Weigel is somebody that I've never worked with. And if I were in Hotline today, I'd like to think Dave Wygel would have been somebody we'd have got out, have coerced into coming to the hotline. He's wired like a cook Report guy, hotline guy Chris Sliza.
So, mister Wigle, it's good to see you, good to talk with you. No, it's great to be here. Thank you for saying that I am such an original hotline follower that I used to. I think I had to download the old hotline videos you did in the you.
Say download first of all the videos that was such a that was a separate that was like John mccuriy and I, you know, totally going, you know, doing a total ripoff of PTI, and we were doing YouTube throwing them up there. My old friend of mine, Dan Manette, his dad is Chuck Manette, the late Chuck Manatte In case wondering, Dan Manatt's a documentarian. It was his idea and they still live on YouTube. Nothing goes away on YouTube. It sits there forever.
Oh. I remember there was a nine to eleven tribute video episode that you released with that I had YouTube's Peace on Earth was the soundtrack. I have the memory that that my memory that recalls congressional district names and stuff is very spotty. I can't remember what time meetings start, but I can't remember that, right, So big fan. Good to be here. So it's good to talk with you. And it's sort of where.
Look, we're talking on a Monday, July twenty eighth, a big sort of midterm news of the day as the Roy Cooper announcement in there, But I kind of want to tackle things. We're going to start sixty thousand feet and then we're going to travel the country a little bit. Twenty seventeen versus twenty twenty five at this moment in time. In twenty seventeen, we had the beginning of some well there's some special election over performances. Democrats hadn't really won
¶ Similarities/differences in political landscape between 2017 & 2025?
anything yet, but it was starting to look I don't think we had had the Connor Lamb special just yet, but it was the Mike Pompeo Special. There was a couple of others, and hey, is there something happening out here. You also had a divided Republican Party and a unified Democratic Party. Eight years later, some of this looks similar. We've had some special elections, there's been some over performance
by Democrats. But you have a unified Republican party for the most part, arguably, and it's a divided Democratic party. What are you taking away so far in twenty twenty five and how would you compare it to twenty seventeen.
I like that setup, and that was one of my jobs at the Post in twenty seventeen was going to all these these districts for the election being held and Democrats kept coming right up to the end of the race, getting a couple points short of winning. This took me to Montana and to rock Hill, South Carolina, and yeah, there are a bunch of single digit races and Safety's Republicans. The only repetition of history sort of with these Lara races that got out of hand were Democrats raised a
ton of money that really not performed by much. The
¶ The parties are very different compared to 8 years ago
parties are very different than they were eight years ago. I was just talking to colleagues about Eric Schmidt, and I was saying, well, he's won. In the many lists at Missouri Center of Republicans who hold seats that sometimes Trump critics used to hold, there are very few left. We were down to the point where Tom Massey is the most visible Trump critic and that is a huge shift of the window of what's acceptable in the Republican Party.
We all in the media the universe changes, but we use the same terms like centrist and moderate and pragmat et cetera to define the party. And a modern rep look in at this point is somebody who doesn't really criticize Trump, but maybia votes against some of his nominees sometimes, and eight years ago it was somebody like Bob Corker who is trying to slow the agenda down or voting
against it. So they're there, and they also have a vision of governments, which there are still lots of liberals I think who criticize it and say it's all based on Trump's adjuta and what his biases were from twenty years ago. He's obsessed with Japan and the trade deficit. They're all in on it, and they also have a vision of the country that is understandable. I could sum up, Okay, if Republicans get everything they want, total stopped, integration, prices
go down for zero some reasons. I'm not saying that's right. I'm saying that's what the vision is. A smaller welfare state. You have to work harder to be part of a foreign policy. We're paying more attention to the Western hemisphere than the rest of the world, except when you want to know about these prize and you need to bomb Ran. But the Democratic vision, and for all the burbiage they
¶ Democrats had their first failed presidency since Carter
spent about this, their problem is for the first time since nineteen eighty, they had a failed presidency and they had a chance to try out their version of how the world should work, their vision of what America is. People didn't like it. I don't think they've made peace with that, and I don't think they have a coherent vision that makes sense to people because it's not credible. They just had Joe Biden. Theyve American people, They had a president try kinesy and stimulus in the economy. It
led to some inflation. They don't like it, you know, need to overcomplicate. I think just that this is the least credible Democrats have been on a number of areas. And it's not even like whack the mall. They have a whackable board. They're like hitting even the mallet to
hit the headboard instead of the moles. They're really not attacking any of the problems they had because it would start with saying, like Trump said in twenty fifteen, Hey, the Republican Party is terrible and it's screwed up, and I'm not gonna apologize. I'm just going to make fun of them, say here's a different vision. They don't add that. They don't have anyone doing that. No.
I was talking with Solissa earlier today in our weekly pod, and I compared it to because you know, when you look at the Wall Street Journal poll that I've sort of gone inside out of and just sort of, yeah, crawled in every nook and cranny of it, what I see is where two things can be true at the same time, which is the Trump agenda is baggage for the Republican Party hard stop. A Democratic party is even more unpopular than the Republican Party right now. What does
that mean for the midterms? Well, I go back and I'm going to go in the way back machine, and my apologies for that, but I'm gonna go back to the eighty six midterms.
I love the machine. Let's hang out there.
Yeah, you know, the eighty six midterms are like, are exactly the potential model for Democrats where they have this success, they win the Senate back at the time it was the Senate that was what they thought they could win back. They already had the House that was back during the middle of their forty year run, so the Senate was really what the midterms were about. And you know, they had a front runner presidential candidate at the time and Gary Hart, so that it looked like.
They were on the march.
Right, they win the Senate, hearts, candidacy collapses, it turns into a free for all, and the Democratic Party gets whacked again right by eighty eight, And I could easily see both things happening. Democrats narrowly sort of winning the midterms, right, getting the House, maybe netting a Senate seat, you know, not quite winning the Senate, but sort of looking like they moved, you know, they moved the ball forward, only to see the divides in the party just totally unravel
¶ Democrats could learn the wrong lessons from a successful midterm
them in twenty eight. So that's a model that I've been you know, is it You could picture the Democrats learning the wrong lessons that their success When when you look at that Wall Street Journal poll, you had a huge majority saying that they don't think Congress is pushing back hard enough on the president. You have unpopularity there, So you see how you can run an anti campaign and win in the midterms, but it doesn't do anything to improve the Democratic brand going into twenty eight.
Yes, and I was just talking about how that brand is affected by the actual record of the party. I don't think the Democrats like hearing that because they'll say, well, what was the Trump record in twenty twenty. We just had we had a we had a pandemic and budget and he got fired. Yes, like that's the thing.
Like the public didn't like it. You're right, and guess what they didn't like you either.
Yeah, and Trump came up with something I think basically unrepeatable, which is, well, I was stinnied as president and the deep state stopped me from doing what I really would have done, and I could have fixed it. And I'm still a little bit to run again. So life pull this off. And yes, in theory, Bill, I suppose Joe Biden isn't only living Democratic to try that. Give me, give me one more shot this that's not going to happen. No, really,
they they Italy holler bien. Yeah, but that's I start with the Democrats problems because yeah, I've done my way back machine visit was I read Outcrum's memoir of creating the Democratic Leadership Council, which when I started out reporting, which really was writing my own stories two thousand and four ars or dous and five.
Oh, that was at the peak anti DLC craz Yes, a the beginning of that.
Yeah, and the mindset at the time, And a lot of this comes from this Democrat the democrats belief in democratic demographic destiny, which they stopped believing in, was why do we have to do that. There's a lot of you know, J. K. Chesterton's fence, the old analogy, if there's a if there's an offense somewhere, you don't know the reason. If you understand why it was put up, you can't just tear it down. There must have been
some reason. That's what happened with the DLCs. A lot of Democrats came into the process at the end of the Bush years and said this, this is a disaster. There's all these wimpy moderate Democrats or conservative Democrats who voted for the disaster, voting for George W. Bush's war. Why do we do that in the first place, we
¶ Democrats tried to replicate the Obama coalition and failed
can build a new majority. Then Brock Obama did it, and it's ten years of let's repeat the Obama experiment, the experiment, let's repeat the Obama map. We can, we can do it, we can. We can lose by attrition working class voters because they're being replaced over time. That doesn't end not to get into the entirest to last a couple of years. That's what happened to the DLC. That book's useful because they were doing things that wouldn't work anymore. They It was a very media focused narrative.
Focus the narrative, and by narrative, I mean it was built for a time when Americans read basically, if they didn't read or watch the same news outlets, it was understood those new dead let's had the power to shape the storylines.
And so the deal news magazines had they were I always said they were the social media of our time. Who was on the cover of Time and Newsweeks and even US News.
Meant something both pop culturally and politically. Yeah, and I guess I'm I'm in the media, so everything I think the media is important. But but no, it's is every Democrats trying to figure out how to live in this environment where you can get the most glowing profile of what you did in Time magazine and it doesn't matter because you looked really embarrassing in an online video that
got shared a lot of times. So the DLC would have these meetings around the country and say, Okay, we've got Bill Clinton, We've got Bruce Babbott, we've got Mike Dukakkas Speed part of some of these meet these young future Democrats who have new ideas and reporters would come to them and they meet the Democrats. Donors would come. There was just you could build a momentum through this discourse. And that discourse has shattered. We're on a podcast. That's
another example of how all you could do. Actually going to go back, if you really wanted to do this, go to your go research every David brodercolumn and then from nineteen eighty five to nineteen ninety and it would be a parade of new kind of Democrat, new kind of democrat, new kind of democrat.
You know, And it was all about that, you know. It was all these governors, right, and the Southern governors.
You know.
I always say Bill Clinton's presidency was supposed to be Chuck Robb's presidency, right. It was all the entire the
¶ The media and campaign infrastructure are completely different now
entire delegate selection process, the creation of super delegates, right, the Stop Jesse Jackson movement. It was all designed to help the southern governors. And at the time it was lbj son in law Chuck Rob governor of Virginia, that everybody assumed would be the great beneficiary.
Why because Chuck Rob lived in the Washington DC media market, is what I always say.
So it gave him this sort of perceived leg up on perception, and then of course he turned out not to be a very good politician. This is pre scandal forget. He just wasn't that good at this. He was a great he was a resume guy. But Bill Clinton and frankly Michael Dukakas in eighty eight both benefited from the Super Tuesday organization, which was a total DLC. You know,
the DLC was also tactical. They knew that if they created Southern Super Tuesday, it was a way to insulate them from a super lefty becoming the nominee.
Yes, and that infrastructure obviously is completely different, and the media they're operating is completely different. The fractal I've been paying attention to to just see how different this is.
It's isolate. One thing Democrats are trying to do. There is a very stop start conversation they're having about, let's just call it the Biden administration's position on gender and transgender rights and the sword version, which i nick The New York Times had had a very very long piece based on scrimmitting decisions outcome that gets into this history.
