The Memphis Massacre

in our Friday Behind the Scenes. This was a truly horrific wave of destruction and violence, including sexual violence and murders, against the black community of Memphis, just a year after the end of the US Civil War. The perpetrators of this included police officers and firefighters, and the victims included veterans who had fought for the United States during the war.

We've talked about a number of other similar waves of mass anti black violence on the show, including the Wilmington Coup of eighteen ninety eight, the Tulsa Massacre of nineteen twenty one, and multiple incidents that took place in and around the Red Summer of nineteen nineteen just as examples. So the Memphis massacre was part of this pattern of violence, and these incidents all had some similar traits, but what happened in Memphis also had a couple of aspects that

really set it apart. It played a role in the passage and ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, and the investigations that followed. The massacre heard the first known testimony of a transgender person before a Congressional committee, so for background. In eighteen eighteen, the United States and the Chickasaw Nations signed the Treaty of Tuscaloosa, also known

as the Treaty of Old Town. The negotiators on the US side were future President Andrew Jackson and former Kentucky Governor Isaac Shelby, and the Chickasaw Nation was represented by brothers Levi and George Colbert. Under this treaty, the US purchased land between the Tennessee and Mississippi Rivers in what is now Kentucky and Tennessee, with the Chickasaw Nation receiving three hundred thousand dollars at the rate of twenty thousand dollars annually for fifteen years. This became known as the

Jackson Purchase. This, of course, is just one tiny piece of the United States relationship with the Chickasaw Nation. Among other things, the Treaty of Tuscaloosa was one of several that were signed in eighteen eighteen. Jackson would face allegations of corruption over his land speculations during these negotiations, and the Chickasaw Nation would later be one of the indigenous nations that was forced to move west under the Indian

Removal Act of eighteen thirty. That act, of course, was passed early in Jackson's presidency and was part of his overall policy toward indigenous people. The part of this history that is most relevant to today's episode, though, is the Jackson Purchase, since a year later, the city of Memphis

was established on a part of the acquired land. Tennessee had been admitted to the Union as a slave state in seventeen ninety six, and on June eighth, eighteen sixty one, a few months after the start of the Civil War, Tennessee residents voted to secede from the Union. Tennessee was the last state to secede, and this vote was largely split along regional lines. East Tennessee voted decisively to remain in the Union, and a substantial majority of West Tennessee,

where Memphis is, voted to secede. East Tennessee is in the Appalachian mountains and foothills, and slavery was not widely practiced there, which was not the case in the western part of the state. The United States captured Memphis from

the Confederacy on June six, eighteen sixty one. Two. The Confederacy launched a series of raids and incursions into Memphis after this, including the Second Battle of Memphis in eighteen sixty four, but the city remained in Union hands for the rest of the war, and the population of Memphis changed dramatically during that time. In eighteen sixty Memphis had

about twenty two thousand residents. The next census was not until eighteen seventy, so there's not an exact population number for eighteen sixty six, when the massacre happened, but it's estimated to have been around thirty five thousand or forty thousand people. Many of those new residents were black, including people who had fled from more rural areas after hearing

that Memphis was under Union control. President Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation on January first, eighteen sixty three, and six months later, the third US Colored Heavy Artillery was established and started recruiting black soldiers who were garrisoned at Fort Pickering in Memphis. That same year, the US decided to consolidate some of its contraband camps in the Mississippi River Valley, and Memphis was chosen as one of the locations to

move people to. We have done an episode about these camps. They were established to house people who liberated themselves from enslavement and made it to Union territory or were confiscated when Confederate sites were captured. Memphis also became home to a Freedman's Bureau office in eighteen sixty five, which freed people saw as a resource for protection and help and

became another reason to go to the city. There were about four thousand enslaved and free black people in Memphis in eighteen sixty and at that point, the city's population was about eighty percent white. As a result of everything we just talked about. When the war ended in eighteen sixty five, the city's free black population had quadrupled to about sixteen thousand people. And made up about forty percent

