CZM Rewind: Printing the Revolution - podcast episode cover

CZM Rewind: Printing the Revolution

Feb 17, 20252 hr 36 min
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Episode description

A chance to listen to the first scripted series on Myanmar again and hear the stories of how people there stayed in the streets and refused to accept dictatorship.

For new listeners, the second series on Myanmar begins here: https://www.iheart.com/podcast/105-it-could-happen-here-30717896/episode/how-to-build-a-revolution-myanmar-104249884/ 

See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Transcript

Speaker 1

A media. Hi everyone, it's President's Day today. Cool anyway, that means that we are giving you a rerunt and the rerun that I wanted to air today was the first series that I ever made for iHeart, or indeed the first series I ever made for anyone. It's called Myanma Printing the Revolution, and if you've heard it before, you know what it's about. If you haven't, this takes us through the early days of the Mianma Revolution, from the coup to people taking to the mountains and fighting.

I wanted to share this because it's been a couple of years since we first made it, and I think at a time when the whole world is worried about the way politics are going and the way that states are behaving, we can learn a lot from the people of Meanma. I don't think it matters where you are.

There's something that you can take from this, from the way that these people stayed in the street and the way that they were willing to work together to learn from one another and to become better people as they struggled to make their world better. It's a long series, spoken to many of the people who are in it this week, most of them are fine, they're doing well, but you will hear about somewhat dying at the end

of this. This is war like, this is a thing that happens in war, but I wanted to give a content warning for that such if anybody was upset by it, they could turn off. It just comes at the end of the final episode. If you've not heard this before, I hope you'll take the time to listen. We worked very very hard on it and it's very important to me.

Speaker 2

Hey everyone, I'm Robert Evans and this is Me and Mar printing the Revolutions. It could happen here special mini series, an in depth documentary investigation with me and journalist James Stout. Over the next four days, you're going to learn about the gin Z militias of the Me and Mar Civil War, three D printed weapons, and a bunch of other really fascinating stuff. Besides, so, without any further ado, here's James.

Speaker 1

Ever since the first person built the first fence, took land from everybody and to themselves, property rights and violence have gone hand in hand. With property grew the state, and with the state came the police. Today, most of us grew up under the control of states and they're so ubiquitous that their violence is often overlooked until a particularly egregious incident occurs. But all states, even the most benign,

rest on a monopoly on violence. State to the entities that imposed laws on a given area, and if you break those laws, state can beat you up, lock you up, or shoot you up. When the state loses the monopoly on violence, it ceases to be able to enforce its laws, charges taxes, and enforce its will on the people at rules. We've seen this all over the world, from the Democratic Republic of Congo to briefly downtown Seattle. Our state in

the USA speaks a language of rights and liberties. When we want to appeal to the state, we tend to use that language, even though our state, as we saw in twenty twenty, is backed by plenty of violence, as much as any other, goes a long way to camouflage that violence. Some states are a bit more mask off. They speak to their citizens more or less exclusively through violence, and when citizens need to respond to that state, they respond to the language it uses to speak to them.

That's how a teenager from yangon Meh and Mar ended up on Reddit in summer of twenty twenty one asking strangers have to use a three D printer and computer to make a rifle. Me and Ma isn't a country that is on the radar for most of the US. If it is at all, it's probably because of State Councilor and Foreign Minister ensign Suchi. She managed perhaps the history's fastest pivot from Nobel Peace Prize winner to head

of a government accused of genocide. But Tsuki is in jail now, and the Rahingia, the Muslim ethnic group that the military attempted to eliminate from the east of the country under her rule, are just one of many ethnic and political groups. They're in open armed conflict with the military who now hold control of the government of me and Ma, known locally as a tatmodor the military's whose power. In early twenty twenty one, you might have seen a video of a woman doing an aerobics workout as the

vehicles rolled in behind her to seize power. Ever since that day, they've been committing crimes against humanity all over the country. Mia Mah has a longer history of dictatorship than democracy. The British East India Company occupied the area that now represents the country in the nineteenth century. As always, they talked about civilizing missions and freedoms, but in practice the occupation was extractive and only benefited the Anglo Burmese

and a few Indian civil servants. They bought with them often, but this month led to resistance that manifested itself in hunger strikes and everyday acts of disobedience, small ways of saying no. In a few instances, it became open an unbrest build into the streets. The country became a major battleground during the Second World War, with Japan evading and seizing the country before Allied forces took it back in a fierce campaign in nineteen forty four. As many as

one hundred and fifty thousand Japanese troops died. Burmese people fought on both sides. Ag San Agsan Suchi's father demanded that Britain grant him and his fellow Burmese people independence if they fought for the Allies. The British refused. Ansan then went first to China and eventually Japan for support, and eventually he fought against the British with his Burmer Independence Army, but after two years of occupation, Agsian and his comrade changed sides under a broad alliance called the

Anti Fascist Organization. They turned on the Japanese and they once again took up arms to liberate their country. On the fourth of January nineteen forty seven, Burma became an independent republic. The new republic's territory combined three British territories and over one hundred distinct ethnic groups. For the next fourteen years, these groups struggled to find a democratic Burma and an identity for themselves within it. Mostly they failed.

The period was characterized by the Chinese Civil War, spilling it to Burma ethnic armed insurgencies and repeated to Ma for a federal republic with a weak central government. In nineteen sixty two, the military a rate at new demands for a federal republic stage to coup. Burmer spent the next twenty two years under the military rule of a council, pursuing what they called the Burmese Way to socialism. Burmer's planned economy left it largely isolated from the rest of

the world. At home, the press was censored, and a type of nationalism that combined nominal socialism and Burmer ethnic identity became the official state ideology. During this period, Burmer became one of the world's poorest countries. Sporadic protests were met with overwhelming force, and the eighth of August nineteen eighty eight, an uprising began. It started among his students

in Yangon, it took real quickly around the country. The so called eight eight eight eight Uprising because of the date, began with the general strike and huge non violent protests. These were met with gunfire. Protesters fought back with molotov cocktails and rocks. The military fired into hospitals, and by September eighteenth they'd launched a coup to take the country from a one party state back to a military dictatorship.

Through in these protests, Angsan Suki, the daughter of independence here at Anksan, emerged as a national figurehead, especially in the west. Amitov Ghusch, the Indian writer, wrote the following about a eight eight eight across Burma. People poured out in thousands to join the protests, not just students, but also teachers, monks, children, professionals, and trade unionists of every shape. It was on this day, too, that the Hunter made

its first determined attempt at repression. Soldiers opened fire on the demonstrators and hundreds of unarmed marchers were killed. The killings continued for a week, but still the demonstrators continued to flood the streets. After the uprising had been suppressed, multi party elections were later held, while the new National League for Democracy party of Angsang shu Ki won the

most votes. The Hunter refused to see power. Protests continued off and on for decades, with the two thousand and seven Saffron Revolution, which the government violently cracked down on monks,

resulting in the most international condemnation. Following the Saffron Revolution, the government's isolationism hindering aid After extensive cyclone damage in two thousand and eight, the military government finally implemented the Roadmap to discipline flourishing democracy that had developed in nineteen ninety three. If you're wondering about the name of the country, this officially changed in nineteen eighty nine as well, but like much of the nation's history, a grand proclamation from

the government didn't mean much on the ground. Both words derived from Buranma, a name that the majority ethnic group who we're calling Berman here used for themselves. Many opposition groups still use Burma instead of Mienma. It's another small way of saying no to the military's attempt to control every aspect of their lives.

Speaker 3

Finally, on the eighteenth of September, the army took to the streets and the coup, led by Chief of Stamp General Sumoon. The next day the killings began again. The army later described these people as lutus.