¶ Battle over trans rights has Democrats flailing
But basically Trump Biden says trans right to be a civil rights station of our time. He reverses a lot of the Obama Sorry, Obama starts to be more accepting of trans people. Gender is a septacritical working sex. Trump undoes it. Biden puts it back into effect. Trump unwinds it all, and there's this very stop start conversation about did Democrats was that a mistake? Did Democrats need to
rethink this? The way it's being done is that occasionally a Democrat will get asked a question about some aspect of this issue, not the every Biden executive order, but the sports aspect of the issue, and a Senator or a Congressman We'll get asked and they'll say what they think. They'll get piled on by tre be majority, but just every every group in this space, human rights campaign. I'm glad the new groups like Christopher Street Project will come
in and say this person is betraying our movement. No one can lead our party. And also what fort lab They'll say, and they're weak. This is weakness. This is the Democrat who is responding to defeat by abandoning a section of party. Won't they abandon? What is next? And they're they I've not seen people respond to that by saying I was I was wrong. We're giving a new interview and saying I was completely right. They just don't come at again. Ruby Guyego went through this, the Santra Arizona,
Seth Molton went through this. Massachusetts, there's the there's a very good reporter, Oreana Gonzalez that notice, who's been doing iterative stories about House Democrats trying to come up with some position, but they're not having the conversation in public. And the DLC had a lot of conversations in public. And this is the hardest one because they are just
parents every day affected by this issue. I'd bring up the hardest one because it's the one that I've seen Democrats touch the stove and pull it away from the vassist. But you could say the same for immigration. Immigration is even stranger because now today Nearri Canna has an article in the Wall Street Journal about how they're going forward.
¶ Democrats are walking on eggshells over immigration
But there's no Democrat who's come out and said very clearly, here's I'm giving a speech and a place where reporters will be. Biden was a disaster. He let our party down, and he was wrong on immigration, and instead here is an immigration position that is going to piss off people who thought that who believed in one thing, and to in twenty twenty, who believed that, for example, that asylum is the human rights which is a sign that a
lot of Democrats campaign behind. Literally, they're not doing that. I'm going to float something in Interview'm going to float into the pod. They would notice, Well, hopefully some people notice. It is very hesitant and odd, and you can trust that with Republicans and Trump, Trump can say something and then there is a discourse around when Trump is saying, do you Republicans agree with Trump? And they not agree
with him. He just put out our new position on trade or on whatever it is, or whatever it is, and it's not like I didn't go off in question gets asked, oh, well, who's the leader of the party. That's the same of the DLC. You know, need a leader, You needed just some sort of coherent network that was having a conversation that people understood was a conversation about
¶ Democrats don't have clear, united positions on major issues
the party. You also had the progressive of the Jesse Jackson. I'm saying, here's our conversation, here's our populism. It's just this very anomized selection of groups. And I say this in the reporters. I've just had to build charts of which group says which. Because news stories still exists and TV's story still exists, you can only quote so many people.
But it's this total post Tower of Babel cacophony of who stands for what in the party and very unclear what their position is on anything, because they're not starting with, hey, Biden was wrong, here's why he was wrong. I'm willing to have Mike Donaldan tell me, I'm i stink. I'm willing to have hundred to buy meal. Let me who cares. They're not doing that, They're not confronting that they had a failed presidency.
It's a great point and it really gets it. And that's the question I've had this conversation. Have the Democrats lost enough yet to realize they have to change right.
Eighty four and.
Eighty eight, you know, they they tried to make changes, and yet they didn't say Carter was a failed presidency going in eighty four. How could they They nominated the vice president, right, And that was back when Labor really was controlling the party.
Right. Labor was sort of the.
The They were the bridge, right, they were the force that sort of brought factions together because they had the money, right, they had the money, and then they could certainly impact primaries. And then the DLC is born basically in ninety five after the Mondale shellaking. To sort of stay with your timeline there and whether if Hart stays who was easily sort of the deals Arguably he was DLC ish right,
because he had both right. He was seen as the guy who ran McGovern's campaign in seventy two, who was an interventionist and who was like, you know, he was not easily and he was this sort of Bill Clinton like figure.
Before Bill Clinton.
It looked like he had the ability to bridge the union part of the party and this sort of Western sort of Hey, he's he's a bit cool, right, he's warn Baby's friend, you know, and then he collapses and then it was then all the factions came back. Labor decided to you know, get behind, get part eighty eight and all this stuff.
And it took him. You know, it took two presidential shellackings for them to get religion. And arguably they didn't even think ninety you know, most of the major figures of the party conceded ninety two early on, thinking that that was a useless exercise to try to knock off the sitting president. And then lo and behold, Bill Clinton
¶ Voters want tight border security, but not mass deportations
showed that there was a way to do this. I want to pick up on something on immigration because the Wall Street Journal poll and I think this is the you why is Trump's numbers starting to go upside down on immigration?
Because there really is two distinct features of the issue. Border security is what people wanted, and that was the massive failure of the Biden administration, and that has been the initial success and what people wanted from Trump when you ask and I saw that the Wall Street Journal did a split sample asking Trump's job rating on immigration, and then they did half sample Trump's job rating on illegal immigration. His numbers were better in dealing with illegal immigration.
His numbers were worse when it was just immigration. It turns out what the country wanted was they didn't like the chaos at the border. Yeah, they didn't mean they wanted to get rid of every migrant in the country. And I think that that's the opening here. And ironically, that was the Democratic position under Obama. Tough on the ball, order, lenient on my and fought pathway to citizenship for people already here. And it turned out that's a fifty five
to sixty percent agreement message. And for some reason, I go back, it's a debate I moderated. I go back to that first debate where they decriminalize, where everybody on stage but Joe Biden and one other wanted to decriminalize the border, and You're like, oh my god.
It was like they were all high in their own supply in that moment. Yeah, I think that that's the immigration just conversation I'm talking about. It was try's so fourth and how that's gotten further. It's been interesting to watch Frank Sherry, who was at Family's USA for a long time, say, yeah, the movement got over its skis on this and this is one of Trump's strengths and I'm trying to put it in the right way. Is sometimes you do something and it's unpopular and it's extreme,
and it backfires and you're just credit. No one does it again. This is Sam brown Back in Kansas. A Reblicans still can't win a governor Grace in Kansas because it is tax plant sage disaster. Trump has done some things that I think it's the third pause. Nobody's going to like Obamacare. It can be hacked away at, but
nobody's running out your failing anymore. But he's also done some things where he his response is so angering to progressive, attacked so many of their political no just I would say what they think is American period, that they will overreact and with immigration, that's what happened is there's a lot of Democrats and the thing you said about two thousand and eight, the Democrats in this space the sort of way to share a Metagalasius types. They often will say,
¶ Democrats believed they could make Trump "never happen again"
just go back to two as an eight twenty twelve Obama he said things that Democrats don't say anymore, and they were popular and Democrats voted for offense. Right, you could call it a wall. It is a defense. Is
a wall? Yo, Read the language and the platform, because I've talked to some people are in the democratic polling and data space who've just gone back and looked a platforn You can look at a platform language with somebody with a time to just do regression and say what words drop out out, what words come in the party just gets much more optimistic about its future and cannot imagine a backsliding which has already happened to something that is,
let's say, backsliding to a right wing country. I'm trying not to try to overegg what I'm saying now. The Trump thing on immigration is he's president. He starting to tries to build a wall. There's a Republican division on that, and Tom Tillis, who's retiring when the Republicans wh complains about a moving military money to fund the wall. He
has very visible deportation facilities. Those are unpopular. There's actually the whole remain in Mexico policy in part comes from not wanting that imagery of camps because American sea camps and they have associations. They don't like to thank that the deeps in other countries there's less cameras exactly, and then that keeps going. I'm covering the twenty nineteen Democratic primary at this point, and that poll will Braves hand Its.
It is such a great question for Democrats comes from this discourse saying how do we prevent this from ever happening again? Well, instead of deportation being a criminal, it's already a civil ALTI what if it's something even less. What if you're just you're allowed to show up and say I'm I'm demanding asylum because look at how terrible Trump is. This is not America, m E. Lazarus, Poem, etcetera, etc. That we need to make sure that no Trump can ever happen again. And that's a lot of the Biden
premise in twenty twenty. I'm going to run Trump will be an aberration, This will never happen again. Part of that never happened again agenda. Everyone deserves asylum. And so they got themselves into a very humanitarian, emotional immigration position
that they cannot defend. And the result. I mentioned those camps because one thing that Trump is doing in this term unthinkable last term, going to them, just going to the sending Christine home to Salvador, personally, going to Aliger Ralpatraz in Florida with this confidence that the country has moved so far towards him on immigration and deportation that they're going to buy and I have some people merchandise
¶ Dems overreacted to Trump, didn't have coherent immigration policy
from the detention camps. So how did Democrats get in that position? They did overreact to Trump and they didn't come up with their own coherent immigration policy. That was what they were skipping. There was a coherent you're affording to it. There was a coherent Obama policy to on order, security, lenient,
on pathway to citizenship. A question I like to ask the Democrats I talked to, like the ones who are running for Andy Basher I talked to last week, and I'm editing something is I'll ask who deserves to be here? Like beyond if you're born in America, you're on the process right now getting naturalized. Who else deserves to be an American? And the answers have been not. Bascher's answer was involving well, you know, it's about the workforce. Well
even that, that's how they're saying. In twenty nineteen there were Democrats and I was saying, we need immigrants here for the workforce, and that's it. They were saying, Hey, if there are people seeking asylum somewhere. I remember Democrats having Trudeau envy because they were watching Justin Trudeau in Canada personally welcome Syrian refugees and saying, what if this country was like that? What if this country was taking
¶ The country has moved right as a backlash to Biden
in more refugees. We used to be like that. We used to be like that during the gerald Ford operation that brought people from Vietnam. The country's moved so far right because of the backlash to Biden, and the backlash was engendered by Fox News et cetera coverage of the border, what other areas, So the Democrats not realize that the country has moved away from them, because I do think both parties storytelling of a lot of politics. But I
wrote a callum out this Kawisco. In Democrats' minds, the way history moves is that something outrageous happens and people get up in the streets and protests, and then the people who were defending outrageous thing crack down the protesters, and the whole country looks at that and says that can't happen, and they move on. It never happens again.
And I'm not trying to impugne Democrats or say that just in covering them, listening to the rhetoric a lot of their rhetoric assumes that there's going to be a selma for the outrage. There's going to this is what happened immigration hundred from what happened under this policy, and this refugee policy, this is what's going to happen under for gender based rights, trans rights, LGBTQ rights. And when it doesn't, they seem to be They seem not to know what to do with a Republican party that's very
comfortable saying things that make fun of human suffering. I mentioned the detention camps, but there there is a level of mockery for the Trump administration that I think borders or maybe has gotten on the border of eu bris. They definitely look like a Republican party that can't imagine
¶ Republicans acting like a party that thinks they can't lose
losing ever again, which is how you get into trouble. They might go back and regret some of the gladness with which they talk about these issues. But Democrats, I think we're just not ready for a cultural shift away from them, and they're looking at these polls and saying this poll says that Trump's some unpopular immigration, But what does that mean when you come back, it's who deserves to be in the country. Correct? When it comes to who does what does ender mean in the law, There
are these tough questions. They just punted because they said, well, from it's unpopular, we're going to go I'm not trying to ramb I'm just trying to bring things together. Same thing with gender happened. A lot of the movement on people's acceptance of trans rights was not a lot some of it was driven by Trump, by people saying, why is he being so cruel to people who are trans and just want to live their lives? Sert of a military the.