of the city's population. Some estimates are even higher, estimating a black majority in Memphis at some points in the mid eighteen sixties, Memphis's Irish population had also grown dramatically. The Great Famine had started in eighteen forty five, and people fleeing Ireland typically arrived at northeastern ports, but many started making their way to Kentucky and Tennessee in the

eighteen fifties to find work building railroads. Prior to eighteen fifty three, most of the manual laborers building railroads were enslaved Africans who the railroad companies rented from there enslavers, But that year the Supreme Court of Alabama ruled that people who rented enslaved laborers would be liable if they were harmed doing work that they didn't typically do, like

building a railroad instead of working in a field. In other words, the railroads would have to compensate in slavers for injuries or deaths among the people who were considered their property. It became more economical to higher Irish laborers, who didn't have that financial risk if they were hurt or killed doing the work. In eighteen fifty less than

ten percent of the population of Memphis was Irish. That number more than doubled by eighteen sixty If you've listened to some of our other episodes about this kind of mob violence, including previous Hosts episode on the New York Draft riots of eighteen sixty three, this probably sounds familiar. There were black and Irish entrepreneurs in Memphis, but aside from the soldiers, most black and Irish men were competing

for the same jobs doing manual labor. Irish laborers saw the influx of black people into Memphis as a threat to their livelihoods, and this was particularly true immediately after the Civil War, when slavery had been abolished and the city was in an economic recession, mostly staying afloat through investments and loans from the North. Broadly speaking, the Irish community also had a strong sense of solidarity, in part because they faced so much bigotry and derision from other

white people. Sometimes you'll see this described as Irish immigrants not being considered white, but that's not exactly true. Irish immigrants to the United States could and did become US citizens. They could vote, and own property and hold public office, things that people who were not considered white would not be allowed to do They were barred from those activities. It was more like Irish immigrants were thought of as

the wrong kind of white people. For example, a Freedman's Bureau report on the massacre refers to the instigators who were predominantly Irish as quote low whites at two different points. The Congressional report on the massacre uses both Irish and white. In eighteen sixty six, Irish people also had a lot

of political power and influence in Memphis. The year before, Tennessee had passed a distance franchisement law that stripped former Confederates and Confederate sympathizers of the right to vote for a minimum of fifteen years. A lot of the people who had previously held office in Memphis were wealthy landowners

and slaveholders, and they were affected by this law. Even if they hadn't explicitly sided with the Confederacy or if they had not been in favor of Tennessee's secession, A lot of them refused to do things like take a loyalty oath that was required that endorsed the Emancipation Proclamation. Meanwhile, the vast majority of the Irish residents of Tennessee were newly arrived in the United States and didn't feel a real connection to the war or a reason to fight.

They only did because they had been conscripted. Most were also poor and had never enslaved anyone. Some who had served in the Confederate military could make the case that they had been forced into service and had otherwise remained loyal to the United States. Others deserted the Confederacy and fought for the United States after the Union took control

of the area where they were so. In the eighteen sixty five municipal election in Memphis, Irish Men were disproportionately still able to vote, while non Irish white men disproportionately were not. John Park, who was either Irish or the child of Irish immigrants, I found sources calling him each of those things. He was elected mayor. Irish Men were elected to nine of the sixteen seats on the Board of Aldermen. Irish people also held two thirds of all

the elected and appointed offices in the Memphis government. The large majority of the police and firefighters in Memphis were also Irish. All of this is part of the context for this massacre which we will talk about after we pause for a sponsor break. During and after the Civil War, the black population of Memphis fought to be treated with

dignity and respect. This was particularly true of black soldiers and veterans, who felt that they had earned that dignity and respect through their service to the United States, and whose presence in uniform was just really galling to people

who thought that they should not have it. For months leading up to the massacre, black people in Memphis had faced increasing antagonism and harassment from the city's white population, including and especially its predominantly Irish police force and firefighting forces. This really spiraled, with black soldiers and veterans and civilians pushing back against racism, wrongful arrest, police brutality, and other mistreatment, only for the white population to become even more hostile.