Speaker 2

It was not until twenty eleven that the military junta finally stepped down and passed on power to the Union, Solidarity and Development Party in an election that was widely seen as fraudulent. A year later, long San sou Chi was released, and by twenty fifteen her National League for

Democracy won an absolute majority. While she was barred from holding the presidential office, she took on the role of State councilor, and Mienmar entered a period of liberalization, which, although never the federal democracy promised when the country gained its independence in nineteen forty seven, allowed for significant freedoms of communication and speech, especially for the Burman majority ethnic group.

Not everyone was reconciled to the change. Many of Myanmars one hundred and thirty five ethnic groups feel marginalized by the state, which tends to be dominated by the Burman ethnicity. Some of these groups have armed insurgeon wings, often more than one per ethnic group, as they disagree on politics or religion. These groups have fought various Burmese governments since the nineteen forties, but many of them reached a ceasefire with the government as the country passed from military to

civilian rule. One group, however, saw a huge uptick in violence. The Rohingya ethnic group have been persecuted by Buddhist nationals since the nineteen seventies, but the campaign against them increased in violence and scale in twenty sixteen, when the Tatmadab began a huge crackdown against Rohinga people in Rakin's State.

The persecution began in response to attacks by the Arkan Rohinga Salvation Army on Burmese border outposts, but the campaign that followed had nothing to do with a small insurgent group and a lot to do with the desire of the Totmadaw to destroy or drive out all Rohinka people, who they claim are undocumented migrants from Bangladesh and not

citizens of Myanmar. While the world praised Suki her government looked the other way as the military carried out a genocide that displaced over a million people and killed tens of thousands. It was in the context of growing international condemnation of the genocide that Mianmar went to the polls in November of twenty twenty. The November twenty twenty election was only the nation's second since the official end of military rule. On Sansuchi's National League for Democracy won a

resounding victory. The military backed Union Solidarity and Development Party holds twenty five percent of seats under a constitution that SUCHI wanted to change. It didn't take defeat well. The election was neither perfectly free nor fair. The Rohinga have been almost wholly disenfranchised. The government claims they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and thus unable to vote. Areas with ethnic armed organ as if which opposed the government often

had poles canceled and internet cut off. According to Human Rights Watch, The Carter Center estimates that one point four million citizens couldn't vote. The one opposition party that was certainly not short changed was the military's. However, it was the Union Solidarity and Development Party USDP, which had been calling for election delays due to COVID before poles opened. Once the elections concluded, they immediately began questioning the results.

They continued to attempt to undermine the vote for months before they resorted to force on the first to February twenty twenty one, the day before the newly elected legislators were due to be sworn in. The world largely ignored the situation, apart from the one viral video where a masked fitness instructor dances in the foreground as APC's roll through a roadblock and into the parliament complex behind her.

Ensang su Chi was arrested, charged with breaching COVID nineteen restrictions and illegally importing a walkie talkie, and General min Angkhlang was installed at the head of a military hojna to If this sounds a little like a stop to Steel fantasy, that's because it is eerily similar to one. Meanmar's democracy is not what academics call a consolidated one, which is to say that democracy has never been the only game in town there, but the United States seems

to be rapidly deconsolidating its own democracy. The allegations of election fraud in Meanmar were no more credible than those in Arizona. However, the military's tradition of political engagement there removed many of the barriers in between electoral defeat and the death of a short lived democracy. Within twenty four hours of the coup, the people of Myanmar had fought back. Healthcare workers and civil servants were on strike by February third,

and a boycott of junta owned businesses had begun. Protests began with a handful of people. The memories of massacres of pro democracy protesters in the nineteen eighties kept many away, but a younger generation who had grown up with relative liberty, internet access and basic freedoms had not seen blood in the streets like their parents. They had seen activists in Hong Kong, the USA, and Ukraine on violent state APPARATUSUS, and they'd often seen them win.

Speaker 1

By the sixth of February, twenty thousand people in the streets of Yangon, the largest city, and the internet was shut down nationwide. Protests began peacefully, with mimeable signs like my eggs is bad, but the military is worse and we are protesting peacefully. But with the WAP capitalized so it said whap. These signs were designed by a generation of kids who grew up with access to the Internet to attract international attention. Despite the ban, they used VPNs

to show imagury to their struggle. One sign read I've messed with the wrong generation. Now we'll never be allowed to ruin our own lives. The Tatmador showed its cards pretty quickly. Police began the suppression with sling shots and clubs, then tear gas and flashbrang and quickly they moved to rifles and rocket the pel grenades. By the ninth of February, maya thway thway, heine, a twenty year old woman have been shot in the street.

Speaker 4

What did you.

Speaker 5

Soon?

Speaker 1

There's young protesters to switch signs for shields. By mid March and I'm forties day, one hundred and forteen civilians were killed in a single day, including sixty five in Yangon who were kettled by police, surrounded net shot. Quickly, shield walls were set up. Medics identified themselves in the protest movement, and hard hats and goggles were distributed, but this didn't tip the balance of power in their favor. So Orlin, a former student union leader, was there from

the start. In a text message, he told me I did not miss a single day as a member of the Caya State National Strike Committee. I later became more involved in anti authoritarian protests. In the early protests, you see him in photos walking at the front of the group carrying flags and banners with his student ID card on a lanyard around his neck. But by March he's

wearing a black shirt, goggles and a hard construction hat. Meanwhile, the National League for Democracy politicians who had escaped attention joined other parties and set up a National Unity Government

in April. The National Unity Government contained members of the National League for Democracy, but significantly, a Rahindio activist was appointed an advisor in the Ministry of Human Rights, and the National Unity Government has announced it would for the first time accept the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court with respect to all international crimes committed in me and Mah since two thousand and two. This would include the

Rhinga genocide. By May, both the National Unity Government and Zwelin had realized that no amount of non violent protests was going to this lodge regime that was happy to gun down kids in the street. So on the fifth of May, he left for the jungle. That same day, the National Unity government announced the formation of the People's Defense Force or PDF. Within a month, eight hundred soldiers has it affected to these pro democracy guerrilla units. Many

bought their guns with them, but Twa didn't join the PDF. Instead, he joined one of ME and R's many ethnic armed organizations groups opposed to a central state and its domination by the Burman ethnicity. To understand these groups, you need to understand that ME andm R is composed of dozens, not hundreds, of ethnic groups, but that the Burman, who make up about two thirds of the population, have always controlled the state and used it as a tool in

furthering their interest. Some of these groups, like the Kurrent National Liberation Army and the Kachin Independence Army, have been fighting for decades since the country emerged from British colonial rule at the end of World War Two. All of these groups drew on a combination of ethnic and political grievances. Many of them administer semi autonomous territories like the Kurrent State.

Speaker 2

In twenty thirteen, thirteen ethnic armed organizations or EAOs came together to form the nationwide Ceasefire Coordinating Team in CCT and signed an eleven point Common Position of Ethnic Resistance Organizations on national Ceasefire or the LEISA Agreement. Most of them seemed to agree that they would accept a federal system rather than complete autonomy. In twenty fifteen, a ceasefire was signed, but conflict between ethnic armed organizations and between

EAOs and the government continued. Since the coup began, EO membership has skyrocketed, and in October, the National Unity government announced alliances with several groups under a central chain of command. Some political organizations who played a part in the nineteen eighty eight uprising, like the Al Burma Students Democratic Front, have been revived as armed groups. The ABSDF recently attacked top Madaw ships using an RPG. Attacks on military bases

have also stepped up. PDF units have ambushed and killed policemen and raided police and military outposts. Each time they do, they steal valuable weapons and ammunition. The top Madaw has responded with shellings and airstrikes against residential areas, executions, mass physical retribution, and the murdering of civilians and aid workers

and burning of their bodies. As a result of all this, ethnic armed organizations have joined forces with anti authoritarian Burman people under the auspices of the People's Defense Forces, which are under the command of the exiled National Unity Government.

Speaker 6

We have never experienced such kind of brutalities from the military as well as as strong resistance from the people. They try to make sure the whole country submit to them, but we still refuse to allow them to be our rulers.