Libertarian look, we are Americans are libertarian. Americans are always been libertarian on social issues, like even no matter when you push it, both on the right and the left, so that ultimately say hey, don't be cruel to people.
Live and let live.
There's live and let live is mostly usually one out over time. Right, the ark of cultural stuff is always bent towards that. And you know, it's sort of like, why is Caitlin General a Republican? I think people need like Democrats not ask themselves. Why is Caitlyn Jener a Republican?
You know, the live and.
Let live part, But she's not asking to compete in women's sports, Right, Like, there's this is the line the country's at, which is, hey, you live your life, how you live your life. But right, that seems to be where the majority position is. I wonder is this the so famously Bill Clinton was pro death penalty at a time when the party was not, and he of course infamously put somebody to death. Went back Ricky Rector I think was his name. My memory serves Rectory.
Yeah, yeah, and it's a very I think it was a explosive because he didn't need to go back to Arkansas, but he did decide he did. He wanted everybody to see what he was doing.
Yeah, I'm going to go out. It was this was to me, this was Sister Soldier times one hundred. If you actually think about it, Sister Soldier gets the sort of the moniker, if you will. This was actually the moment that sort of said, look, I am a different type of Democrat, right, you are not.
I am not soft? Right?
And that was the fear, right, our democrats too soft to lead? Are they too soft to be the leader
¶ The left is seen as soft, is trans rights the issue creating that perception?
of the country? You know, Reagan was tough, all those all that, all that mindset.
Jimmy Carter was too soft, right, that was the red dukakas seen soft mondale sy whatever that is to people, but there was a softness to them. And and Bill is transgender?
That issue that is that how a Democrat is going to try to exploit the stereotype of the left. And is that where we expect, which I know is what the trans community fears that they're going to be the currency to distance for a Democrat to rebrand themselves or the party to rebrand themselves.
Well, this is a this is a very active conversation among Democrats that is mostly underground. Again, w I talked about the discos.
I used to call them conversations, right, like the Biden issue, the Biden issue that was the loudest nonversation for the entire four years.
Is Kamala Harris really going to be that this? You know? Why is there no trust there? And all this?
The conversation was concern about Harris and concerned about Biden, right, and yet it wasn't It wasn't happening in public enough. But you and I were having these conversations almost on a daily basis with sources, but nobody was talking about it right in public. It was the conversation. So what you're saying, is this is today's conversation.
Yes, And the way that I've heard it from people in the democratic ideas space, and I'm talking about the sorts that they go to donor conferences, they present, they present data, they some of them write columns about it. Again, I rich to Sharon John Judis are still are still doing this. They had a book that got less intention than the Emerging Democrat Majority that came out in twenty
twenty two, and it's funny life to merge. The Democrat majority comes out before Democrats are able to win something. Their second what comes outhen Democrats have a pretty good min term, so they keep the people get missing missing what they're saying.
By the way, that there's fine reading for my how Washington works is Roy to Shay's books, because as when
¶ Trump has forced the conversation on immigration
my students said, oh my god, I wish i'd read this before the twenty four election.
I would have seen this coming, you know, absolutely, But there are this conversation when I was saying, the Democrats are kind of talking, coming out and saying something and then not saying any something again. Behind the scene, they're talking about this a lot, and I don't so I'll separate the two things. Immigration will be more important because that it turns out that Trump has forced a conversation on who deserves to be in the country, what does
the country mean, what do borders mean? And there are Democrats now saying you can't have a country without borders. Just he has shifted the conversation his direction on what that means.
It's like the great line of what Bill Clinton said, Hey, yeah, the air big government is over. Democrats are saying we need a nation with borders.
Yes, And just one of the Democrats' problems for how do you convince the swing voter vunning bee does not mean the border is wide open and Anglan come in. That has become a problem for them that I think is existential for what the aready stands for. I should that because it's happened everywhere, like look around the world. That has been that has been fatal to center left social democratic parties in Europe. Uh, it is in Canada. David Cameron.
We came to the States and said get tougher on migrants. Trust, yes, I have first stand experience.
Yeah, yes, or you lose the conversation and the far right takes advantage. That is the warning on the left. They called this choice socialism or barbarism, which is just a good phrase. But what anyone is very different than what demmigrants are running on. And that's the problem that they if and I say they sell that problem, I mean they just need to come up with something that's going to have some groups say you guys are terrible racists and you're supporting Trump. Urben Guano Arizona has kind
of led with his chin on this. And as I'm a son of Columbia immigrants, I voted for the Lake and Riley Act. I don't regret voting for it. Some people who are in the country don't deserve to be here. Come at me, But what does that mean as a full policy? Still bring that out on the gender stuff that that has become, that has been more complicated because
¶ The fight for gay marriage vs fight for trans rights
the way that they look into this. If I can just quickly, I always I'm sorry I summarize it without being blase about what happened. But gay marriage, which was the fight for gay marriage, which we were both covering for years, was very incremental inch by inch. A lot of Democrats not even in committing to endorseing gay marriage, like Barack Obama until twenty twelve.
And Human Rights Campaign's board was divided about Yeah, you know, after the shellacking that gay marriage took at the ballot box and four, there was a real there was a divide inside HRC among some of its big donors. Hey, should we sort of hold back on marriage and instead focus on gay rights protections, you know in the workplace, civil unions. Let's go down that road. People seem to
be good with that. Like, there was a real and it was a fifty one proposition about how much to go into the no fight for same sex marriage now versus fight for same sex marriage later, right, And that was a divide, by the way, similar divide on trans issues inside HRC, though I see that they've they've moved past that debate a little bit.
They have all you can still walk past HRC headquarters in in DC, and it has they has the big signs that are that are that are about trans rights, et cetera. But just I'm slowly walking through the way that they felt this was Democrats had it was Trench Warford Democrats and the groups there were defeats and one they have asked conservatives who on the trans issue, the ones who believe that they are winning this they can went on everywhere is why why didn't you guys try
¶ Why hasn't the gender rights fight been punted to states?
to put on the ballot in some states? Hey, this state now defines genders as two sexiest man in female. Well that's a great question. Why has it that happened? Well, the one thing is that they they think just even some of them are too younger. Remember two thousand and four when it wouldn't be a perish a referenda. But they they assumed they'd be they'd be outspent on these. They assumed they would not win as many as they did. They also had trouble convincing the party that it mattered.
And the story of the right on this up to twenty twenty was that their donors didn't understand why this was such a big deal. The Caitlyn Jenner coming out in twenty fifteen in the context of a twenty sixteen Republican race. You can find Republican at the time like Rick Santorum saying, well, Kaitlyn Jenner says, she's a woman, She's a woman. Sure they didn't understand. They end their family was also Republican. There was a weird part of that. You wonder if she had been a high profile Democrat.
If the conversation would have been the same, just maybe maybe, but just the way it was seen as a libertarian issue, It's like, why do you want the republic the Republican party that just got killed on gay marriage after and you can't even talk anymore, why do he wants to get involved in this? Regrets had the same set of facts, Well, we may gain marriage, move so slowly that now we're
kind of embarrassed that we moved so slowly. There was a very brief news cycle in twenty fifteen because Hillary Clinton had been Secretary of State and wasn't taking political positions. How come she had endoorse gay marriage yet and the
¶ Trump endorsed gay marriage before Hilary Clinton
Trump campaign had some fun with Donald Trump endorse gay marriage before Ellary Clinton did so. The trans issues, the history quite complicated. I recommend reading Susan Striker's book on transgender history to catch up on this stuff. They are different movements that are interlocking. They're there and they fight, they they've boon different things. But the way that this has gotten the bomb Minstration of biderministration said well, no,
these are these are human rights. Weren't forcing them, and we're changing the way that the code the government's code talks about gender. We are changing the way that healthcare plans cover gender medicine. We're doing that. There's not going to be a debate, there's not going to be referendums in the States, it's not going to all to take forever. We're just doing it because this is right. And then
the backlash later. I mean, so it's imagine if because what happened with game marriage is sometimes a court would legalize it and there'd be a voter backlash. But imagine if instead Bill Clinton in nineteen ninety nine says change the legal code. Marriage now means whatever, No, he didn't,
he did, Delma. And so the way the trans rights have played out politically, I think has been again traumatized to people who are who are progressive, who believe in this, to trans people, because the recent experience is that human rights moves in one direction, and that actually was the trench forefare of gay marriage was not repeated for trans rights, it was handled differently. Your party really fully understood the implications.
Now they've got a good understanding implications. There are people trying to find a way through. But instand what you're seeing is because it wasn't just America, UK, European countries still have the same thing. All right. We have a new understanding of what gender is. It's enforced in the code. And the backlash came after that, This progressive dealing with a with a right wing backlash for a lot because people are cycling through the political process just because of
mortality who don't remember things. I find this in the report. People who do not remember Barack Obama being elected. Certainly
¶ Both parties demonstrated hubris on gay marriage/gender rights
they don't remember purely when gay marriage was unpopular. There are a lot of people in political activism, in democratic powery politics, and their story is, look, the country is becoming more progressive. Why would you ever question rights for all people, something that's good for all people. Why would you ever do that? How could the Democrats sell people
out by saying maybe it's going too fast? Republicans say, I think they're snake bit by gay marriage, and now the degree they moved from we're not sure if we should run on this issue too. We're going to attack every Democrat over it. Again. I think seems eu briistic because in those spaces I'm talking about, the democratic donor space was one thing they're saying is courts might take care of this, and that's like a very if you know what you mean by that, your life, right, another
thing of your life. That's a little hard to hear, the saying, look, scremedi happened, there's going to be another. There are there any more cases before a six to three Supreme Court. The next time the Democrats is going to run for office, a Republicans say this is hey, they're going to do this, They'll say no, it's all illegal. That's terrible to hear. If you're progressive, that's like saying, well the ports and handle every wade. Stop running on
abortion in Texas. It's over you. Just what's your what's your frame of ressent reference as a progressive or if looks that one, we're never going to get it back.
¶ Voters care more about immigration than trans rights
If you have to solve one, if you have to sort of run against the party on, you have to pick one of those two issues to run against the party on. Hard My sense is immigration's the one that voters care about more. Yes, a trans issue is sort of like an exclamation point, and they're in favor of or and they're this right like, and you can weather that if that's your only merit, you can say, look, how pathetic my opponent is being he's obsessed with looking
under people's skirts. If that is your only quote unquote violation to the cultural center right, I don't think you could be tough on trans folks and soft on immigration and think that's going to solve your problems. If you're going to pick one of these cultural hot button issues to run against the party on. It feels like immigration is the probably the smarter play if you're just playing.
