All told, 10, 000 Vancouver workers joined the strike. They stayed out for an entire month. While I suspect it's extremely unlikely that Canada will become our 51st state, too many liberals, and they all vote, here on Labor History Today, we believe in cross border solidarity. And today's episode comes to us from our colleagues at the On the Line Stories of BC Workers podcast. Which is produced by the volunteers and staff at the British Columbia Labor Heritage Center.
The episode, originally aired in April 2023, highlights a remarkable but relatively unknown chapter of working class solidarity. While waves of sympathy strikes to support the 1919 Winnipeg General Strike took place across Canada, the most pronounced of these was in Vancouver, B. C. Even after workers returned to their jobs, 325 women telephone operators stayed out for another two weeks. This was a time of unsurpassed working class consciousness and resistance, notes on the line.
The likes of which Canada had not seen before. And, on Labor History in Two, the year was 2014, which saw a massive protest in Raleigh, North Carolina. The protest was part of the Moral Monday movement. I'm Chris Garlock, and this Is labor history today? Welcome to another edition of On the Line, a podcast that brings to light stories from B. C. 's rich labour heritage. I'm your host, Rod Mickelberg. In our latest episode, we I'm your host, Rod Mickelberg.
that took place in this province and across the country. I'm referring to the wave of sympathy strikes to support the renowned Winnipeg General Strike in 1919. The most pronounced of these sympathy strikes was in Vancouver. As an added bonus, you will hear from Vancouver's legendary firebrand socialist, William Pritchard, who spent a year in Manitoba's stony mountain penitentiary, merely for making a few speeches in Winnipeg during the general strike.
The first two years after the end of the bloody killing fields of World War I, We're the most radical in the history of Western Canada facing acute inflation and high unemployment coupled with residual anger over the war, industrial unions across the West tossed aside the moderation of Eastern based craft union organization to demand a six hour day, higher wages. better working conditions and, most of all, an end to production for profit.
Under the banner of a new movement called the OBU, One Big Union, general strikes were proclaimed as the weapon of choice to achieve their goals. Feelings ran particularly high in B. C., where inflation and unemployment were the highest in Canada. And employers were resolute in their opposition to union recognition. A record number of strikes swept the province.
William Pritchard, son of a British miner and editor of the Socialist Party's Western Clarion from 1914 to 1917, was in the forefront of resistance. Interviewed in 1974 at the age of 86, as part of the Ken Hanley collection held in the archives of Brandon University, Pritchard talked about the post war environment that led to the formation of the OBU. Labor was particularly restive.
Resolution after resolution being passed by various bodies, condemning government by ordering counsel, the banning of religious, labor, and socialist literature, etc. And returned soldiers developed a more objective and realistic view of the situation. For their wives, for the greater period of the war, had been held to the same meager allowance that had been first established. Children were kept from school for lack of proper footwear.
At one time, a delegation sent by the Trades and Labor Council, of which I was a member, Joined with a delegation of returned soldiers and their wives in a visit to City Hall to inform the mayor of the wretched conditions now facing these men to whom the promise was given that nothing is too good for men who have done what you have done. A surprising thing about this meeting was a fiery speech made by a returned soldier's wife.
Her voice and manner raised memories of some years previously, and it passed before my mind's eye as clearly as when it happened. It was when I was living in South Vancouver on Maple Street, the house that was raided by the Mounted Police in 1919, and had to go to work by streetcar. It was in the early morning, and I had a seat to myself. Sitting in the seat directly ahead of me were two women who were discussing things rather furiously. I paid little attention until I heard my name mentioned.
So I listened with some amusement, but more amazement. I never grew above five feet seven, and at that time weighed around a hundred and forty five pounds. But this man, Pritchard, Whose horrible deeds were being so colorfully described at great length was a monster of some six feet and weighing over 200 pounds. He was, in short, a menace to society and should be summarily dealt with.
Now at the city hall, protesting the wretched conditions of soldiers wives and children was the more vociferous of the two ladies of the streetcar ride.
When I was called upon to address the mayor on behalf of the Trades and Labor Council, I gave a short but incisive talk concerning the rapid rise in prices during the course of the war, and the absence of any corresponding increase in the allowances to soldiers wives and families, and contrasted this picture with that of the fortunes made by government contractors. The Sir Joseph Flavell case, the scandal over the Hay contract, the Ross rifle, and the defective boots issued to the troops.
I received hearty applause from the big gathering. When the meeting concluded, the Lady of the Fiery Speech and the streetcar came rushing over and grabbed me, saying, That was splendid, splendid. Just a moment, Lady, I said. I remember sitting in a streetcar one morning some years ago behind two ladies who were discussing this man, Pritchard, and describing him in the most derogatory terms. Oh, that, that was some time ago, and we didn't know.
Well, I said, it pays to have people know what they are talking about when they begin to talk, doesn't it? Yes, she said rather meekly, but let's forget it. In those early days of 1919, the spirit of rebellion against the government in the ranks of Western Canada's trade unionists was reinforced with opposition to the reactionary policies of the union bureaucracy of Eastern Canada.