Speaker 7

This defiance has led to the formation of the People's Defense Forces or PDF, a coalition of thousands of resistance fighters who carrying out surprise attacks on hunter checkpoints, bombing army convoys, and supporting ethnic armies in their fight against the regime. Twelve months ago, these men and women were students and office workers protesting the coup. Today they're training to overthrow the military.

Speaker 6

The Annesota is the tough choints, but the young people they are ready to defend the communities. They have to, of course, sacrifice their own daily life, ordinary life.

Speaker 2

Since March of twenty twenty, the influx of new recruits has changed these groups. Generation Z militias like the Carini gin Z Liberation Army have sprung up, founded by kids who were holding ammable signs at protests a few months earlier. They care less about ethnic independence and more about beating

the junta. Many Berman kids join these groups. These organizations of young fighters received training from the experienced guerrillas hiding in the jungle, but they tended to adopt a less top down military structure and armed themselves by scavenging whatever weapons they could find, often twenty two caliber rifles better suited to shooting squirrels than soldiers. It was these kids who grew up online and knew that there was nothing you couldn't learn about on Reddit who tipped the balance

of force away from the state. Unlike the ethnic armed organizations and other more experienced guerrillas than menmar these kids have little military experience. Their organizations have few rules and regulations.

They're made up entirely of young people. As a result, there are certain things that they're less proficient at, but they're much better at things like grasping the use of new technologies, which has led to me and Maar being the first country in the world where three D printed weapons have taken part in a revolution against the government. To hear more about that and many other things as this series continues. Hey, everybody, I'm Robert Evans, and this

is me and mar printing the Revolution Part two. Since the dawn of firearms, regular people all over the world have had the same basic idea, maybe if I made myself a gun, the government wouldn't be able to be such a dick to me. Historically, this has had little impact on the willingness of governments to be dicks to people. In the beginning, all gun manufacturing was done by individual artisans, and thus making a gun in your home was really no different from making it in a shop, as long

as you had the proper tools. Guns in this period weren't super useful on their own and were best fired in a volley by a shitload of dudes at once. Since individual firearms were extremely inaccurate and cumbersome to use, the fact that some poor or blacksmith could make himself one wasn't much of a threat to anybody in power. It did mean that battlefield prowess came from large blocks of trained soldiers, not fuel lords on horseback rallying untrained peasants.

This change in technology led to a change in warfare and helped to change society. As firearms evolved and became these central weapons of battle. They required more intense tooling and more expensive manufacturing capacity. Nations and peoples without the know how our infrastructure were at a tremendous disadvantage. As soon as this situation came into being, these unfortunate communities set to work finding ways to gain the advantages of

firearms without the manufacturing capacity their foes enjoyed. Indigenous cannons and regions resisting imperialism often consisted of composite materials less sturdy than brods or iron. In the sixteen hundreds and seventeen hundreds, Indigenous Americans in South America used wooden cannons to fight against Spanish and Portuguese conquerors. The Vietnamese used wooden cannons to resist the French during the coachin China

Campaigane of eighteen sixty two. American Indians used wooden artillery to blast settler fortifications in the seventeen hundreds and eighteen hundreds. In the months that led up to the outbreak of the Revolutionary War, the men who fought to create the United States busied themselves building rifles and cannons in their homes and communities to resist the English. This trend has

never really stopped in warfare. The day before we recorded this, James, my partner in this series, sent me a screen grab from a live stream of someone in Ukraine printing pieces for AK forty sevens on a three D printer. Firearms manufactured outside the arms industry have played a role in every conflict of the modern era, but as you've probably guessed, they have had the greatest influence in the little wars of colonialism.

Speaker 1

European nations rarely allowed any sort of firearms ownership in their colonies except the individuals and ethnic groups that adopted its local enforces. Since most of these places had never developed their own industrial base for arms industry, colonial rebellions often relied on home made weapons in their early stages,

along with modern firearms pilfered by deserting local soldiers. Where domestic productive capacity existed, European colonizing nations went out of their way to relocate it, along with the profit it generated, to the metropol All were reflected on this in his novel Burmese Dates, saying in the eighteenth century, the Indians cast guns that are at any rate up to the European standard. Now after we've been in India one hundred and fifty years. You can't make so much as a

brass cartridge case in the whole continent. Meanwhile, among the colonizers, being armed became almost a synonym for being a man. This was particularly true for the colonial police forces and militaries, but it was also true domestically. Most people are broadly familiar with the u s. Second Amendment the robust gun culture that it's spawned, but during the higher colonialism, English

citizens are also free to arm themselves. In nineteen hundred, Prime Minister Robert gascoyne Cecil Marquis of Salisbury, gave a speech in which he claimed he would lud the day when there was a rifle in every cottage in England. Firearms were utterly and restricted at this point. The first chains to this came in nineteen oh three with the first Law that required a permit to carry a handgun

and restricted children from buying guns. Still, firearms were widely available until a red panic gripped the nation in nineteen nineteen following the Bolshek Revolution in Russia. Across the ocean in Spain, where firearms ownership was less strictly restricted, where Orwell himself would learn what it was to fire a rifle at someone who shot back. Armed unions and working people served as the only bullwalk to a military coup.

In nineteen thirty six, in Madrid, one officer opened his armory to the union militias, but another refused to hand over for the bolts for the guns they had been issued. In Barcelona, where the anarchist left had a long tradition of armed political violence, the coup was repelled by workers with guns, and a general leading troops there was imprisoned and executed. The same pattern played out all across the country in July nineteen thirty six, when the military rose

up to topple the elected government. In the cities where the government opened the armories to the people, the coup was repelled. In the cities where the government did not, the coup succeeded. Reflecting on this in nineteen forty one, or Wit, the totalitarian states can do great things, but there is one thing they cannot do. They cannot give factory worker a rifle and tell him to take it home and keep it in his bedroom. That rifle on the wall of the labourer's cottage or working class flat

is a symbol of democracy. It's a job to see that it's stays there.

Speaker 2

Despite Orwell's please. The years that followed the Second World War led to greater restrictions of the ability of the public to arm itself. By the nineteen fifties, carrying any weapon for self defense was illegal. Semi automatic center fire arms were banned in nineteen eighty eight, and pistols were banned in nineteen ninety six after a mass shooting killed sixteen children in Dunblane. This was all utterly infuriating to a man named Philip A.

Speaker 8

Loody.

Speaker 2

Loudy, born in nineteen sixty five grew up on a farm in West Yorkshire, England. We don't have a tremendous amount of detail about his upbringing, but by the time he was in his early thirties he'd become a committed crusader for an unrestricted right to bear arms. A skilled machinist with a well equipped shop, Loody began the long process of learning how to craft home made firearms. Soon he was building semi and fully automatic weapons. Now these

were not military grade firearms. The barrels were unrifled, which made them terribly inaccurate, but every piece could be crafted from widely available things like sheet metal, washers and screws. The person assembling a looty gun would need to be a skilled craftsman, but they would not need access to welding rigs forges, rather expensive industrial equipment. Loody published a book Expedient Homemade Firearms, The nine millimeters Submachine Gun in

nineteen ninety eight through Paladin Press. In the late nineteen nineties, Paladin was one of the places you could go to mail order fringe political literature and guides for stuff like trapping human beings or disabling the drive system of an Abrams tank in the United States. Nothing about Loudy's book was or is illegal, but Phil didn't live in the United States. He was arrested several times, starting in the late nineteen nineties when a pair of illegal home built

guns were found on his property. Ludy spent the rest of his life, which ended in twenty eleven, operating a website where he raged against gun control. His main argument was that England was headed for totalitarianism, and like Orwell, he believed only public ownership of arms could prevent this.