Tactical and it. I agree with that. I also, for all the reason we just talked about it, for the Waite courts are going to handle it. It's also, like I was saying, within the party and the polyglot of influences it has right now, if you come out and say, look, I'm for some deep I'm for deporting people who committed a crime, you don't get the same backlash as you do if you say I mean I was a I
mean basher, Andy basher. Another thing I asked him was about the Trump's orders on gender medicine for miners, and he said, well, I'm against surgeries on minors, and I always had it been, and I guess that didn't get reaction anymore. But it's the what also affects more people's lives. I think this is this is this is going. That's exactly right. It's a part of it, yeah, versus you know, thirty percent of the country. But I I I I vote. Sorry,
you're the host, and I keep, I keep, I keep. No, no, no no, I think this is a no no no. We spent a good chuck here. That was the big picture.
¶ Urban voters are more willing to flirt with socialism, not transferrable
You know, Democrats like need to figure out what they believe and talk about it, as opposed to say, and where we believe is moving this way and I'll get right with history. They just need to say, why do I believe this?
Yeah, let's talk about where we're going to see some of these fights play out, right, like at the ballot box in some of these primaries. Look, we can have a mom Donnie conversation.
I'm I'm of.
You know, I think that there is a long history of urban voters willing to flirt. Was so because there's a demand for cities to for there always is more of an expectation and a demand for city services than there is for state or federal right that there is this sort of so like, you know, the fact is, when have we elected socialists in this country. Most of the elections have taken place in mayor's races, whether it's
the mayor of Burlington, the mayor of Milwaukee. We may have a mayor of Minneapolis, and you know, the mayor of New York City. So I am skeptical that's this transferable into the rest of the party. And I expect
¶ Will Democrats distance themselves from Mamdani?
most of the party to feel comfortable distancing themselves from mom Donnie, you know, in some sort of Oh, I like him, he's a good campaigner, but that's not what I'm for or hostile, but it will be some form of that. You concur with that, or do you think they could it could have more legs.
I I concur I think Republicans are very quick to say we're going to tie every Democrat to mom Donnie. But this rang hollow because Eric Adams was supposed to be the savior of Democrats brand in cities and Republicans swept all these New York suburban seats or anything against Eric Adams anyway, So that's also I try to play
it straight. And if everyone agrees that Democrats need to run for something, not against something, I'm not convinced that a midterm message for the incumbent party that runs everything will be Hey, look at that guy in New York. Now I talked to I've known mam Day for a while. I talked to him in the race for mayor, but I met him when he was running for State Senate in New York. The rise of DSA New York, the story of socialists until Mamdani over the last couple of
years that they were losing brown. They were losing ground votes for the reasons that a lot of left wing or groups lose round infighting and people quit and people lob accusations at each other. But also they were getting
¶ Dem socialists get dinged for cultural issues, not economics
blamed for a lot of policies that they advanced, like bail reform, more of the criminal policies, socialist criminal justice. Yes, but socials were not getting dinged for their economic ideas. They were getting hurt for the other ideas about remaking remaking society. Prison abolition, police abolition, defunding police is downstream from that. And Mam Donnie didn't run on that. Remind
ran on affordability. So I feel the one way I view what he did is more he's like the Howard Jarvis of of a browsing a portability Howard Jarvis, you know, passes this doll initiative in California in the seventies on tax limitation that free defines the state, but Democrats don't see Prop thirteen. But Democrats don't see it coming because they they thought they were being responsible stewards of this exparis money and saving up for a big surplus and
not refunding people's money with taxes. And in New York there was a lot of denial like, well, I mean, yeah, the housing thing is slow, but we need to work through these groups and we're going to build this housing. But this donor's opposed to it, and Mam Donnie. There's been this fight for who owns this agenda between more moderate Democrats and Progresses because they do want to be the party of affordability. It just needs different stuff in
¶ Cost of living is biggest issue in big coastal cities, not as salient in other places
different places. I mean, you mentioned Minneapolis and housing affordability is less of an issue in Minneapolis because it's not as expensive. It's society spent to lived there. New York has been New York Los Angeles. I mean you can really start that there. DC area are just if you're in when you're done with this podcast, go look up Zillo and look up what it costs to have a big family home in those places, You're not going to
have the same issues outside of urban areas. So he is he is for urban democrats, like a Howard Jermans figures saying, look, if you don't deal with this, voters are going to react and make you deal with it. And I look more housing etctera, go ahead. My test on Mom Donnie is Mikey Cheryl. If somehow she loses, I think there will be this idea that there's a Mom Donnie effect and that hurt her in the Northern
Jersey suburbs, right, Like, that's the scenario. I had an interview with Rama Manuel a couple of weeks ago, and that was his paranoia that does Mom Donnie become a problem? You know?
Can the can Chitdarelli and New Jersey weaponized Mom Donnie and weaponize New York City essentially against Mikey Chryl and make her own that a little bit. I'll watch and see, right, I don't you know, we'll find out. I think I'm fascinated with New Jersey governor because I think it's the only I don't think Virginia is going to be because of the federal worker issue really more than anything else, is such a such a problem for Republicans. You know,
they can complain all they want around the lieutenant governor's campaign. Please, it's Donald Trump and the land Doge that is the that is going to put Abigail Spamberger in Richmond.
There.
So let's move to twenty sixteen, and if you had
¶ Michigan will be a bellwether for Democratic politics
a I'm going to answer it first. And I'm curious if there's any other state that you I think the most interesting state to understand where the country is headed, where the Democratic Party is headed, is the state of Michigan. You have a Democratic primary and Senate that is going to pit sort of establishment DC versus sort of younger outsider state senator right and Molly McMorrow versus Haley Stevens.
And then you have the three way race for governor, which is going to test sort of where is the middle?
You know, can you know what is what.
Is mainstream left versus the center versus Frankly John James being mainstream right.
I mean I find it, you know, and whether there is.
A a centrist or a sort of non major party movement that can actually get traction right beyond that. So I look at the state of Michigan and it both the governor's race and the Senate race, and I just see it as having all of the national storylines. We're trying to figure out the future of the Democrats, what's going on with this sort of continued ten year rise of people not aligning with either party, particularly among voters under forty five, and that Michigan.
Has it all.
I know you coulccur about Michigan being important. Is it the be all end all? Do you see it that same way? Is there other states that you would put in that category for the for twenty twenty six?
It's sort of being.
¶ Nevada and Texas will show whether Latino swing toward Trump sustains
Nearly the most intriguing and most important potential ways to sort of decipher what might happen in twenty eight.
No, I like that as the focal point. I would not There is not any sort of I would say Nevada is going to be interesting because as a test of how Fluky and Texas, Texas and Babiel pinterting is the text of whether to move towards Trump by Latino voters with situational for twenty twenty four or whether it represents something long term and just that's not as much of a factor in Michigan. It's both of them. I'm why have you said that too? Because I think I
unless something changes, I'm going to Michigan on Saturday. So I'm glad it's important, But I mean it's got era.
I mean I've been there already myself, and it's like I I every time, I'm like, man, boy, this is where I'd open a bureau here.
If I were the hotline, you know, type of thing that important, I'd ben she theres a third candidate in the in the the four candidates in the Senate race, Abdul Elsi ed who Bernie Sanders and Doris day One. That's right, I forgot about it, yeah, yes, And and Joe Tate, the former Speaker of the of the State House,
who's interesting. He's also kind of as a storytelling figure, sort of interesting because he was the first black Democrats speaker of the State House in Michigan, and Michigan Democrats finally won this trifecta in twenty a twenty two, and then they didn't do as much as other Democrats did with their trifecta. And there's not real metrics, not much
excitement around Joe Tate because where was the agenda. Where was the great Whitmer agenda that she could compare to what Tim Walls did in Minnesota or what Kathie Hochel did in New York, et cetera. Uh. And so Tate has not gotten much much momentum. Abdul has gotten some of that progressive in christ And yes more is running more as an anti I agree with you because the
stories they're all telling are very interesting. The reason that the more of people's theory of the case is he is at the leading edge of the suburban state Michigan revival from the suburbs of Detroit. The subject froid big place. Uh. And she's been doing this work in Michigan, not in d C. Their theory is just being connected to DC and Democrats flopping around failing. Uh is not going to be a winner for Haley Stevens the Stephens. The Stephens theory is more that she gets things done, she can
work with both parties. Is that still the wait get ahead? Yeah, that she's Ferry Peters or she's a lista slock into an extent and I'll do the saed l sa Ed theory is Democrats were not inspiring enough. They're not straightforward enough of what they believe, say what they think, call out for I mean day waned how I interviewed him and he calls what happening, what's happening Israel and Gaza genocide? Do that his theory, and that's that's a very powerful
strain of progressive thinking. The note for true progressives have not been tried. They the democratic establishment never let Bernie get the nominations, so we've never got to see out put him progressive in there, and you're gonna wake up correct Bernie's was Bernie won Michigan primaries twice, right, No, he won the first one and he got he got smoked in pointy twenty uh.
Which twenty he did not win. Because that's because Michigan has in the past. Jesse Jackson won the Michigan primary back in the day. There's always been this interesting, weird progressive and part of it is there's no party registration. I think you can go on either side, so you can sort of momentum candidates can grab, can can pull up sets in Michigan in ways that.
Yeah, this is one of my favorite unkillables the party is because because Bernie never never got the nomination. Uh, who was the Bernie voter and how how much could he have been a Bernie instead of a Trump voter? And they never got a chance to prove it. They
¶ How many Bernie voters would have come out in Michigan?
never will, But in Michigan is one of those places. New Hampshire primary was the first place where this started to pop up. Because Bernie kills Hillary in the New Hampshire biggest landslide and they through the primary. He runs four years later, he's better known. He does much worse. He wins the primary, but barely because it turns out a lot of his voters just like, no, I'm an independent and I hate Hillary. Same thing happened to Michigan. He Biden wins every county in the state because a
lot of the Bernie voters just they hated Hillary. How many of them would have come out for Bernie had he been the nominee. How many of the voted for Trump? We don't know. And I think it's very fair to progressives to say that's right, you never have to test that particular campaign. And the abdulah l said theory is, I'll do it. I'm going to test this campaign. I'm
going to run as a Bernie populist in Michigan. And the mcmorro theory is more I'm going to run as the Buddha Judge generational change outsider candidate, and the Stevens Camp theory is look, Gary Peters won, I can win and so yeah, very different theories of how how the party, how the party works. And I needed to spend time out with them because the thing in common is they're really not attracting new people. They're not finding those voters who got disaffected by Democrats in the in the last
few years and now have found somebody inspiring. And I think that does come down to policy. And I think it was a non more immigration than anything else, because that's one thing you hear a lot talking to the non white voters who were Democrats and voted for Obama and then voted for Trump. A thing that comes up very frequently is I work for what I have. And then the Democrats gave free hotels to all the elie
immigrants boom once. How much did it hurt the party that they were seeing as the party not just of not giving things, not giving things away to people, Because this was the we're trying to the eighties, this is the crisis the eighties. The Democrats of the party of handing out welfare and taking the economy. How much of this and it's over?