This whole cycle also seemed to strengthen this of solidarity among Irish immigrants, who had an increasingly US versus them mentality, with US specifically meaning Irish people, not white people. More broadly. In April of eighteen sixty six, the Civil War was over, and black soldiers stationed at Fort Pickering were waiting to

be paid and mustered out. Of the Army. On April thirtieth, a group of black soldiers were walking down Cosey Street when four Irish police officers forced them off the sidewalk. The details of this aren't clear, like I don't know if there was some instigation of forcing them off the sidewalk besides just to be antagonistic. But one witness said that some words passed between the men, but not what was said other than that strong language was used on

both sides. One of the soldiers fell and then one of the police officers tripped over him. Then the police officers attacked the soldiers, including one who started beating the men with his pistol. This fight went on for several minutes, and in the words of the Freedman's Bureau report on the massacre quote, both parties then separated, deferring the settlement

by mutual consent to some future time. Most of the black soldiers were mustered out of the army on April thirtieth, but they didn't receive their back pay until May first. That day, after being paid, many of them went out to celebrate. A Large group of people, including women and children, congregated on South Street, which was seen as a border between white and black neighborhoods of Memphis. This crowd was

boisterous and loud, with some people singing and dancing. Some of them were intoxicated, none of which is surprising since they had just been mustered out of the army after serving in a war and had just gotten the back pay that they had been waiting for. Yes, this was definitely rowdy. Understandably, that is exactly the time you should celebrate. Correct. Police arrived and they arrested two black men from the crowd and tried to escort them from the scene. Several

other black men tried to intervene. They surrounded the police and the men they'd taken into custody, and they fired their pistols into the air. The police officers thought they were being fired upon, and they started firing into the crowd again. In the words of the freedman Spiau report quote, during this afray, one police officer was wounded in the finger. Another, Stevens, was shot by the accidental discharge of the pistol in

his own hand, and afterward died. Word of what was happening started to spread through Memphis, including rumors that black residents were going to try to take over the city. John C. Creighton, the city recorder, went out into the streets and made a speech on horseback, encouraging the white residents around them to arm themselves and to try to

kill Memphis's black population or them from the city. Shelby County Sheriff TM Winters went to Major General George Stoneman, who was in command of the troops in Memphis, to ask for military help in restoring order. By that point, though most of the troops who had been in Memphis had been mustered out or transferred elsewhere. Stoneman argued that he only had enough men on hand to try to

protect government property from the mob. He also pointed out that the people of Memphis had been very ready to get rid of the federal troops who had been stationed there to enforce the law. His attitude was sort of like, well, you all claimed you were competent and able to take care of yourselves, so we sent most of the troops away like you asked, and now look where we are. Meanwhile, Winters raised a posse that seems to add to the

violence rather than controlling it. The violence in Memphis stretched from May first through the third, eighteen sixty sive again. In the words of the Freedmen's Bureau report quote, the city seemed to be under the control of a lawless mob. During this and the two succeeding days, all crimes imaginable were committed, from simple larceny to rape and murder. Several women and children were shot in bed. One woman, Rachel Johnson, was shot and then thrown into the flames of a

burning house and consumed. Another was forced twice through the flames and finally escaped. In some instances, houses were fired and armed men guarded them to prevent the escape of those inside. A number of men, whose loyalty is undoubted. Long residents of Memphis who depreciated the riot during its progress were denominated Yankees and abolitionists, and were informed in language more emphatic than gentlemanly that their presence here was unnecessary.