Unlike Orwell, Ludy was firmly on the right wing. He traced society's problems to quote a combination of political correctness and anti freedom of speech laws legislation governing how we speak about such subjects as religion or a person's race

being just two examples. Words and phrases that have been used for centuries without malice are now insipid in people's mouths and said to cause offence by those very same speech police, who, on the other hand, turned a blind eye to the violence, foul language, and sexual references blasted daily through our TV sets, a phenomenon that really does

cause a fence to many people. Luty never succeeded in sparking a renaissance and civilian arms ownership in the UK, but his ideas were adopted by organized criminal groups all around the world. In Brazil, looty guns can go for as much as twenty five hundred dollars. From twenty eleven to twenty twelve, nearly half of the submachine guns seized

by police in sal Polo were homemade. Most of these arms were certainly used as tools by drug dealers or other gangsters, but some of them were surely also the tools of citizens who simply sought a way to defend themselves in a place with no real rule of law. Looty guns have long been popular among motorcycle gangs in Australia, and in October of twenty nineteen, a fascist terrorist carried out the last of that year's eight Chan shootings in Hulla,

Germany with a looty gun. His weapons, thankfully did not work well. As a general rule, looty guns were never going to be of much use to anyone besides organized criminals. They aren't great in a gunfight, but you can use them to spray bullets into a room or a vehicle at close range pretty well. The year after Phil Loudy died twenty twelve, a fellow named Cody Wilson decided to

carry on his work. Cody felt three D printing carried the possibility of eventually manufacturing arms of a quality that might rival traditionally produced guns. He started simple with a single shot three eighty handgun based around the old Liberator pistol from World War II. The Liberator had been a single shot forty five caliber handgun meant to be dropped into Nazi occupied territories and used by insurgents to stealthily

kill single German soldiers and take their guns. Cody Wilson described himself as a crypto anarchist, and when his ideas began to draw attention, he dropped out of law school to create Defense Distributed. This organization was dedicated to the development and distribution of plans to craft three D printed weapons. It used a platform called death Cad to allow users to develop and share blueprints. In twenty thirteen, the first

CAD gun file became available online to everyone. It was downloaded more than one hundred thousand times in two days. I'd like to quote now from an article on the website three D Natives. This prompted the US government to demand that Defense Distributed remove the file from their site. What followed is a legal battle between Cody Wilson and the US government, consisting of back and forth lawsuits. It lasted five years until in twenty eighteen, the Trump administration

legalized three D printed guns. The same year, Wilson was charged with sexual assault of an underage girl and had to step down from Defense Distributed. Nonetheless, the organization did not cease to exist without Cody. Today for a yearly fee of fifty dollars. Users of the DEAFCAD website can access the files containing different designs of three D printed guns.

And I should note here that it's probably more accurate to say the Trump administration legalized sharing the plans and printing the files and whatnot of three D printed guns, not legalized three D printed guns. Homemade firearms have been federally legal in the United States since forever. The fighting in the courts over all this has continued ever since, and in twenty nineteen, a federal judge in Seattle temporarily blocked DEAFCAD. This sparked the creation of a new group,

de Terence Dispensed, which was even less centralized. The basic idea was that this would make them harder to take down via lawsuits or police action. Not stated was that this might also protect their reputation from a Cody Wilson's situation. The debate over the legality of three D printed firearm plans continues on to the present day, but the development of these arms has continued at an ever faster pace. The best modern three D printed arms can even rival

conventional guns. It's worth emphasizing that these are not purely plastic tools. The Liberator pistol used a metal nail, and the better three D arms have metal barrels rifled using other craft methods that require some nohow but arguably less than it took to manufacture a looty gun. Three D printed arms have been confiscated by police around the world, but in recent months they've begun to crop up somewhere new in the arms of revolutionaries fighting against a military coup.

Speaker 1

Me and ma Berman before that, sad relatively strict gun control laws for decades. When George Orwell was a policeman there in the nineteen twenties, he may have carried a gun, but the people he was policing did not. In the nineteen thirties, the British leaders allowed tat organizations similar to militias to form and drill, but they weren't allowed to carry guns. Gun licenses under the dictatorship were issued primarily to party members, but most were revoked after nineteen eighty

eight failed Pro democracy uprising. The only civilians who were permitted to own arms through the Chin, the nation's poorous ethnic group who rely on guns to hunt for food. In many cases, these guns were flintlocks that would not have looked that out of place on a battle till two centuries before. In practice, though, things are very different. The current conflict is best seen as a flare up in violence, so it has been ongoing since Britain left

the country in nineteen forty seven. The Tatmador has consistently used violence against marginalized ethnic groups in the country, and they have consistently taken up arms in response. But unlike civil wars in the Middle East, wealthy nations in the West have not been flooding me and Mihle with weapons for decades, and the various eos or ethnic armed organizations have had to turn to much more unorthodox roots to

arm and equip selves against the government. To get a better idea of what things are like on the ground, we spoke to Pierre. He's French, but he's a serial volunteer with national liberation struggles around the world. A fought with the Korrenn people in the early two thousands.

Speaker 4

Yes, so the ammunition is a constant problem. The shortage is absolutely permanent, and yes, there is two sources for the for the for the weapons, there is the black market, and the prices, especially of ammunition, are prohibitive. This is why I would like to have my notebook here with me, because I think I wrote down the conversation I had with some leaders of the kind at the time, asking them why we didn't do more persons. But we just can't afford it, you know, we just can't afford it.

Speaker 8

Like strictly, we we don't.

Speaker 4

We don't have enough ammunition to do any kind of of operation.

Speaker 8

We need to.

Speaker 4

So all the operations we did well always focused on if we could get cure some ammunition, if we could cuture like weapons, but especially ammunition. Yeah, so there is you know, that's that's the second source of of course, of of weapons. Uh, let's say sources. The it's the captures of course. Then the black markets. The black markets used to be huge in Cambodia. I don't know what's

the situation now. That was in the nineties. That was it was a bit of the Albania of sosieties at this time, right.

Speaker 9

And so there is also the other a ethnic groups that receive sometimes say a lot of of.

Speaker 4

Of arms and ammunition from sponsors. Okay, some of them, like the Western dam is our sponsored by China. So like their supply of ammunition. It's pretty good of weapons. I think it's even cartolony and stuff. Then there is also groups that also produced locally quite good. They're on arms, light arms usually, so yeah, these are the different sources of what comes to in the time I was there.

Speaker 1

In the early weeks of the protests. Once I claim clear that non violent demonstrators are going to be met with state violence, protests began to fashion weapons. First, I fought soldiers with assault rifles, using catapults and bows and arrows. It was incredibly brave, but it wasn't very effective. By the twenty eighth of March, protesters are taking a step from the group calling itself the Calais Civil Army, set up barricades and defended them using pressurized air rifles that

fired marbles and bicycle wheel bearings. The rifles all used the same design and the same components. They were based on a video someone found on YouTube, but they weren't lethal. They helped protesters defend their space, albeit at a great cost, and at first clash, four protesters and four soldiers were killed. The protesters in Calais were able to hold out a few days using old hunting rifles and air guns the ambush military patrols and they took four police hostage. Then

they exchanged them for nine incarcerated protesters. But in early April, the Tapmador returned to the protest camp in Calay with rocket propelled grenades and machine guns and killed eleven people. We must fight back against them. If not, our generation will face a worse situation than us. They have no laws, a neighborhood villager who battled the regime's forces told the Irrawoody, a local paper. The air guns spread around the country quickly.

To avoid surveillance, protesters talked about cooking up berryani on telegram channels, and what they meant was desperately scouring the internet for a way to fight back and finding a way to make an air rifle out of a buttane canister, a pipe and a cigarette lighter, combined with fireworks and smoke bombs made of potassium nitrate. The air rifle gave protests just enough cupboard to escape police charges, but they also gave the junta an excuse to further escalate the violence.

Speaker 10

Attitudes are hardening among the protesters too. In Mandalay, they took air rifles to the barricades on Saturday, hardly a match for the weapons of war they face, but now they know this is a fight to the death and more destruction. After a fire raged in pg Dagon township overnight, people living there but kept away by security forces returned

to find sixty homes burned to the ground. Now all they can do is pick through the ashes, trying to save anything from the military's policy of scorched earth.