You know, the welfare queen image of the eighties became the migrant free migrant hotel guys in New York in yeah, twenty two.
And how much is it? I think that's less of a factor in Michigan. But I did hear some of that in the Detroit area, is it? Yeah? I look for the Democrats, but they never do anything for us. It seems like all they care about is a legal immigrant. What's let's if Mike Duggan wins the governorship, what does that mean? Uh? Yeah, that would be so that would I think be a victory for he will have beaten the Democratic Republican candidates most very good, I mean very good. One.
This is not a case usually when the third party candidate has a shot, there's a flawed nominee. But there's no obvious flaw in Joscelyn Benson among Democrats. There's no obvious flaw among John James. If anything, both of them, you know, Benson feels like a rightful heir to Whitmer, and John James feels like the new Republican Party that they're trying to sell, right, you know. And and here
¶ Will Mike Duggan work outside of the metro Detroit area?
comes Mike Duggan, sort of rumpily rumpty, old white guy mayor of Detroit, right and sort of I'm going to turn your street lights on and fill your potholes kind of guy, sort of technocraty, right, sort of Bloomberg without the nice suits. And that's I don't know if that's going to work outside of the Detroit metro area, which is my curiosity. He does really well in in his media market. He's much less known obviously in the rest
of the state. But that's my curiosity is if he wins, what does it mean and what does it mean for Democrats more so than it is for Republicans, because to me, this would be more of a of a statement against the against the Democrats than it would be because one would assume by the general Whitmer's out there trying to help Jocelyn Benson be the heir apparent.
Yes, that is that is an under That's another reason Michigan's worth watching, because Democrats have their map and their theory of what's going to happen across the kind tree and where where does this fit in? Where where does where does it fit in that they because why do play it out like if they lose the Michigan UH governor's mansion to John James. He's an instantly favorite for vice president in twenty twenty eight president at some point
without doing anything, maybe just being in that position. He ran for senidate twice and lost. With that theory, as soon as we going state a black elected Republican, he's he's going to be. He's going to be in the mets with later in Black Bowl.
It's like Reuben Diego's wingst Hispanic Democrat. He's going to be on every lip.
So there will intense Democratic interest in stopping that from happening. And the most recent experiency you have of this is Democrats is trying to shut down the third party candidate and deny them support, deny them consultants, et cetera. Dougan's been polling pretty well. And the thing that I think this havn't panicked yet because in polling Benson has still
been winning. James is not a runaway favorite. He's never he's he's done, he's done, he's out performed when I think he ran it behind Trump and twenty twenty yes, hand Trump joined my eighteen, but the stated not on fire for John James and being a Republican House member is the least effective part of it. If I'm wrong, Republicans haven't been able to win statewide in Michigan fourteen I mean, right, Rick Schnyder, that's the last one. Yeah, yeah,
I mean Democrats. The Democrats have swept everything except the presidential in twenty twenty sixteen, twenty sixteen, and twenty two.
¶ When Trump isn't on the ballot, Democrats sweep Michigan
Those are big ifs, and those are big butt forst But really it's yeah, Democrats what they can't win any of the state wide races republicly in twenty twenty two, and Democrats win every state supreme court race every time. It's not Trump on the ballot Democrats. Sweet, you're right, Well, what's interesting about what's going on?
And this was and I know we're getting up on an hour, and I'm very I'm very mindful of that, but I have a feeling we could go on for a long time. But it it is interesting about the difference. And this was another theme I wanted to hit with you on the midterms that I think what makes eighteen different, what makes twenty twenty six potentially different? Twenty eighteen is you have a more unified Republican Party. So Mitch McConnell was not interested in the same candidates that Donald Trump's
team was interested in for Senate races. This time, John Thune and the Trump team are working in tandem and they're really The only disagreement going right now, arguably is Georgia. And we can have a conversation about Louisiana, but that's a separate issue in Texas.
Those are sort of unique to the incumbents.
But as far as the essentially and it's really Brian Kemp and the DC folks that are in disagreement about Georgia. Look at howt quickly everybody's shut down primaries in Michigan.
¶ Will lack of Republican infighting boost the party in midterms?
Look howt quickly a primary was shut down in North Carolina, Look out quickly, But like this is a quickly a primary was shut down in Florida for that Senate seat. It does you know, I see a Republican Party for the first time in the Trump era rowing in the same direction as far as tactic tactics are concerned.
That's worth something. And you know Democrats have overperformed thanks to Republican infighting. That may not be there in twenty six that's worth what five seats in the House? Is that worth a Senate seat or two? What's your sense on that it would have been in the past, because sometimes Trump just chooses worse candidates even despite the infighting and almost out of it. Really touched the hot stove, don't touch it.
Yeah, I'm gonna I'm gonna sleep on the hot stove, forget touching.
Yeah, But it's the point is getting people who have his vision. The jd Vance example in Ohio is definitive obviously because where he ended up is would they have Would Mike Dolan have won more easily than jd Vance in twenty twenty two? Yeah? Probably? What would that have gotten Trump though, just a a conservative senator who breaks them on Ukraine and doesn't in terriff like yeah, tariffs and no, he got somebody who already had a Rob Portman. He didn't want another Rob Portman. He got a zealous
convert who's with him on everything. So is it worth? I mean Jim de Mint had this quote especially. I think this quote got blown up because this was the at the height of the Mitch McConnell Senate warriers where he wanted to discredit Jim Dimitt and the Conservatives. But the men said, I'd rather have you know, uh, He'd rather have a thirty yeah like man and senators than sixty WinPY Republicans. And they said that's a loser mentality.
We don't want thirty. But it turns out, what's uh fifty three Republicans of whom two of them want want to break with Trump on some things, turns out to get you everything you want. You have, you can still get your Mitch McConnell gets to vote against nominees and give a statement about it. And Tom Tillis gets to do his interviews where he says he has a problem with Trump, but you mostly get what you want. It
turns out, and this is the experience Democrats had. It turns out, I mean had had really had like Al Cunningham, she just kept in his pants in twenty twenty and they had one more Senate seat in twenty twenty one. Trillions more dollars could have passed, and not because it didn't require building party just May didn't need Roy. How bad it would do you need Joe Mansion's vote? Right?
Yes, Donald Trump doesn't need Asa Murkowski's vote and doesn't need Susan Collins's vote, right, he has put himself at a position where the swing votes are now Mitch McConnell and Tom Tillis and Bill Cassidy.
He'll take that of the week. Yeah, so he But will he involved lest because for really their osoff is it osof is the only Democrat running for election to the Senate in Michigan. He's been pretty successful. Man. He didn't people think he cleared he cleared the field for Mike Rodgers in twenty twenty two four. Rather he didn't quite. There's still were people who kept run against Bike Rodgers just didn't matter because Trump endorsed him. So he will
get the candidates he wants. And it's really those kind of rogers, guys who genuflect to Trump and are willing to support whatever he does, even if they but they have some other appeal beyond Trump. That's the sweet spot.
¶ Republicans haven't found "sweet spot" candidates in some races
They're going to find some of those. They have not found one in North Carolina. They have not found one in Georgia. I don't know who they could and I'm not just going down the entire list of people in George. But they did get very fixated on Brian camp and once he decided not to do it. Can they find somebody whose brand is independent of independent of Trump, but also endorse by Trump. They don't have somebody, obviously, And I.
Am surprised, and I think Brian Kemp is too, that the Trump folks are not as interested in Derek Dooley. I think Derek Dooley is a smart idea because I think being an incumbent is a demerit r ord this year, and more importantly, being a congressman isn't it is a demerit And if I were John Assoff, I'd love to run against somebody whose first name is congressman versus somebody whose first name is coach.
Okay, like it's congressman who's the son of a congressman, Like I can write that that's yeah, no.
And so I am surprised that the Chris Lasovitaz and and the Tony Fabrizios, who right now do have the presidency here on some of these things, and and uh is it? And Blair the political director don't see the value in coach Duley versus Congressman Collins.
You know, on that front, it's it's the most the best intro, the best bio for candidates. I'm an independent businessman and like Donald Trump, I'm fed up with the establishment and I'm it to Washington. Absolutely. And there are
¶ Ability to appear on podcasts will matter for candidates
those people throughout these states. It's just who of them? Who of them can? Cause you know, podcasts actually good training for some of the guys who can go on and kind of riff for an hour. In terms of you knows, all right, those guys I think always need to be in the mix. Hey, you're the NBC all the time. He might run for sent Yes, I'm.
Gonna push my elvelope here a little bit, but let's do I'm gonna try to do lightning around. Let's try to finish up in seven minutes. Tennessee special in December. Percentage chains that becomes a special election we all carry care about come December. Second, because it may show something. This is a little bit of suburbs of Nashville. It has all the makings. I look at it as if Democrats can't make it interesting. I actually see that as
a yellow flag for the midterm. What say you am I overranke rating it?
Do you want it a chance? I'd say fifty percent chance. I think that's another state where Republicans have run it for so long and they're so euburistic. And Andy Ogoles is the guy who won the other safe seat they drew at a go when they carved it up Nashville, and he's mediocre. If they get a mediocre candidate, Democrats will have a good one. Yeah, that's it's say fifty to fifty that beat. I could see that becoming like a five point race. And everybody's like, whoa, right, Like,
I don't expect Democrats to win it. I'm talking about that.
It's a you're like, uh oh, they've got to send
¶ Any R's on 2028 trail besides Paul and Youngkin?
they got to do something. Second thing is other than Ran Paul and Glenn Youngkin. Have you seen anybody else on the.
Republican twenty twenty eight presidential primary trail?
Like I said, Paul's out there, he's decided. It's pretty clear to me he's decided he's running. And Youngkin obviously went to Iowa. And then of course there's Christy Nomes obvious campaign on Cosplay primary. But in you know, there's this sub primary of the Trump cabinet right vance Rubyo Nome, you know, and I throw Howard Lutnik in there.
I think he's gonna I think he's got an ego that is just only going to grow. But who else? Have you seen anybody else that you know? I haven't, Like, I expect Josh Holly to run for president, but I haven't seen him do the things that somebody would be doing right now to run for president. No, there was a float around Mike Brown, who just got elected Governor Van Diama. He shot it down pretty fast, didn't He shot it down very quickly. I've not seen anyone else
getting into that that mix. Even the Trump kids, they'll get pulled. Not really. I feel that it's not because they're afraid of Trump stepping in and defending Dadie Vance and attacking them. I just haven't seen it yet. No, you're not missing anything. I've not seen a Republican that we've not heard of get in and put himself out as a as somebody that donors might want to be
interested in. They might be underplaying it because it's it's I think Vance is a strong vice president in that position, but not invincible and does not have the independent appeal of Trump so young can. I mean not surprising that the former Carlisle is being entrepreneurial, but nobody else yet.