Resolutions from unions throughout the West poured out in volumes against continued censorship of books, et cetera, against restrictions on right of assembly, free speech, et cetera, and many resolutions call for secession. From the Labour Congress dominated by the reactionaries of the East. So overwhelming was this demand that a convention of all affiliated bodies of unionists from the west coast to the head of the Great Lakes was called to be held in the city of Calgary.
The executive of the BC Federation of Labour decided that, for convenience and economy, Its convention should be held for the first time outside the province and take place just prior to the Western Conference of Canadian Unions. One thing is significant. The United Mine Workers, for example, were already organized on an industrial basis. And in British Columbia, 5, 000 loggers had been similarly organized.
These could not have been organized on any other basis, and in any case, no effort had ever been made by the AFL to even approach the question. The first vote taken of the membership showed overwhelming support for the proposed new organization, named the OBU.
Fellow workers, pay attention To what I'm going to mention It is the best intention Of the workers of the world And I hope you'll all be ready To heart it brave and steady To rally around the standard When the red flag is unfurled For the Fraser River flows Each fellow worker knows They have bullied and oppressed us But still our union grows So we're going to find a way, boys For ours and better We're going to win the day, boys, we're going to win the day, boys, where the River Fraser flows.
The OBU grew rapidly after its extraordinary founding convention in Calgary. But in Winnipeg, matters had already come to a head even before the OBU got going. From May 15th to June 25th, 1919, more than 30, 000 union workers shut down the city. As part of an all out drive to force companies to recognize their unions and bargain with them. There's been no event like it in all of North America. And today, the Winnipeg General Strike is celebrated in books, plays, songs, and even on the screen.
Strike while the islands talk to get What we haven't got in take Back the things they took and made Right the wrongs and look right in To their eyes until they wake Realizing that we won't give up the fight No, so muster up your might and strike May 15, 1919 will go down in history As the day that the workers of Winnipeg, Canada Stood united with the workers of the world We have withdrawn Labor from all industry and withdrawn.
We will stay until the bosses realize that they cannot stand against our masses. No telephone, no. No taxis, street cars, country. No. Less well known is the remarkable outpouring of support for the Winnipeg Strikers from other Canadian workers. Sympathy strikes erupted across the country. From Victoria and Prince Rupert to the industrial community of Amherst, Nova Scotia.
In Vancouver, the executive of the local Trades and Labour Council was empowered to call a general strike if military intervention took place in Winnipeg. But when Winnipeg postal workers were fired for defying a back to work order, Vancouver workers voted to strike on June 3rd to back their striking brothers and sisters in Winnipeg.
Labour historian Elaine Bernard argues the Vancouver general strike was even more radical than the strike in Winnipeg because, she has written, rather than being directed at local captains of industry, it was motivated by solidarity for workers more than a thousand miles away. And they had their own demands. Reinstatement of the Winnipeg postal workers.
Pensions and compensation for soldiers and their dependents, nationalization of food storage plants to combat post war hoarding, and the six hour day for industries hit by unemployment. There are few recordings of those who took part in that long ago strike, but seafarer Jimmy O'Donnell was interviewed by Co op Radio in the 1970s. Because he had been at sea, he had not joined the strike until its final days.
Even then, solidarity remained strong, as Seaman O'Donnell relates in his colorful account. 1919, that, that Winnipeg strike. And all of, Winnipeg started, and everybody went on a symphony. Sailors and, uh, mesh boys and firemen. So we come into Vancouver, we got, got that scow, Spruce down in Vancouver, and Skipper says, don't go ashore. I said, I can't, I gotta go ashore tomorrow. I said, I can't, I gotta go to the Union Hall, I gotta report in. I've been out now for a month.
So I walked in, but no pickets never bothered me. I walked through, had my union button up, went up to the hall. He says, I just come in. He says, where you been? I just come in. Come in on top of the barrel. What'd I do? He says, get your stuff off. That's the way you're treated, you see. Get your stuff off. Get out. Strike on. Okay. So I walked down again. That's when I worked with this little cockney guy after that on the Queen City. They come running up to me.
He says, what are you doing with that button on? I says, I've asked him, he says, it's Slater's Union, it's not Slater's Union. He says, you know they strike on us? I says, yeah. He says, where you going? I says, Club Bell. Well, he says, they're striking you. We going to cross this picket line? I says, yeah. I'm going down there to get my dutch. We just got in last night. I'm going to take them off the ship. I'm going on strike with you. Two days, the strike was all over. I lost my job.
All told, 10, 000 Vancouver workers joined the strike. Streetcar drivers, railway workers, woodworkers, stevedores, shipyard workers, brewery employees, city employees, including non emergency police and firefighters, and telephone operators and linemen. They stayed out for an entire month. Union typesetters stayed on the job at Vancouver's three dailies. But when the Vancouver Sun printed a series of strident, anti union editorials, the printers shut the paper down for five days.