Speaker 2

Even the top Madaw makes its own weapons, a highly unusual move for a relatively small nation. Topmada troops and police can be seen with a bewildering array of indigenously produced copies of M sixteen's oozies and even five five six Galil pattern AK style rifles, as well as M three light machine guns, which are slightly updated copies of the MG forty two used by the Nazis in World

War Two. After the failed eight eight eight eight uprisings in nineteen eighty eight, the military offered concessions to China in return for more advanced weapons. They got them, but it didn't stop China from also supplying ethnic armed organizations. EAOs don't have access to the same munitions factories that the government does. But there is a long tradition of

homemade weapons in Myanmar. In more remote parts of the country, homemade air rifles and shotguns seem to have been relatively common place before the start of the conflict, and they were mostly used for hunting. The country is also covered with land mines, which the EAOs used a great effect against the top at all. We spoke to Pierre, a former combatant with the KRIN who no longer lives in

me and Maar. His experience is not that recent, but it helps us to understand the way this conflict has been fought for decades.

Speaker 4

What we used to to produce A lot of land mines, that's that's produced at the base.

Speaker 8

Yes, with like you know, very lot of systems. Is a little bit of.

Speaker 4

One type of plastic explosive, a couple of BOMBOO for contactors and.

Speaker 8

Batterie. That's it.

Speaker 2

Pellet guns are not good for combat, and EAOs mostly relied on weapons imported from Thailand, India or China. Overwhelmingly these were ak or In sixteen pattern rifles.

Speaker 8

Yeah, I mostly in my.

Speaker 4

In the units have been there is probably a majority of A platforms.

Speaker 8

In this time. Yes, yeah, definitely. I mean, it's more reliable and you know, simple to perate.

Speaker 4

It's very adapted to the to the to.

Speaker 8

The type of guerrilla it was. It was quite correct, I mean.

Speaker 4

From the moment that I switched to a case at least, because at first I tried to use this creparency M sixteen and it was a nightmare of malfunctions. So I switched back to a case what I best know and used doesn't have this. I never really.

Speaker 8

Had any any malfunction with the case.

Speaker 4

Maybe one time with a faulty lot of communition, but that's it.

Speaker 8

Not really the.

Speaker 2

Rightful the fight, Pierre says, has never been restricted to the battlefield for the top of the door. Violence against civilians is part of their four cuts doctrine that cuts off funding, food, intelligence, and recruits for the EAOs. Now they are moving that same outlook to the cities.

Speaker 8

Like literally.

Speaker 4

Literally by by absolutely no euros of hels. I mean, like one of the first things that I saw when we went going patrolling in the in the Karen villages, huh around a thousand of operation, is that there was absolutely no girl between the edge of eleven to the edge of seventeen. I was like, I asked you know, my my commando about it, and he says, yeah, like obviously if a stays, they will be rapped by the tapmado and the first patrol like the first time they will will come.

Speaker 8

You know.

Speaker 4

So this this gives you a little bit of the tone of what they are about. They constantly ransom civilians when they don't model them, like you know, shell villages for norrision or because there had been an operation of the kind of a and they take revenge and who they can take revenge and with the civilians.

Speaker 8

You know, this is this is how they be, This is who they are. Basically.

Speaker 2

The Topmadaw is a large army in many of the conscripts are hardly high speed operator types, but that hasn't stopped them from killing thousands of innocent civilians.

Speaker 4

I mean they have as many army, different units with different military value. Let's say, uh, you know, many times the the units that they stuck on hilltop in the middle of rebel zone are not like the most combative let's say, but sometimes you will get surprised resistance. But yeah, except for that, when they do an operation in in a place, they bring in like more elite troops.

Speaker 2

Let's say By contrast, the kN l A, the Karnean National Liberation Army and other e aos relied on civilian support to survive.

Speaker 4

The Canada operates in in Karen.

Speaker 8

Territory and the civilians are Karen.

Speaker 4

I mean, uh pretty much when we when we arrive in in the village.

Speaker 8

As as medics, you know.

Speaker 4

That with us take care of the population, distribute medicine. No, like I don't know what to tell you, is like quite it's quite a funny accusation coming from the technology.

Speaker 2

This attitude has helped them, Per says, and they have always been open to non current recruits.

Speaker 8

First of all, it's not absolutely not.

Speaker 4

That's some kind of ethnicist organization or ethno nationally, it's like, you know, with some heat for I think group, including the Obama I think group that like traditionally you know are the leaders of the Tamadeo that have been oppressing them for seventeen years.

Speaker 8

But they have absolutely no resentment.

Speaker 4

They are extremely open to work with Democrats, democratic forces from every impacts.

Speaker 2

Yes, since nineteen eighty eight, Per said, the k in LA had been willing to link up with democratic rebels, providing them with training and shelter in order to further their shared goal of a federal and democratic country that treated all ethnicities with respect.

Speaker 8

So PDFs.

Speaker 4

So these rebels, let's say, uh also trend by the Karrents and uh so by people I know very well since it was my commander then Nea. So I've seen I've seen the Karrents. I've always been extremely accommodating to the Bama opposition, meaning the Bamar, the main ethnic group are I say this for people that might not know the difference. And so the Karrents always add representation and they took like you know, political refugees, let's say, from from inside the.

Speaker 8

Boma in the territory.

Speaker 4

The control manor prose or was like the student association, which exact na my cantricle right now.

Speaker 8

But all these.

Speaker 4

Organization of the position and so now they keep this tradition by helping the UH, these new rebels of the PDF to get military training.

Speaker 2

And yes, by the summer of twenty twenty, young people had fled into the Jungles, and many of them, even the ones of Burman ethnicity, were fighting alongside the Karin and Karni rebels they'd previously seen as troublemakers and terrorists just a year or two before. We spoke with one of these people, Zallin, who left his home in May of twenty twenty one.

Speaker 5

There were students, friends, but also young people from just the neighborhood. Most people were just above twenty. A lot of some were single. You know, there's women as well, new technology, young people from the from the technology computer apologists Whycott University. A lot of these people who knew modern technology went into the jungle to go in the jungle to train and be able to overthrow the men online government. So there it was very tiring. We had

to go up and down a lot of hills. It was two days of walking get there, going up and down the hills and back down, up and down until we got to the training plan.

Speaker 2

Hey everyone, I'm Robert Evans, and welcome to episode three of Printing the Revolution. Here's my partner, James Stout.

Speaker 1

In the spring and summer of twenty twenty, millions of Americans had versions of the same experience. State forces killed the helpless man. Protesters took to the streets in anger, and armed agents of the state responded with mass violence. A lot of people's lives changed forever. In fairly short order. What happened in Me and Mara after the military coup was that story turned up to eleven within days. The military had used live fire and demonstrators. Zor a Saurce

for today's episode. We're twenty two years old. At the time. He spend his days working as a delivery driver, hang out with his girlfriend playing video games. On the day the coup started, he was playing pubg after a long shift. Soon he and his girlfriend took to the streets with thousands of other gen z Burmese kids. The state responded with massacres, often firing automatic weapons into the crowds. Saw

Helen been particularly politically active before this moment. In fact, he felt pretty poorly towards revolutionary supposing the government in the jungle, seeing them as rebellious trouble makers.

Speaker 5

In the past, we thought that the military is a group that loves all the people, all the different groups in the in the country, and then there's just a few people who really hate the military, but especially after the one who we face it with our own foreheads, you know, with the guns we can face the evil the military and all the human rights and things that people who hated the military before we're talking about we understand it now because we had to face it ourselves.

And then they're going to tell us terrorists, and however must they call us. We know that we're finding for human rights, and we know that each person deserves these basic things, you know, So so even when we capture a soldier, we don't kill them immediately that they're unarmed. You know, when they capture a PDF, they torture and kill them very very horrifically or horrendously, and they kill

and do hurt all the citizens and ordinary bystanders. So for us, what they're calling as rebels before, we're not rebels. They're the ones that are rebels, so we have to call them rebels. They're the terrorists.