¶ A tight primary race between Vance & Paul wouldn't be surprising
No, I mean it's like I could picture a primary field that looked a lot like twenty sixteen Democrats, like four or five people, only an obvious front runner, and then somebody that catches fire that you don't expect. Right, if you told me Vance Paul was a really close primary, I wouldn't be totally blown away. I'd be more surprised if it were Vance Youngkin having a dueling it out. I guess Youngkin is such an on paper candidate and that and we've seen I've seen those guys implode in
the past. Maybe I'm wrong, but I'm not. I'm not as sold into Paul. I never underestimate I never underestimate the Paul family. They have a following that's durable.
And I will see the conditions are. But look how much how much are Repulican voters actually gonna care about the debt in twenty twenty eight after another future You're thrown onto it, right, I see openings for him. I don't know the foreign policy situation. Trump overpromised what he was going to get done. I've see some openings, But you're really in a world where Trump won the midterms partly for the detective jerry mandering, harder to see in a world where Trump and Dvance are on defense from
for the next two years. I mean, go back to George Bush and eighty eight, who really had trumple luck in that nomination down when he was there to a very popular president, right, but.
He was always going to get the benefit of the doubt. He was still Ronald Reagan's vice president and Bob Ble wasn't He was still Ronald Reagan's vice president and Jack Kemp wasn't.
Right. I've always said that should have been Jack Kemp's nomination.
He was the true Ara apparent to the Reagan If you talk to anybody that worked in the Reagan White House, they viewed campus that true Ara parent. That doesn't mean you can voters voters see the words vice president and think, oh, I'm okay with that on and let me get you
¶ Why are so many Democrats interested in running for Iowa senate?
out of here on this because I think it has to do potentially, why do you think there's so many interested Democrats in running for Iowa Senate, Like of all places where we're seeing and they're all what's interesting about the four candidates three are already in one is pondering.
They're all kind of the same candidate. They're running as new types of Democrats. They're on the younger side.
They're culturally less progressive and liberal, right, you know, it's fascinating to me, And you're like, guys, you know, shouldn't one of you run for state treasury and one of you run for the attorney general or run of you what for a House an open house seat in the fourth or whatever it is.
What do you make of that? Is that all?
Because, like I do, since Republican fatigue in the governor's mansion, right, I think sans Rob Saon has all the markings of Charlie Baker in Massachusetts, or Laura Kelly in Kansas right where, Yeah, there's sort of or ADYE. Basher in Kentucky. Yeah, hey, that guy's you know, not too liberal. He's not one of those national Democrats. Let's let him govern things.
I don't like this education policy that that the you know, it's education that I think is the real sort of the issue that if Rob.
Sayon wins, that's why he ends up winning. But I'm it's a head scratcher to me about the Senate race, other than I assume they think that she's not running.
Yeah, they that's safe. Although most Democrats i've talked to, and this includes the Senate candidates. Do think she was a She was a more clear target than Ashley Henson, who they expect would run against run from the seat, the former former tv TV she runs to the seat.
I bet you one or two of those Senate Democratic candidates jump in the nationally instancy for what it's worth.
Uh, I think does he live? I'm thinking because Walsall was in Iowa City, I think he's in. He's in Miller Meets's Well, yeah, I'm you know, love that does Let's end on an exciting redistricting conversation. Yeah, yeah, I always city goes back and forth between whether it's in the first of the second, you know, depending on who's
who got those short straw. On the Republican remander, I think it's it's one of a faction, a factor of the party at the party decline and there's no one in the party who can say run for this, not that too the man that's the Sands factor, because the sand Reublicans really said, I mean, if if he does
run and when it will be. Remind me a bit when Republicans jerrymandered out Joe Connolly and forced to run for Senate, which he with Donnelly, would you, which he won Indiana because Republicans went on to terrors taking away rob Sand's powers and he said, it's nothing for me to run for his auto anymore. It's a run for governor.
Oh and he's been using fiscal conservatism arguments. They are I mean, he's he's running on a mess that Ram
¶ Kim Reynolds not running after DeSantis endorsement
Emmanuel would have been with Champion back in oh six. Run on corruption, run on you know, saving people money, you know, sort of run on sort of bread and butter issues to get you know, that's what's available to them. And then you throw in the fact that you know Kim Reynolds. You know, it's funny she's so I assume she's not running because she made Maga so mad by endorsing Desanta's And that is still a hangover inside the Republican Party in Iowa a little bit. But it is
fascinating to me. You're just like, Wow, Democrats are struggling as a party, but somehow they have four reasonably decent Senate candidates showing up in Iowa. All of them are interesting on paper candidates. The guy and Council bluffs, the Chamber of Commerce guy, the baseball player, right, like they all have interesting one I think a Republican seat and a special so they all have their story. They're like
four Molly mcmorrows, if you will out of there. So it's just a it's it is an other one where it makes me want to go to the state fair this year, and you know state fairs in about a week.
And it was a diego stopping by no I I think. So remember Iowa has that rule where nobody gets more than thirty five percent in the primary. They oh convention. I think that's going to be if all they stay in. That is the irony is that it will be a bunch of insiders that decide this problem. Somebody might be convinced that they would be better off running because I think an agg was one that Democrats come close on before. But how do you sand is the kind of now
¶ Democrats surrendered Iowa and Florida
he didn't in twenty twenty two, but the Santus brought this up. But Iowa and Florida were this archipelago of states where there was a red wave and that was in part because Democrats just gave up on Iowa and they.
Gave up and Democrats gave up on Florida. Right, It was it was. It was more of surrender than it was accomplishment.
But yeah, so this will be the first time they will head since Fred Hubble in twenty eighteen. A real candidate with real sources, and unlike Fred Hubble, who is running at a very culturally liberal, let's protect abortion candidate, sand is very different in ways you set up. Yeah, they're going to compete for it. Uh, there's also a little bit of this is their last their last chance to convince Democrats to maybe give them back a caucus. Oh, I think it's a little harder.
Oh yeah, yeah, I think if sand wins I was first on the nation again, I do, and I think I think the Democratic Party I think there they were idiots to get out of Iowa because when you look at the problem the party has talking to rural voters, well, making all your candidates learn how to talk to royal voters might be a good idea.
In your first in the first president of primary state. Although it ended up happening. Is the one thing that cooled them on it was who was turning up for the caucuses was the most progressive Democrats. So they said, hey, was it a good idea? They have to go around here and promise to stop deportations, because that's what they yell that area. When I was in the city.
Their best messenger, a guy named Pete Bootajid, was the only one that was campaigning in eastern Iowa. And he arguably we can debate on who won Iowa, but he
¶ Favorite state fair food?
basically got there because he went to places that Democrats had stopped going to.
I think I heard Bernie Sanders day enough times the winner the popular vote in Iowa. So he won the popular vote. Let's give him that, Yes.
Dead Weigel, what is your favorite state fair food? You're you're one of the fewer campaign reporters that truly travels the country a lot. You've probably been to more than just the Iowa State Fair. Iowa State Fair, Minnesota, Minnesota State Fair. You know that that's a big rivalry, Indiana State Fair. The three of them think they have the best best state fairs.
Have you been to all three? I've been to Iowa and Minnesota, and Minnesota's like to say, actually, you political reporteris don't realize that we have the best state fair. And I'll say, no, you do. And I've definitely the Minnesota.
Wherever I go, right wherever I go, I will say it's the best state fair. You know, I'll suck up to the locals. Don't get me wrong. But you've been to both. Which one is it Minnesota or Iowa?
I'd say Minnesota. Also remember like, no, we're disrespect to Iowa food. But Minnesota has that Andrew Zimmern tradition and they will always have not just the experimental fair food and the fair experimental fair food that you're eat like you would order it on menu anywhere. So I've like this the fusion Somalian like sorts of food that you need to do not expect. Yeah, Minnesota, that's fun. They change when they change the fair. They change every year.
I will always get some cheese curds because I try to avoid fried stuff, but that that hot cheese curd in fresh brine oil unbeatable. But that's boring and there's usually more more exciting one once you get there. That competition that they had every year for the for the best new experimental food, just Minnesota is in. It is a thousand years ahead of everybody.
So if you're a foodie, if you're a foodie, Minnesota is the call is with ne Minnesota is the one. Yeah, oh man, all right, I'm gonna I'm I'll be very curious.
This is the weird type of thing that'll get a lot of feedback about. Right. We won't get any feedback about that, you know, all the conversation we had about trans issues. No, no, no no, the state Fair conversation. People will be more passionate about that. But I love it for a foodie.
And you can go on YouTube if anybody really wants to see I did one year at the Iowa State Fair. I try one of everything. We did an experiment and I put it on YouTube. If your stomach can hack it, you can take a look at that. Dave Weigel, if you don't subscribe to his newsletter as I did with Ben Smith, I think the Semaphore newsletters number one.
They don't make you pay. They're all free, thank you.
Like for us independent media operations, we don't like to spend too much subscription money. We spend subscription money. I'm I'm I subscribe to a lot of papers, don't get me wrong, but it's free.
It's fantastic.
And as I said, you know, Dave, the fact that we've never worked together is a bummer to me.
But I appreciate you coming on the pod. Well this counts. This is a podcast collaboration, so we find here you go, Well, I'm going to bring it back because that you know, there's political reporters who travel, and there's political reporters you know, and you travel, I know you're on the.
Ground, and you bring a lot of nuanced to your reporting, which I think, frankly, strategists on both sides of the aisle respect a ton.
Uh and that matters a lot. So good for Thanks so much, it's real pleasure to do this. Thanks.
I'm glad we can make it work. Yeah, you got a brother. Thanks well.
I hope you enjoyed that conversation with Dave. I know I enjoyed it because you know this is this is my bread and butter. I love I can go deep
¶ Chuck's thoughts on interview with Dave Weigel
on any campaigns that you want to go.
I love this stuff. And one thing and you heard me there.
I do think there is one state that will rise above the rest as far as importance in the midterms, and it is the state of Michigan. And let me just say, I promise you will get I'm going to if you want to be as informed and as ready for these midterm elections.
As you want to be stay with me on this.
I promise you I'll get you educated in all the key places and we're going to be doing some deep diving on Michigan in the extremely near future. But let me take a few questions here a little ask Chuck.
Ask Chuck, Hello, Chuck.
I used to teach this comes from Brian Drake. Cutt
¶ Ask Chuck
it Brian f from track It, Massachusetts. Maybe it's track It.
I don't know.
I don't know this town. Hopefully I pronounced it correctly. My apologies if I.
Did not, and he asked U, Hi, Chuck.
I used to teach ap government and politics, and my class would watch MPTP every Sunday and we would devote
¶ How were so many people duped by Trump?
Monday's class to discuss in the topics. Always appreciated your insider analysis and love to have the chance to listen to you without the restrictions of the sixty minute show, actually forty four minutes. I just read a book called Lucky Loser, in which the author's journalists for The York Times exposed Trump's solution of success. I was floored by how much of his life has been built on live scams, and wonder how so many people have been duped by him.
Will there ever be a Toto who will pull away the curtain?
You know?