The Vancouver workers did not go back to their jobs until a week after the end of the Winnipeg General Strike as they fought to guarantee that those who took part would not be victimized by their employers. And one group of workers remained off the job even longer. Three hundred and twenty five women telephone operators stayed on strike for another two weeks in an unsuccessful but valiant attempt to prevent company supervisors from who had also joined the strike from being fired.
They were the last of all Canadian sympathy strikers to return to work. Their noble stand to continue to fight while other unions had called off their general strikes was applauded by Labour's weekly newspaper, the BC Federationist. The action of the telephone girls in responding to the call for a general strike has placed them in a class by themselves amongst women workers in this province.
With only a few backsliders, these girls have won the admiration of all those who admire grit and working class solidarity. That their action will be remembered by the workers, not only of this city, But by the workers all over the continent for their loyalty goes without saying. If all the men had displayed the same spirit, the strike could not have been finished with them carrying on their fight against discrimination after the general strike was called off.
The strike was called off as a result of the telephone girls and electricians taking the stand that they could fight the matter of discrimination against the telephone operators.
There are women of many descriptions In this cruel world, as everyone knows Some are living in beautiful mansions And are wearing the finest of clothes There's the blue blooded queen or the To have charms made of diamonds and pearls But the only and thoroughbred lady Is the rebel girl She's a rebel girl A rebel girl She's a workin rebel Class, the strength of this world from Maine to Georgia, you'll see her fighting for you and for me. Yes, she's there by your side with her courage and pride.
She's unequaled anywhere. And I'm proud to fight for freedom with the Red Bull girls. The Federationist Editorial went on to criticize the decision of other unions not to support the telephone operators by going back to work. Overall, however, the Vancouver Sympathy Strike was an exceptional event. Despite the widespread use of strikebreakers and threats of government sanctioned vigilante action, 45 union locals answered the call.
It was a time of unsurpassed working class consciousness and resistance. The likes of which Canada had not seen before or since. And one final note. During the strike, the Native Sons and Squamish Indian Lacrosse team, managed by Waterfront Trade Unionist Andy Paul, agreed to play a special match at the old Cambie Street grounds to raise funds in support of the strike. A record crowd turned out.
And, according to the BC Federationist, quote, the handsome sum of 65. 08 was handed over to the Strike Relief Committee. Unquote. That, too, was solidarity for the Winnipeg General Strike. And that's it for this edition of On The Line. We hope you enjoyed it. I'm your ever affable host. Thanks to the great crew that helped put this together. Patricia Weir and Donna Sakuda for research, and John Mabbitt for his production skills. Lucy McNeil read the quote from the BC Federationists.
The uplifting songs you heard were Where the Fraser River Flows, sung by Phil Thomas, and Rebel Girl by the great Hazel Dickens. Both songs were written by the legendary Joe Hill. We'll see you next time on The Line. I'm Rick Smith, and this is Labor History in Two. Each and every day, Labor's history continues to be written. Such is the case in North Carolina. On this day in labor history, the year was 2014, which saw a massive protest in Raleigh, North Carolina.
The protest was part of the Moral Monday movement. Moral Monday started off as and continued as a series of protests against policies enacted by the Republican legislature and governor of North Carolina. These policies included restricting voting rights, changing tax policies to benefit the wealthy, and slashing unemployment benefits. Nearly 1, 000 Moral Monday protesters were arrested in 2013. On this date, Moral Monday brought at least 80, 000 people into the streets of Raleigh.
The protesters had five demands. First was to secure pro labor, anti poverty policies that ensured economic stability. They also demanded quality public education, access to health care and environmental justice, reformation of the criminal justice system, and safeguarding voting rights. The North Carolina AFL CIO has been a staunch supporter of the effort. American Federation of Teachers President, Randi Weingarten, made a trip to Raleigh for the protest.
She said of the protest, people are searching for fairness, opportunity, justice, and real change. I believe that search can and should lead to the labor movement. Reverend William Barber II, President of the North Carolina NAACP, has been at the forefront of the Moral Monday movement. He addressed the huge crowd and declared, You may have thought you were going to discourage us, but instead you have encouraged us. The more you push us back, the more we will fight to go forward.
The more you try to oppress us, the more you will inspire us Labor history Intu brought to you by the Illinois Labor History Society and the Rick Smith Show. For more information, go to labor history intu.com, like us on Facebook and follow us on the Twitters at labor history in two. Hey, that's it for this week's edition of Labor History Today. You can subscribe to LHT on your favorite podcast app.
Even better, if you like what you hear, sure hope you do, like it in your podcast app, pass it along, and leave a review. That really helps folks to find the show. Labor History in Two is a partnership between the Illinois Labor History Society and the Rick Smith Show. That's a labor themed radio show out of Pennsylvania. Very special thanks this week to our brothers and sisters at the bc labor heritage center, which produces On the line stories of bc workers. It's a great podcast.
You can find it wherever you listen to podcasts Labor history today is produced by the kalmanovitz Labor History Today is produced by the Labor Heritage Foundation and the Kalmanovitz Initiative for Labor and the Working Poor at Georgetown University. You can keep up with all the latest labor arts news, subscribe to the Labor Heritage Foundation's free weekly newsletter at laborheritage.
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