Speaker 1

But as violence against protests escalated, so All began to see through the lies he'd been told by the military.

Speaker 5

Of his life. What we're calling as rebels are what we kind of become. But we know why we are now rebels. That's because of their terrorism, their oppressive reviews, and their violation of human rights. That's why we have to revolt against them.

Speaker 1

For a time, protesters responded creatively with giant potato guns meant to fire leslie to protect ours long distances. These homemade guns will be fired in volleys. Well, other protested protected them with shields. Some of these tactics were effective a point, but it quickly became clear that the government was willing to massacre everyone's standing up to them. So his girlfriend and their friends quickly decided that non violent resistance wasn't going to work, but they didn't give up.

Speaker 5

As we get onto into June, there's two paths, right, we can be normal, we can go on the streets, we can ask for the people's power back, and since that's not working, we know that what we have to do is we need to hold these guns. Get these guns. And on the military side, all they know is that they will solve this by folding guns. So the only thing, the only path that's left for us is to take those guns for ourselves. So around the end of we

started entering training school. So the downtoy is what the word we use, and it's something like this corner part so one corner part one to do so talking. What that means is that in the huntings huntings that we were doing, hunting rifles that we were using for that. So we kind of start started, and we fought first and demoso, if we can ask the military nicely, then

there's no reason for us to be using guns. But since they don't listen to our demands or our requests at all, then and since that all we can do, all they are saying, all they're doing is using the guns and being terrorists trying to shoot us. So the only thing that we can do to get what we need and what we want is to take the guns for ourselves.

Speaker 1

And so, like hundreds of people, is age. So All headed into the jungle in May twenty twenty one. The decision wasn't an over night one or an easy one. But after protesting non violently, then meeting state violence with community defense, then seeing his peers gunned down in the street, he didn't have many other choices. He'd picked up a megaphone, then a shield, and now he was heading in the jungle to pick up a rifle. The only problem was that there weren't any rifles.

Speaker 2

He left with his girlfriend and quote with the blessing of his parents. Keep that in mind for later. When he first went to the jungle, Zall went to a two week training camp where the Karni People's Defense Force taught him the basics of guerrilla warfare, but they didn't have enough weapons to arm him and his friends. So these Ginz militants began their fighting careers with twenty two caliber rifles. If you aren't a gun person, the twenty

two was one of the smallest widely available bullets. Like any bullet, it can kill, but as a caliber it's better suited for shooting rabbits than soldiers. Two rifles were handmade locally and only fired one shot at a time, but it was those rifles that Zaw, his girlfriend, and their friends carried into their first gunfight with the Tautmadaw. After battling like that for about three weeks, the shooting stopped,

he said in an interview we conducted over signal. After the shooting stopped, we grouped together money to buy arms by asking for donations. They were massively outgunned, but determined to fight on with the weapons they could make and buy on the black market until they could find something better, even if that meant taking guns from dead soldiers. The military's guns are extremely good, of course, compared to point

two two's, he said. We fight with the mindset that we must win our minds are always prepared to take their guns when a soldier falls. It's a mindset to want the enemy's arms to beat your own arms. You need to want to resist injustice. Because we are fighting for what is right. We do not get sad even if we die. We are happy, even when wounded. We no longer care if our arms are matched. Unevenly their enthusiasm, PDF units all over the country were finding themselves in

the same desperate situation. When thousands of young people in Menmar decided to take up arms against the government, they're just warn enough guns to go around. Ak pattern rifles sell for three thousand dollars on the black market, and

ar's sell for up to seven thousand dollars. The GDP per capita in twenty twenty was just twelve hundred and eighteen dollars and thirty five cents per person, and unlike militias in Syria and Iraq, the pro democracy EAOs and Myanmar don't have the benefit questionable benefit of the US flooding the region with its fire hose of guns and money. Undeterred, Zaw and his squad took to YouTube, where they found videos explaining how to make two two three caliber bolt

action rifles. Again, if you're not a gun person, two two three may not sound very different than twenty two, But whereas twenty two is commonly used to shoot squirrels, two two three is the standard rifle round more or less for the US military. These new bolt action two two threes Zaw and his friends were making could not match the rate of fire of a modern rifle, but they could at least match those rifles in stopping power.

Once these gen z insurgeons had the technique down, they created a detailed album on Facebook showing how everything from the stalk to the barrel could be made with pipes, lumber, and hours and hours of detailed hard work. Unlike their guerrilla warfare instructors, these kids had grown up on the Internet rather than the jungle, so they knew that if it exists, there's a subreddit for it. It was the

Internet that came to their rescue. Three D printed guns have been around for a decade, but the early models didn't work well and suffered from a pretty bad reputation due in part to Cody Wilson, the pedophile libertarian activists we discussed last episode. Jake Hanrahan of Popular Front has covered the printed gun movement extensively.

Speaker 11

Cody Wilson mighte his whole thing like, I'm the guy with the three D printed guns, and he was on this moral CRUs side. The three D printed gun lads, particularly Determs Dispense, well, like, yeah, don't give a shit about that. We just putting our stuff out into the world. See, they got the ideas, but they weren't really wedded to this idea of it being one person.

Speaker 2

Deterrens Dispensed was a group of anonymous activists who were more concerned with making printed guns that worked than making a name for themselves. Hamrahan was connected to one activist who used the pseudonym j Stark through the group, and after three years of conversing online, Hamrahan met Stark in Germany to produce a documentary. Jay Stark died of a heart attack following a police raid last year, So we spoke to Hanrahan about Stark's worldview.

Speaker 11

His whole worldview comes from this idea that you know, it's everybody should have the right to be able to fight tyranny, and if you can't fight tyranny, like you're fucked. And the way to fight tyranny in the modern era is firearms.

Speaker 8

We know that. You know, there's there's.

Speaker 11

No you can't argue it's there's no peaceful march gets rid of a fascist dictatorship or whatever. But he he was, he he was you know, some people would say he was far right, some people say he was an anarchist. Some people say he was a US patriot type. I mean, first, he wasn't even from America, and he had a lot of he liked the laws in America, but he wasn't like some of the American kind of fan boy or

anything on that sense. He liked the gun laws. He liked the freedom of speech lords, which I do as well. You know, like personally I in this country. You know, if you tweet the wrong thing, even in jest, like police will literally come to your house in Britain like it's happened, it's fucking mental. So yeah, he liked that kind of thing, and I think I think for him it was he was very tonal vision. You know, he

was a very tonal vision. It was just freedom, freedom of freedom, and if you said, well what about this, what about that? He was like, I don't care about that until the freedom is there, there's no point looking at anything else, and so his brain was always on people that are living under tyranny, you know, and it genuinely was. I know, there's a lot of people, even leftists, particularly leftists, that tried to completely smear him as a

white supremacist. They were saying, oh, everything he said in that doc that I made was really he was secret anti Jewish white supremacy. And then it came out that he wasn't even white.

Speaker 8

You know.

Speaker 11

It says like very good, very good, you fucking idiots. So there was a lot of that going around. But I honestly believe that deep down he was just tunnel vision focused on this idea of every until everybody is not living under tyranny, I must go on this mission. And Okay, if someone shoots up at school with what I've invented, so be it. You know, which I'm not saying that's good, but that was just his idea.

Speaker 8

You know.

Speaker 11

He was like, so be it, fuck it if I can. You know, he was very genuine when he was on about the wigas, or he was on about the mistreatment of Kurds from Turkey, and you know, he was like, look, if we can build something that can help them. Well, sorry that the West might get fucked up because of it, but I'm focused on this now. Obviously, in practice that would be chaos probably, But you know, he just saw it the way he saw it, and that was that.