This was you get at something, Brian that I think was the greatest disconnect of the twenty sixteen election.
And you know when.
People talk about did we properly? When I say we the collective, we did the media properly vet Trump? And there was always this aspect of Trump where I think we all assumed everybody knew the story. This was a fairly famous peep you know, don't you know he bankrupted three casinos, don't you know he did this? And all
of his businesses were failures. And there was certainly plenty of stories done about how not had they simply let his inheritance just accumulate interest and dividends in the stock market, that he'd have more money today than he did when he used his inheritance to try to try his hand at real estate development.
And it has always been, you know, he's he's it's.
All been, it's all been smoking mirrors with him, right Atlantic City was smoking mirrors. Trump Airlines was spoken mirrors. You know, the Apprentice, it was always he always found other He always found other people to finance his investments and stuff. Now he's not alone and of doing this. And you know, I did the first interview I did with him.
One of the.
Pre interview transcripts that I became obsessed with was an interview he gave in nineteen ninety to Playboy magazine. It was for a reporter writing for Playboy, obviously freelance reporter.
But it was It was a fascinating interview because it was as revealing as Trump ever was about sort of the what was sort of referred to as the Trump Show.
This is in nineteen ninety, before there's an apprentice, right before there's any of this stuff, right, And I remember, you know, I even repeated what I said. You know, the reporter asked you. I went to Trump, I said, the reporter asked you about you know, the yacht, the planes, the girls, what is all this? And he called it props for the This was in the ninety interview, props for the show. And in the interview, Trump's answer was,
and it's been sold out every day. And I said, props for the show, and he goes, yeah, And I said, and I remember asking him, you've been compared to P. T. Barnum, Do you take that as a compliment, he said, I do, and I thought that was the as revealing of a moment as you could have had with them, right, Speaking of revealing moments, I do, I do believe that. You know, there's always the pictures worth a thousand words and sometimes
videos worth a million. If you just needed one video to explain Donald Trump's presidency, what it likely was like, what was it like to work for Donald Trump? And what kind of person is Donald Trump? The video of the staffer dropping the golf ball and supposedly searching for the golf ball and then dropping in to make it easy for the president to find. I don't think you need anything else. I think it is one of those need you say more? What else do you need to
know about him? And I remember, actually, of all people, it was Rush Limbaugh who once said, by the way, that golf golf will tell you more about a person's character than anything, right, because you score yourself. It's all the honor system. Did you find your ball?
Oh? Yeah, I found my ball? Did you or did you not? Right?
It's all self reporting. Oh that's why we're always impressed when a golfer penalizes themselves. No one saw it but of course with cameras today, there's always a chance somebody saw it, and so you find out who wants to be seen as honest before being caught, and who wants to only be honest after getting caught. Right, And golf is one of those very much reveals who you really are, right essentially, are you willing the cut corners? Are you
somebody that has a foot wedge? I always say ironically it was Russe Limbaugh, because look, I mean there's stories of Bill Clinton was a cheater at golf supposedly, right, you'd hear these stories, So it's a I think it's an incredibly revealing moment. But to go back to the basis of your question, when I think about all these I don't think you know think I don't think we realized that the country needed more of an education his
business background. I think there was this weird assumption first when he first got in, there wasn't the typical coverage you get of who is Donald Trump? Do you really know Donald Trump? Because nobody took the candidacy seriously. It felt like a publicity stunt. Because most of what Donald Trump's done his whole life is aublicity stunt. And in fact, to those of us that have had to cover Donald Trump off and on, he was viewed as kind of
he was viewed as that person. Oh god, I mean in twenty eleven, when he was floating the idea of running for president, it felt like we were all being used for just a publicity stunt for.
Him to to to try to get NBC to pony up more money to renew The Apprentice.
I remember getting a call one time, just sort of you know, putting him on speaker and on mute and go, I can't believe this guy is spending what does he have to do all day? Sitting here yelling at myself and Savannah Guthrie for thirty minutes. It's about why we should take them more seriously as a presidential candidate. Now, obviously, in hindsight, yeah, we should have. You know, what we should have taken seriously was not Trump, but it was
the appeal of Donald Trump, right. That was that That's been you know to me, that's the that's disconnect number one. But disconnect number two is we did not we made too many assumptions that the what we we kind of knew Trump was was sort.
Of this.
I don't know what you want to call him, P T. Barnum phony, and we just assumed everybody else did too. And I think that if we had treated him as if he were Donald Smith, you know, a self proclaimed billionaire that people don't know a lot about, and you sort of were uncovering here's here was, here's how this deal really worked, and his this deal really worked. Perhaps voters see this version of him, you know, perhaps you
don't need to pray for Toto to come in. But there's also a part of me that thinks that that this is something that maybe not that it will be like the Wizard of Oz. It'll be the end of the story when people finally all figure it out. But I often wonder if we collectively had sort of treated him as a candidate, that we didn't assume everybody knew, that we had dug into his background, as if we
assumed the voters didn't know him. Maybe some of these stories hit differently, hit sooner, but you know, hindsight, right, what do they say? Twenty twenty next question comes from Jim parts unknown perhaps, and he asked us, why does the USA give such unconditional support to israel? I perceive nat Yah who's having more sway over Trump than vice versa.
¶ Why does the US give such unconditional support to Israel?
Why does the tail wag the dog here? People are suffering, starving, and no matter what Israel does, it seems they have our unconditional support. Why aren't we the one dictating the terms? You're asking a question that Jim Baker once asked of George H. W.
Bush.
Bill Clinton's asked that question, Barack Obamas asked that question. Here's the irony is that Bibi Netanyaho individually has always been the one that's never understood that he that he's supposed to.
Be the little brother in the relationship, not the big brother.
He always has treated the American presidents as if they work for him, not vice versa. So you're not wrong about that relationship. And what's interesting is, you know, Jim Baker, this is George H. W. Bush's Secretary of State famously barred net Yahoo from the State Department. This is before he was ever Prime minister, but it was sort of Bbe has a way of wearing out his welcome with everybody. Ward is welcome with Bill Clinton, Water is welcome with
George W. Bush, Wata is welcome with Barack Obama. Warld is welcome with with with Donald Trump, what is welcome with Joe Biden, and yes, even Donald Trump, right like, you know, because of the posture he takes.
So you're not wrong.
I do think this is catching up with him, right. You now have a Biparson coalition growing in the House and then the Senate that that can't support you know, that supports Israel, but can't support everything Israel is doing militarily right now in Kasa.
It's you know, when you know, it's funny.
When the tide turns, it really turns. I think the reason why so many American presidents stood by for so long is it Israel. Is Israel has been the only democracy in the midleaus right, true democracy in the Middle East, And so if we're not going to stand by them, you know, when aren't we?
You know, why why wouldn't we do that?
Obviously bbi's tactics and sort of you know, what he's done to try to change in judiciary is even sort of challenging, you know, sort of what democracy is and looks like in the in the state of Israel. You know, I do think that he's he's misplayed his lever whatever average he believed he had over many American politicians he is starting.
I think he overplayed his hand.
I think he's gotten he's and the problem, I think it's pretty clear what the problem is. He is so worried about his own legal peril that he's afraid of losing power. Right the minute he loses power, the legal peril immediately comes back. Right, what protects him from legal trouble staying in power?
What has that done?
It is as he's alienated more and more centrists and then center right folks right, and he's coalitions, he's had to lean more heavily on far right coalitions, and his far right members are very radical.
They're anti Palestinian. They have never been for the two state solution. I'm old enough to remember when Biebe was for the two state solution, and he'd never put gold in a coalition with anybody that wasn't for it. And over time, for political survival is he has partnered with coalition further and further to the right that in many ways will punish him if he isn't aggressive against Hamas, if he doesn't continue to expand the settlements I mean settlements. Look, Trump, that was one thing.
Trump just let him have cart Blatch And I think, you know, Trump found common cause with net Yahoo because Yahoo became anti Obama. Right, So, you know, the way Trump is is very binary. The enemy of my enemy is my ally. Oh you don't like Obama? You know, it's just like, why did he suck up to Putin? Putin didn't like Hillary? You know that it may be the you know, maybe he's on Putin's payroll, but maybe he simply played favorites with Putin because Putin didn't like
Hillary and he didn't like Hillary. And there's there's a part of Trump that's just very binary in his thinking that way. So, but I think he now realizes because I do think you know, Trump seemed Trump. Trump is moved by pictures, right, we know this, right, He believes
in the visual. He understands visual. I think I've shared with you that he one time wanted to rewatch an interview I conducted with him without sound before, you know, just wanted to see what the lighting look like, see what he looked like.
And you know.
He's he cares about the visual. That's why he dresses exactly the same way.
All the time. Right.
He he believes the visual is a brand and it says something and the visuals coming out of Gaza are you know. I mean, look at how he responded to one of the questions. You know, I don't I know what the Israeli government says, and I know what I see. So he is moved by visuals almost more than many people are moved by visuals, and so it's you know, I don't I I you know, I think we we there's a lot of cynicism about Trump, and it's earned cynicism. I think he truly is is doesn't like being associated
with this at all. Now, I have to tell you there's a there's another part of me that thinks, I where the United States of freaking America. Why can't we go in there and say, God, damn it, Hamas, We're coming in and we're feeding everybody, every fucking person. We're feeding everybody in Gaza, and what are you going to do about it? And we come in there like the mighty United States government and we're there to make sure everybody eats and everybody's got access to food. Who's going
to stop us? So there's there's a part of me that thinks that if we want, you know, if we wanted to, we.
Could could we we be putting some soldiers in harms.
Way we might be, and that's not something that perhaps we have the stomach for, or perhaps the administration doesn't want to do. So there is a part of me that thinks that way about this, that like, you know what, you know, let's just push BB aside. We'll do it if he won't, you know. And that's who we are right where the United States, freaking America, and we're not going to let somebody start.
We're not letting a population start.
But I do think that BB has really damaged the politics of Israel in America. He's alienated half the Democratic Party by getting blatantly partisan during the Obama years. You know, he should be thank you very you know, he tried. He realized his mistake with Obama when he became the first world leader to congratulate Biden after his victory. He was he realized that he had You know, he's not stupid. Okay, BB's not stupid at all. He knows he made a
political mistake. That the reason there's a rising anti Israel sentiment in the Democratic Party is directly because of how Biebe drove a wedge and sort of became a partisan, got involved against Obama and against Democrats in our country, right, got involved in politics, in partisan politics on the side during during the Romney campaign, and that was that did some real damage. In fact, I get into this with
Richie torresm my Newsphere episode this week. If you go check out my interview with Richie where we talk about that and the damage, the long term damage politically BB did to Israel's standing.
In the United States Congress.
And you know, look, when I first started covering politics, it was the Republican Party that had more Israel skeptics than the Democratic Party. Pat Buchanan was the one of the leading and Bob Novak two conservative columnists who were both skeptical of the of this sort of unchecked support
for Israel. Now it is interesting to see that that that that faction exists, and there's sort of the roots of MAGA I think are very Israel skeptic a little bit due to sort of more in the isolation is upfront, but you know, so this is and then the Republican Party became, thanks to the evangelicals, more pro Israel than the Democratic Party. It's possible we're starting to see this
coalition sort of reshape itself yet again. But look, you know, the future of Israel's standing with the United States, I think depends largely on how long beating that now, who stays in power?