Mayor John Park was described as totally losing control of subordinates. Those subordinates, including the police officers and firefighters who terrorized, raped, robbed, and killed black residents of the city. Park was described as intoxicated during part or most of the time, and unable to carry out his duties as the mayor. While other people characterized him as intentionally sowing discord and disorder among the other city officials to try to get them

to grant him emergency powers. He did make his own request for Stoneman to send troops, and Stoneman told him that one hundred and fifty troops would be made available, but only in the case of quote extreme necessity. He left it up to Park to determine whether the need was extreme. Meanwhile, black residents of Memphis flooded the Freedman's Bureau office to ask Brevet Brigadier General Ben P. Runkle,

chief superintendent for the Bureau in Memphis, for help. He described himself as human in his inability to help them. He had no troops to deploy, and when he went out to appeal to the mob, no one would listen to him. Veterans who had turned in their service weapons when they were mustered out went to General Stoneman to

ask to have them returned, and they were denied. Eventually, on May third, Stoneman declared martial law, banned the posse that the sheriff had rallied, and deployed reinforcements from the fourth US Cavalry to restore order. By that point, forty six black Americans, many of them US Army veterans, had been murdered at the hands of white perpetrators. Many of those perpetrators were Irish police officers and firefighters. About seventy five other black people had been injured. At least five

black women had been raped. Police and civilians had fired at patients who were sitting in front of the Freedman's Bureau hospital and then fired into the hospital itself. The mob had burned down between fifty and ninety homes all Way, along with every black church and school in Memphis, and

they had robbed and burned down black owned businesses. Two white men were killed over those three days, the police officer named Stevens who was killed when his own pistol accidentally discharged, and a firefighter named Dunn, who was shot and killed by another white man by mistake. A number of civic and business leaders, many of whom were Irish,

intentionally spread racism and panic during all this. That included Attorney General William Wallace, who made public speeches to stoke anger and racism, and business leader John Pendergrass, who allowed rioters to use his home as a planning and rallying point. News reporting played role as well, with conservative newspapers including The Daily Argus and The Memphis Avalanche publishing just incendiary articles.

These newspapers were already highly critical of the Republican governments of both the United sis States in Tennessee, and they were especially critical of the Radical Republican faction, which was known for their opposition to slavery and their efforts to secure freedom and equal rights for black people. These newspapers framed Radical Republicans as violent and dangerous and described black

people using racist stereotypes. The Avalanche started printing the names of radical Republicans and rumors that black men who had been mustered out of service were going to attack the town. Multiple investigations were launched within days of the massacre. We're going to talk more about that after we pause for a sponsor break. The Memphis massacre took place during congressional debates over a constitutional amendment that had been proposed by

the Joint Committee on Reconstruction. Earlier drafts of this amendment had failed, but the one that the committee reported to Congress on April thirtieth, eighteen sixty six was largely the same as today's fourteenth Amendment. Debates over the newly drafted

amendment started a few days after the massacre ended. On May tenth, during debates in the House, Representative Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania referenced the massacre in a speech about the amendment's third provision, which barred anyone who had quote engaged in an insurrection or rebellion against the United States from

holding civil or military office. Speaking to representatives who thought this language was too strong, Stephens said, quote, let not those friends of secession sing to me their siren song of peace and goodwill until they can stop my ears to the screams and groans of the dying victims at Memphis. I hold in my hand an elaborate account from a man whom I know to be of the highest respectability

in the country, every word of which I believe. This account of that foul transaction only reached me last night. It is more horrible in its atrocity, although not to the same extent than the massacre in Jamaica. Tell me Tennessee or any other state is loyal of whom such things are proved. On May fourteenth, as the debates continued, Stevens motioned for the House to send a committee to

Memphis to investigate what had happened. The resulting House Select Committee was made up of two Republicans, Eli Hugh Washburn of Illinois and John Brumall of Pennsylvania, and one Democrat, George Shanklin of Kentucky. They arrived in Memphis on May twenty second. They interviewed one hundred and seventy victims and witnesses, as well as officials who had been ostensibly in charge in Memphis during the massacre, including Major General Stoneman and

Mayor John Park. Resulting report, which is not the Freedman's Bureau report that we have read from earlier. That was a much shorter report. The resulting Congressional Report was about four hundred pages long and was printed through the Government Printing Office. It detailed the initial altercation on April thirtieth, the incidents that happened afterward, and the decisions made by

civil and military leaders. It reported on the destruction of the schools, churches, businesses, and homes, and on the murders, sexual assaults, and rapes. It also detailed incidents of white residents trying to shelter and protect black people. Most often these were landlords and employers who were trying to protect people who lived on their property or worked for them.