Speaker 2

The cavalier attitude Stark seems to have had how his invention might be used is of course worthy of criticism. But the revolutionaries on the ground in me Anmar were not concerned with ideal life logical debates over the ethics of homemade firearms. They needed guns, and they needed them now. J Stark's FGC nine, which stands for Fuck Gun Control nine millimeter, was simple to make, easy to use, and relied entirely on parts you could print or buy in

any hardware store. In September of twenty twenty one, a post popped up on the foss cads subreddit, which is dedicated to the manufacturing of three D printed guns. Stark is a hero there. The post said, wanted to say thanks to this community, the creators of FGC nine and the various mods when we could, you guys are literally empowering the armed revolution against dictators in one of the

most underdeveloped countries. We are now equipped with FGC nine and starting the armed revolution to the coup leader dictator. As one poster comments, the account quote went from posting about mobile games to how to three D print SMGs to desperately asking people to pay attention what was happening in me and mar Then after the FGC nine post it was deleted entirely. Never lived to see this.

Speaker 11

He would have loved it. What everything that he was doing. That was the main focus in my opinion, that like, it couldn't be a more perfect, like practical actual realization of its project. You couldn't pick a more perfect version of it to happen like that, you know. And there's a lot of talk of oh where there's a lot of drug dealers in Amsterdam. I have FGC nine's. There was a NATS he recently arrested with one.

Speaker 8

You know.

Speaker 11

These people are awful, of course, But the most prevalent use of the FGC nine, at least from what I've observed, has been from the rebels in my Ammam making them. I think I've seen like thirty of them so far, you know, that's a lot of them, And there was one was found stashed in a bush. My theory is they're left around for ambush attacks and areas that are not as fully controlled by the rebels.

Speaker 1

Fostcred, a community of mostly US based gun printers, lost its collective mind, and it didn't take long for people to make the connection between the post and a desperate plight of me and Mars Spring Revolution. Soon after the post, the Tatmador started posting pictures of FGC nines, often without sights, captured from fighters in Yangon. On the twenty first of September, Tatmador's Ministry of Information released a statement I Miat Thwei and Ye mint Ang were found with an FGC nine

Mark two pistol five rounds of nine millimeters ammunition. They were arrested along with their drone. The military alleged they were in an urban unit from the same generation z E Freedom ARMI that Zor was a part of. That same month, the military posted pictures of three more captured FGC nines, suggesting that at least five have been captured

by late September. Then two months later, a new post popped up and the foscad subreddit, Hey I'm back, and the guy who posted a thank you note back in September here Now that the FGC nines are ready known by the dictator, I can proudly announce that we're from me and marh. Yes, we are mass producing FGC nines to fight back against the Dictator. More info about our production will be published later this time, the user u slash daddy UMCD hung around to answer questions. Those basters

didn't know we had the tech back then. Now that everything is in public, we can proudly say we're from me and Mar. We are mostly responsible for production and R and D, even though we also involved in other ground missions. We distribute the FDC nine to a lot of different urban guerrillas in urban and rural areas. Some of the units got arrested a few weeks ago, which you might have already seen on the subreddit. Apart from the FGC nine, there are other equipments and weapons that

are being produced with three D printers, he wrote. He said his team we're residing in ethnic armed organization areas, mainly the Koren National Union and the Kachin Independence Army controlled zones. He posted that they'd tried other three D printer designs, such as the PLASTICOV, which is a printed AK forty seven receiver, but getting the other parts made it impractical. By contrast, the FGC nine could be made entirely using a three D printer and some hardware store parts.

According to another source, ME and Mars small motorcycle repair shops made quick work at the metal barrels and bolts. Electrochemical machining was used to make more barrels. They also had the chance to buy a few clock barrels from Thailand, Daddy UMCD said, but those cost a lot more than the FGC nine barrels. While his account continued to post, the military continued to share photos of captured FGC nines. Three workshops that have been using lathes to make the

barrels for raided. A photos of three more captured guns popped up in November, alongside bolt action rifles. It still had stickers on their stocks from what looked like US gun shops. Production and decentralized locations continued despite the raids, while other groups fought on with homemade revolving rifles, crewde homemade wooden stocks, and other improvised weapons. A telegram channel with instructions in Burmese on how to make the guns made sure that even when one shop or gunsmith was

taken out of the fight. The knowledge wasn't lost. Although filament for their three D printers were becoming harder to get, they'd stockpiled a lot in advance. Daddy UMCD tried to manufacture automatic FGC nines and another printable model called Professor Parabellum Square tubes are machine gun, but nothing else seemed as easier as reliable as the FGC nun Of course read it. Being read it, people questioned the veracity and

utility of his posts. He responded, FDC nines are just part of the game because they could be produced with what we have are the lowest cost available rifles of four thousand to seven thousand US dollars at our border. Fgcs are under one hundred dollars. Rifle parts are ten times more expensive than parts. To all those who are saying that these photos of sus we don't want to blame your suspicion. If an if you remember the thread I posted in September, you will remember that we are

mass producing FGC knights. The ones in the photos you've seen were supplied by us. There are many groups like this now we do the main production, just like I explained in September. Then Daddy UMCD went on to thank the other members of the subreddit, claiming their active help was your only reason he and other revolutionaries have been able to overcome certain technical issues. We wouldn't be here without you, guys, especially with someone who shared with me.

The buffer spring and fire control groups bring the measurements, he said. By late November, photos of FGC nineis in the hands of fighters emerged and they shared sites. This time they had longer barrels and homemade suppressors too. The FDC nines were apparently used by urban units for close up fighting and for the training of new fighters, since they have essentially the same controls as an AR fifteen or M sixteen rifle, both of which are common in

ME and r's rebel units. We have successfully streamlined a variety of techniques to produce FGC nine one thousand plus efficiently. Our primary forces arequipped with proper rifles. FDC nines are for guerrilla warfare. We started using those in hit and run and Special Task Force missions too. We don't share much about the missions to the public yet, it will definitely come, and when it does, are updated here. If I'm still alive haha, wrote daddly Umcd on the foscat subreddit.

Even with production and full swing, ammunition remained a problem. Although some regions can produce twenty two and nine millimeter a home. According to daddy Umcd, five five six can be purchased in large quantities at the border with Thailand, but it isn't cheap. Instead, the PDF relied on raiding police and military outposts in the same way the EEOS had for years. Nine millimeter is the most common center fire pistol around in the world. That's why Deterrent's Dispense

picked it for the FGC nine. Seized weapons often only have a handful of rounds, but that's enough to kill a soldier and take his weapon. Jay Stark might not have been around to see his invention used to fight tyranny, but Hanrahan thinks he would have been happy with the results.

Speaker 11

He would have been made up. I think that's everything he wanted to achieve. You know what I'm saying, That really is everything you wanted to do.

Speaker 1

Even the National Unity Government mir Mar's government in exile has come around to at least some of Jay Stark's ways of thinking. According to Daddy umcd our Minister of Defense Minister already promised about the right to bare arms in the first day of the revolution.

Speaker 2

Promises made by revolutionary governments are not exactly solid commitments, but it's not hard to see why a generation of kids like Zaw, forged by an asymmetrical conflict with a government that possessed a near absolute advantage in armaments, might be committed to staying armed even if they win. At the moment, the future of their struggle is very much in doubt. Scrolling through Facebook photos of Zaw and his

comrades is a surreal experience. They look not just young soldiers mostly look young, but they look like students kids from some weirdly militarized university. Photos on Facebook show them sprawled out together in the grass and camo fatigues bearing rifles, but each glued to their phones as they cuddle in together. Zaw and his girlfriend, who he described to us as the girl I love, fought alongside each other until January seventh of this year.

Speaker 5

The battle that we started, she was coming within and you know, as half a sense of weapons landed near her and it hit her like so their bone broke, so she had to go to the hospital.