All right? This one comes from Daniel from Fairfax. His question is this. In your interview with.
Jim and Marjorie, you discussed the long history of Massachusetts
¶ Why doesn't Virginia produce politicians with a large national profile?
politicians having powerful national presence with presidential potential. As a lifelong Virginia made me realize we haven't had a politician with such a profile in my lifetime. I know in Virginia used to be the home of presidents. Right, It's still I think second to Ohio in elected presidents, but hasn't had a president since Wilson anyway. Do you think that is a product of governors having a single four
year term referring to Virginia. Is it because the Commonwealth's politics have been dominated by birds and warners, with the occasional rob Kine thrown in since the post war air thus making it hard for newcomers to break through, or given the relatively stable state wide economy, Jinay, governors not make lasting national impressions provided they stay out of legal trouble.
I love the new podcast. Thanks.
Well, look, I mean, you know, Chuck Rob was supposed to be the next Virginian to become president. Right, the Democratic Party, with the leadership of Governor Chuck Rob at the time, created Southern Super Tuesday, you know for the
eighty four election, which ended up benefiting Walter. It ended up becoming sort of it did eventually benefit of Bill Clinton right come ninety two, but it was actually designed to help one of these Southern governors and the southern governor that the party, the people in the party that pushed for this primary calendar change and was orchestrating this sort of one of the first sort of races to early up primaries and create is the Southern Democratic governors.
They wanted to create a primary day Super Tuesday. This is the original Super Tuesday was just Southern states, and it was the goal was to elect one of these Southern Democratic governors, whether it was Rubin Ascue a you know, you had Jimmy Carter before them, but you had a Rubin Ascue in Florida or Bob Graham later, you had a Zel Miller, you had Chuck Rob, you had Bill Clinton, you had Dick Riley in South Carolina.
There was a whole series of these reform and they were reform governors. They were considered were from Jim Hunt in North Carolina, and they were all working on education policy.
They were sort of staying at of cultural issues. And so Chuck Rob was that whole thing was. It was Chuck Rob lbj son in law that was seen as the future of that. And you know, in ninety two, Doug Wilder ran for president himself. Now he was in the middle of that feud with Chuck Robb, which I think, I do think the Chuck Rob Doug Wilder feud of ninety one ninety two, which by the way, is just a young political reporter. I mean, that's how I got
to know Mike Allen. Mike Allen of Axio's Fame, Playbook Fame. He was a young cub reporter for the Richmond Times Dispatch and man, this was his beat. He had the feud the Warner they excuse me, the the Rob Wilder feud. One of the great inter party fights ever.
I mean, if we.
Had had an Internet era then, I mean there was secret taping, tape recordings of each other. There was a nude massage thrown in. I mean, if you really want to go down those rabbit holes. It's a it actually might be. You know, I've always tried to sell a
thirty for thirty for politics. You know, this is one of those What if I told you that two Democratic governors, one who was the lieutenant governor at one point to the Democratic governor got into the type of fight that started secret tape recordings, secret you know, nude massages and how it, you know, upended the future of Virginia's democratic
politics and presidential politics. So look, and Mark Warner was going to run for president, and then a guy named Barack Obama started to He was going to be the new media guy. He was the tech guy that was going to be able to talk to this new Internet community in six seven. Look, if Obama doesn't run, Mark Warner may have been that and had been a Virginian. So I do think some of it recently has been timing. Glenn Youngkin, I think is going to run in twenty eight,
so there's another opportunity. But you know, I've never met a Virginia governor who liked the one term lament. They all think it should be, you know, and you don't. Obviously, you can serve non consecutively. Terry mcculloff wanted to do it. He just lost to Youngkin and couldn't pull it off. Terry mcaloff was going to run for president. He wanted to run for president in twenty twenty had Joe Biden not run, and I think had Biden not run, TERR mccallff would have jumped in to try to be the
centrist candidate in that lane. So I look at and and Tim Kaine was Hillary. Let's not forget Tim Kane was Hillary Clinton's running mate, right, So I think there was certainly opportunities that just sort of you know, for a variety of reasons, specific specific folks. Look George Allen, you know, I profiled him early on in a Washingtonian piece. I remember I went to a NASCAR track with George Allen as he was starting to prepare for a presidential
candidate in two thousand and eight. This was in two thousand and five. But he had to get through a reelection that most people thought was going.
To be a cakewalk.
Well, one Makaka moment later and he loses reelection to O six, to Jim Webb. And yet there's another Virginia politician whose presidential ambitions went up and smoked. So I guess what I'm telling you is, I don't think Virginian politicians have lost their ambition to be president.
I just think that they for a variety of reasons.
The timing, and that might be the argument you'd make is that the timing of the election calendar actually might be what has made it difficult for these potentially nationally interesting candidates to get traction in a year, you know, and be able to because if you think about it, the year before the actual presidential race is the midterm election year in the state of Virginia, And if you're a sitting governor, you got to worry about your own mid terms if you want to keep if you want
to have a governing majority, or at least a non hostile legislature. So I think there's plenty that want to add their name to the list. But you know, there was a time, you know, I think I think, especially now with Jade Vance being in in the in the catbird seat to be the next nominee the Republican Party, Ohio's, Ohio's got a better chance of electing a new president than Virginia does.
In that race between those two states. All right.
Next question, speaking of Ohio, comes from Aaron Kay and Cincinnati, and she writes this, I may have missed this because I am behind a few episodes, but I thought we were taught growing up that redistricting was tied to the census every ten years and has only done once every decade, a year or so after the census. If that is the case, why can each state call a redistricting at
¶ Why can states call a redistricting session on a whim?
whim or did they set new precedence?
Thanks very much.
You know, it turns out these were just norms, right. You know, there's a few places where it's written into the constitution that you can only redraw maps once a decade, but in most places it's not written to the state constitution. So then it becomes, you know, the assumption we went through this because you'd have a jerrymander and then a court would reorder a new map, right, So then you'd have a court order that forced this. Sometimes that's exactly
what a legislature was intending. They wanted to force a court order so that they could open up the map. But I think that's the issue. There's nothing in the constitution. The constitution simply leaves it to state legislatures to decide the lines. They don't say how this state legislatures should decide the lines. Which is why if you want to use an outside commission to draw the lines, and then the legislature approves, you want to have the legislature draw it,
so be it. But it's however the legislature deems the way to do it in state in said state acts. But look, this is the hallmark of the Trump bears. There was a whole bunch of things that we thought were there's a whole bunch of norms that we all treated as law, and it turns out nope, they were just they were just traditions we all agreed to abide to abide by until apparently we didn't. And I kind
of think that's where we are in redistricting. And it's certainly a fear that I have, which is this tip for tat. I understand it strategically right.
You know, the.
Democrats are going to argue if they're going to do it, we're going to do it. But when you set a precedent of doing it, that's what you've just done. You've set a precedent and you've made it easier for the next legislature to say, well, if they did it, why can't we do it? And then once another party says yeah, we're going to do it too, well, then all of a sudden, we have you know, we have no rules, right, we don't have a rules based system at all. And
then you don't have trustworthy elections. Right if you get to decide who your voters are, is it a democracy anymore?
So?
Look, this is this is why if you heard my friend Larry Lessig a couple a couple episodes ago where he and I are advocating it might be time for a constitutional convention where we deal with things like this, and that you have a constitutional amendment that is a bit explicit that says, you know, either create either create an equation for redistricting itself. Like I actually think you
can have an equation. You know, no district should be more than more than ten points ten percentage points more Republican or Democrat than the average percentage of what a Democrat has gotten over a decade in the last two governors races and presidential races. You sort of average those numbers. I know I'm sitting here describing some easy math to go by, but I would take sort of give me the average democratic statewide vote among governor's races and presidential races.
Give it the.
Average Republican vote, and then you basically say, no district could be ten points more Republican or less or more democratic. You know, in any district you draw, you know something like that that you create some parameters to at least minimize the shenanigans.
That are played here with redistrict. All right, I'll make this my last question. It comes from Los Alamos, New Mexico, home of the.
Nuclear bomb and mister Oppenheimer and at all. So this comes from Pete d. Los Alamos, New Mexico, and he writes this, my biggest fear if there was a constitutional
¶ Why wouldn't a constitutional convention be incredibly risky?
convention would be the death of the most important part of the Constitution, the First Amendment. How can we protect the freedoms of speech, assembly, press, and most importantly, the separation of church and state in a constitutional convention. I do not trust my fellow citizens to keep that and certainly not to strength it back to the founder's intent.
Please tell me how I'm wrong.
I guess I just look at it as that it's the way, you know, you still would have the same rules of it would take, you know, supermajorities to approve an amendment, supermajorities to get this done, so I think there would be compromises. I just don't think the first amendment would get messed with. I really don't. I think realistically, I think you get a balanced budget amendment, which would wreak some havoc at first on our budget, but I think that would I think that would get in there.
I think you might get a campaign finance law in there. I think you would get term limits or age Actually, I think what's more likely is age limits. Right, since age minimums are already in the constitution, I think it makes it easier to sell age limits in the constitution. So maybe we would have it for the judiciary, for the Senate, for the House, et cetera.
But I just.
I hate the idea that you can't trust your fellow citizens. If we can't trust each other at a constitutional convention, then aren't we Isn't the Republic already lost? So I guess I'm I'm That's where I'm ultimately, I'm betting I'm the better angel.
I'm not.
I'm not saying you're not wrong and you're concerned. I'm betting on the process itself. I think I will say this. I think our fellow citizens, I think we all are more are are our patriots, you know when we're when we're put If we were put into a situation like that, I think we would be capital p patriots.
I do. And I think that that that you know.
The constitution, you know, now, maybe we would need to make sure everybody that showed up the Constitutional Convention read up on the actual Constitutional Convention of seventeen eighty nine and realize that, hey, this is going to be a compromise document. This isn't going to be the be all end all, This isn't going to favor one side or the other. This is going to sift out what do we need to update the infrastructure of our republic. So look, a lot of it would depend on leadership, but I
think you can't. I guess I'm going to put my faith. Let me put it in another way. I trust the voters. There's always something to learn from the voters, even if I disagree with their decision, and I think our I think ultimately voters eventually get it right. We have two hundred and forty eight years with this republic. So far because when we've gotten it wrong, we've eventually gotten it right. Do we elect the McCarthy, We do, and then we eventually move on from McCarthy.
So I think you have to.
If you can't trust your fellow citizens in a constitutional convention, then I might argue the republic is more fragile than we thought. So on that uplifting note, I think I will end the end the mailbag portion for this episode.
As always, I appreciate you listening, and I believe and this is one right.
This is Wednesday episode, So guess what I'm going to see you in twenty four hours and with that until I upload down