Although at least forty of the known perpetrators served in the Confederate Army, the people who were interviewed really focused on the fact that they were Irish, not on their status as former Confederates. In his testimony, General Stoneman tried to dispel ideas that were circulating about the soldier's conduct

having justified the massacre. He acknowledged that some had behaved lawlessly on the night of May the first, and said that was inexcusable, but he said that overall their conduct compared very favorably to that of white troops and similar circumstances. Other officers also testified to the black troops general good conduct and said that none of them had tried to

mistreat or attack the white population in any way. Captain Thomas J. Dornan said quote, I never saw any riotous act among them, and one thing I will say for them that there is no number of white soldiers that I ever saw that could be held in such subjection as they were when their houses were being burned as theirs were. I could not have expected it, never could have believed it could be done. The congressional report also included the oral testimonies of the people who were interviewed.

These testimonies included those of five black women who brave testified about having been raped. Those were Lucy Tibbs, Harriet Armer, Francis Thompson, Lucy Smith, and Rebecca Ann Bloom. Lucy Smith was Francis Thompson's sixteen year old housemate. Both of them testified that men had come to their house. Francis had said there were six men, and Lucy said there were seven. Both of them said that men had demanded food, so

they had fed them. They both testified that after the men were done eating, they raped Smith and Thompson both so badly that they had to get medical treatment and stay in bed for about two weeks afterward. Lucy thought that the men had been particularly violent toward them because they had pictures of Union officers in the house, including one of Union General Joseph Hooker. The committee's members came to very different conclusions, and those conclusions fell along political lines.

Its Republican members concluded that what happened in Memphis was not a riot, it was a massacre. They pair offf Race General Stoneman as saying the black population of Memphis quote had nothing to do with it after the first day,

except to be killed and abused. Conversely, Democrat George Shanklin put more of the blame on the black community for instigating the violence and Tennessee's disenfranchisement law for barring most of the city's property owners and businessmen from voting, leaving people from quote the more inferior classes of society to be elected quote against the consent of the masses of

the better population of the city. Shanklin also cited the quote antagonistic interest and feelings of hostility that exists between the laboring classes of foreign population and the Negro race. Yeah, just to be clear, the black population had not instigated the violence. He was blaming them here for things that had they had not done. As the Select Committee was conducting its interviews, Harper's Weekly printed a front page article

about the massacre. It was illustrated with the depiction of a mob burning down a freedman's schoolhouse and one of a group of houses in flames, with black families trying to flee as men brandished weapons and fired at them.

Harper's described this incident as quote a disgrace to civilization, but it also framed the quote lower class of white citizens and the third United States Colored Infantry as equally responsible for the original incident on the first day, but after that point, Harper's described the mob as indiscriminately killing people who were simply going about their days, doing their

jobs or trying to get to safety. This article also made a comparison between what happened in Memphis and the eighteen sixty three New York Draft riots, which were similarly carried out by a predominantly Irish mob. The House Select Committee left Memphis for Washington, d C. On June sixth, and by that point the massacre had become a national news story beyond the reporting Tracy just talked about in

Harper's Weekly. On June thirteenth, the House voted to propose that the fourteenth Amendment be ratified, and it was sent to the States for ratification on June sixteenth, eighteen sixty six. The massacre has been credited with giving this a sense of urgency since the Fourteenth Amendments first section includes quote No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States.

Nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. On July twenty fourth, eighteen sixty six, perhaps surprisingly considering that it had just been the site of a racist massacre two months before, Tennessee was readmitted to the Union. Although the House Committee, the Freedman's Bureau, and the military all investigated the massacre, no charges were ever filed against

any of the perpetrators. Almost all of Memphis's elected officials were replaced in the eighteen sixty six election, and the police and firefighting forces also turned over almost completely. Tennessee also passed the Metropolitan Police Bill in eighteen sixty six, which gave the governor the authority to appoint commissioners to oversee the police in four cities, one of those was Memphis, basically took control of the police force out of Memphis's

direct hands. This law was repealed in eighteen sixty nine. While there were virtually no consequences for the perpetrators beyond being voted out of office, the Memphis massacre and the investigations and news reporting around it are credited with galvanizing

radical Republicans and voters. As a quick recap, black actor vists, radical Republican legislators, and others had been pushing President Abraham Lincoln on the need for rights and protections for black people and for strict requirements before Confederate states could be readmitted to the Union. That was happening for years before

his assassination in eighteen sixty five. His successor, Vice President Andrew Johnson, who had served as military governor of Tennessee, was more lenient toward the rebelling states and former Confederate leaders. His less ambitious plan became known as Presidential Reconstruction, But in the elections that took place the November after this massacre, Republicans won majorities in both the Senate and the House, and that began the era known as Congressional Reconstruction or

radical reconstruction. Congress passed the Reconstruction Acts of eighteen sixty seven, which organized the rebelling States or the formerly rebelling states into military districts except for Tennessee, which had already been readmitted, and then required those states to pass new constitutions that had to be approved by Congress. Those constitutions had to include suffrage for all men, regardless of race, and the states had to approve the Fourteenth Amendment to be readmitted.

The Memphis massacre and another massacre that took place in New Orleans in July of eighteen sixty six are seen as providing obvious evidence that the black population had to have equal rights any core protections under the laws. This also connects to the ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment by the States. It was ratified on July ninth, eighteen sixty eight. At the top of the show, we said that the first known transgender person to testify before a Congressional committee

did so after the Memphis riots. To be clear, the word transgender as is just a term that didn't exist in eighteen sixty six, and it's not a concept that was part of the commonly held understanding of sex and gender in the US at the time. But there have always been people across cultures and throughout history whose gender or sexual orientation hasn't aligned with the standards and expectations

of their culture. So we're using the broad definition of transgender here, meaning a person whose gender does not align with the sex they were assigned at birth. That was the case with Francis Thompson, who had been born in Maryland and enslaved from birth before eventually moving to Memphis and being freed, not actually sure the order in which that happened, her move and her freedom. On July eleventh, eighteen seventy six, a decade after the massacre, she was

arrested for suspicion of cross dressing. When she was questioned, she described herself as being quote of double sex or most likely intersex in modern parlance. She said she had been wearing dresses since she was a child. All of her friends and neighbors knew her to be a woman, and she said that had been the case for twenty seven years, and an article in the Memphis Daily Appeal, she described herself as quote regarded always as a woman.

After these allegations, Thompson was forced to undergo a physical examination by a panel of four doctors. They concluded that she was male. Afterwards, she was forced to wear men's clothing and a station housekeeper basically put her on exhibit. At the jail, she was fined and sentenced to work on a chain gang. Despite the fact that she was physically disabled. She used a cane and said that she'd

had cancer in her foot. Thompson contracted pneumonia while being forced to work on that chain gang and died in a hospital on November first, eighteen seventy six. This is obviously a sad and dehumanizing thing to have happened to her, and news reporting around all of this was horrible. Articles implied or stated that Thompson was a sex worker. It's really not clear whether that was true, since cross dressing was associated with sex work, and she's also described as

a cook and a domestic worker, sometimes in the same article. Regardless, the idea of sex work was used to discredit her. Articles also framed her as criminal and deviant when she said she planned to leave Memphis after being released. Police took photographs of her, one in a dress and one an immen's shirt, jacket and hat, so that they could distribute those photographs to other jurisdictions. A New York publication called The Day's Doings made illustrations from these photographs and

published them. Newspapers also dug up other examples of people accused of cross dressing, especially other black people accused of cross dressing to hype up the idea that this was some kind of ongoing massive skge. This happened as the

period of Reconstruction was coming to an end. The former Confederate States had all been readmitted to the Union, and there had been a brief window in which civil rights and legal protections for black people had led to some first steps toward racial equality, but a backlash had followed, including the passage of discriminatory laws that relegated Black Americans

to second class citizenship. Reconstruction is considered to have ended in eighteen seventy seven after a compromise to settle the outcome of the eighteen seventy six election included the removal of the last federal troops from the former Confederate States. The US was on the cusp of the period that has been described as the Natiir of race relations. The news reporting around Francis Thompson's eighteen seventy six arrest and

sentencing was connected to this. Newspapers all across the country either wrote or republished articles that led with her testimony before the Select Committee, and then they accused her of committing perjury during that testimony, saying that she was lying about having been raped. These reports called not just her testimony into question, but the whole investigation into the eighteen sixty six massacre, and, by extension, congressional Republicans and the

entire project of congressional reconstruction. By the early twentieth century, the Memphis Massacre and Francis Thompson had largely fallen out of public memory. That continued until the approach of the Massacres one hundred and fiftieth anniversary. In twenty sixteen, Among other things, the University of Memphis hosted a whole semester of workshops, talks by historians, and other events, culminating in

a symposium on the massacre. This was to both encourage new research into the massacre and to spread awareness of its history. A historical marker was also erected in twenty sixteen, and that's something that illustrates how debates over how to

interpret this event have continued until today. The Tennessee Historical Marker Commission wanted the term race riot at the top of the marker, while Black historians, the NAACP, and others felt that term was not reflective of what had actually happened and would give people who only looked at the

heading the wrong idea about what had happened. The NAACP ultimately wound up putting up a marker privately in conjunction with the city headed eighteen sixty six Memphis Massacre, rather than going through the State Historical Marker Commission and having that race riot language on there. Sometimes you got to go around instead of through. Do do you have listener mail for us? I do have listener mail. This listener mail is from Amelia, who wrote about an episode Holly

wrote and one about and I wrote. Amelia wrote, Hey, Holly and Tracy. I live in metro Atlanta and recently returned from a trip to Philadelphia. So the Richard Peters podcast was well timed and I enjoyed learning about his life and lasting impacts on the city of Atlanta. Can you imagine what the property he owned would be worth today? I be Hall, built by Richard's son, is a beautiful home and I tried to get married there but it didn't work out. We later got married in the Hay

House in Macon. The Mom's Mabley podcast reminded me of my trip to mom's hometown of Brevard, North Carolina. Did you know the town is known for their white squirrels. All the downtown businesses promote the white squirrel with merchandise and signage, and even have a big festival each year. I thought it was just a funny mascot until I saw one myself. Rumor has it a white squirrel escaped from a carnival. I attached a picture of myself as a white squirrel with my aunts and a picture of

the real squirrel. Thank you for your podcast. You've covered topics I have never thought to wonder about. In topics I greatly enjoy, like embroidery. We also have a lot of fur babies, so I have no shortage of pet tacks. I've attached a picture of Indie, my black German Shepherd husky mix who loves cold weather like me. And my cats.

Juniper the tuxedo or the Russian Blue and Helena the blind torty were pictured together, and we recently foster failed with Danny, a three legged torty who fits right in with our pack. We frequently find them all sleeping together in one big cat pile. Sincerely, Amelia, thank you so

much for this Amelia. I when I read this, I was like, why have I never heard of this white squirrel situation in Brevard because I've been to Brevard a number of times, and then I realized that like my going to Brevard was never to the downtown area of Brevard, it was to get to Pisga National Forest and go hiking. Had no concept that there was a white squirrel trend is not the right word. There are real white squirrels that live there, and they're also kind of a theme.

And then we have adorable animal pictures. They're always so good. So thank you so much Amelia for this email. If you would like to write to us, we're at History Podcasts at iHeartRadio dot com. If you would like to look at the show notes for all of our episodes, they are at our website which is at mistonhistory dot com. And you can subscribe to our show on the iHeartRadio app and anywhere else you'd like to get your podcasts. Stuff you Missed in History Class is a production of iHeartRadio.

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