Speaker 2

Three D printed and homemade guns have helped, but Zae and his friends are still fighting against a modern military with planes, night vision goggles, and tanks. Despite this, more than a year after the coup, they're still fighting and more soldiers deffect to join them weekly. It's hard to see what victory looks like. The cities will be another battle altogether, But in the jungle camp where Zaw video calls us from, it's impossible to see what giving up

might look like. Either he's still fighting, his girlfriend is healing, and they're both committed to staying out in the jungle until they are in their freedom back or die a trying. I'm Robert Evans and this is part four of me and mar printing the revolution.

Speaker 5

And then once we got there we could in rest, you know, rain, sun whatever. Women as well, we were all like try when they came when we were leaving, they were all like very fair skinned, beautiful, and then we went in and then everyone got tanned. In the jungle, we're training all the time. You know, people in training camp were driven reallypart and the reason that we were all doing this is because of Minile nine School. As students and how much he has terrorized the public and

the people. And that's why we were we have this morale and the ability to get through the training and be able to wield weapons.

Speaker 1

Zora and his friends went into the jungleist students, programmers and kids. Now they're fighters. They would tech savvy young people, he says, they grew up online and that generational divide was the Internet brought here came much later in Miamah. It wasn't until twenty eleven that people really gained accest internet. With it the new ideas and identities that they brought.

So as generation are among the first to embrace global connectivity and now after having it taken away, they're refusing to give it up.

Speaker 5

The start of the coup in February, the military, well gen Z was organizing online, social media and all that, and they were kind of I think this is from my experience, but kind of organizing around like gen Z is going to be different than the eightya generation because we have the Internet and also we know more about the world and can come communicate to the rest of

the world. I think one thing that was big was that in two thousand and eight, it just took one video leaking out of the country for there to be big international repercussions.

Speaker 1

It's worth noting that when people in Burma talk about the Internet, they mean Facebook. Phones come with a Facebook app installed and it's sometimes exempt from data charges. For many people in Burma, using the internet means using Facebook. Zora and his friends are different from their parents in many ways, not at least in their perceptions of authority. This has led to a situation where the PDF people's defense force units are much less hierarchical than units of the Tamador.

Speaker 5

So when we make decisions in our group, there's no master and student. There's no teacher and student. But you know the way that it works, there are people who are good, they're older, people who are more trained, and then there are new recruits, new people who just came in. So of course the people who are there for longer and know more about the situation have more voice and when we discuss so especially people who were there when

we founded this group. There were only really eight people from when we group, so those eight people kind of discussed on the bigger strategy. You know, we don't really vote there, he says, he wants to do it. He thinks it is good. We are there's the seven of us we think is good, or we support him, or someone says, well, we don't really like that idea, then we don't do it.

Speaker 1

They try to achieve more gender quality as well. Those are explained that in his unit, the women are not always the frontline fighters.

Speaker 5

That's the place there's no discrimination. You know, women can women and men were training whoever could come. But like on the battlefield, people, we don't use women that much on the battlefield. That's one thing that we do know is that it's not it's not really discrimination. But if women are with us together, we have a confusion about whether we need to protect them or we're just fighting with them or they're fighting in front of us. And that there's one thing that is very different is that

in terms of mentality, we can't. We never take the women out really far into very dangerous fights. So often they're in the back as backup or to supplies or things like that. But as you know, the military government, the military terrorists are very very very unethical. They don't follow the rules, so you know they're going to shoot whoever they see. So even if they're hanging back and they're sending medical supplies. They can still get hit.

Speaker 1

For Zora in particular, there's a lot at stake. After almost an hour and a half of talking, I asked about his parents. I'd heard of retribution attacks against the families of fighters and wondered if he was worried about that.

Speaker 5

So mom and dad are both they support me fighting them against the military. They're very happy. Is that really wants to CDUM, but he can't run away because the military has taken his mother and his sisters. He still has five sisters. They're all still in that military command their work, they're in the military school schools, so it's very hard for them to run away, right hect So he really wants to leave the military, but he can't.

So while so that the fact that I am there trying to fight against the military, is very happy, but he tells me to be careful about my own life. They're supportive and they really want to come fight themselves, but they can't because of my sisters and my mother. So and seeing that I can do it, it's really wonderful for them. So his father, his father, brother, and other people three of them below him. They have all usually just lived together with his grandfather and stuff in

the military from pounds or near the military. So he really wants to call all the people that are still there, but they can't leave.

Speaker 1

This is what civil wood does. Traps us in a situation where we can't make the right choice even when we know what it is, and in many situations it's pretty hard to discern right from wrong. In the midst of so much violence, Zaul has been able to fight, but his dad is stuck fighting against people like his son in order to protect his daughters. Thousands of families across the country divided in the same way by circumstance or ideology. The military is something of a separate society.

It has its own schools and its own culture. But ethnic armed organizations have not been close to urban populations either, and so whole new identities have been forged by Generation Z while their families often struggle to abandon all certainties.

Speaker 2

As we record this, Zau is still fighting. His girl friend is still healing. Every few weeks a video of him and his friends pops up on Reddit or Facebook. They have optics on their rifles now and are taking long range shots at the top Mada who rely on iron sights they shoot and reload like soldiers, and they laugh like kids. The top Madaw still controls the cities, but to move between them they have to travel in convoys at breakneck speeds, using ambushes, mines and knowledge of

the terrain. EAOs and the PDF are able to deny the military access to large portions of the countryside. Without a serious change in the conflict, it might stay like this for years. A report published this month detailed the attacks in the Karini state by the tot Madaw on churches, residential homes, camps for displaced people, which killed sixty one in the months since Saw left the city on Christmas Eve. In Upruso's township, they killed at least forty civilians. Autopsies

show some were gagged and burned alive. In recent months, the tot Mada has increased its use of air strikes against targets that it deems legitimate. Ming An Hlang, the junta's leader, flew to Russia twice. In twenty twenty one. He was proclaimed an honorary professor of the Military University

of the Russian Armed Forces. Quote. We are determined to continue our efforts to strengthen bilateral ties based on the mutual understanding, respect and trust that have been established between our two countries, Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu said at a meeting with the coup leader on June twenty second. We pay special attention to this meeting as we see Mianmar as a time tested strategic partner and a reliable ally in Southeast Asia and the Asia Pacific region. He

went on. Min Onnhlang was equally lavish with his praise, saying that he saw Russia as a friend forever. Mianmar relies heavily on Russian hind Mi I thirty five helicopter gunships, transport helicopters Mid twenty nine and SU thirty fighter jets and Yak one thirty ground attack aircraft to carry out bombing raids and straight civilians. All of these weapons systems have been seen more recently in the fighting in Ukraine.

One prominent Ermese Irish family, the kiah Tongs, has helped the junta avoid an international arms embargo using their global connections and a network of shady shadow companies. They have purchased helicopters under the pretense of using them for tourism and the oil and gas industry and handed them over to the top MADA. They've also helped shuttle coastal radar to Myanmar, which the Top Medal used to track Rohinga

refugees and provide cover for several aircraft purchases. To fund these armed purchases, the top Mada has found willing markets for luxury goods abroad. According to Justice for Meanmar, since the coup in February twenty twenty one, the United States has imported fifteen hundred and sixty five metric tons of

teak from Myanmar, using intermediaries to avoid sanctions. In the twenty seventeen twenty eighteen financial year, the last year for which data is available, the government received one hundred million US dollars in revenue from taxes and royalties applied to the timber trade. In twenty twenty one, there were more shipments than twenty eighteen, offering the top Madal the chance to make enough money to continue purchasing weapons to use

against their population. The conflict in the NMAR remains complicated. It's easy to reduce the alphabet super of revel groups, the EOS and the PDF, but these groups and their motivations are diverse. Pierre explained to us that even within the Korean there are deep divisions.

Speaker 4

Well, first, you have to know that historically the Karen Rebellion that started in nineteen forty eight, nineteen forty nine, so quite a long time ago, was led by Christian by the Christian minority of the Kharan people, because obviously that was the most Western educated people.

Speaker 8

At the time.

Speaker 4

And so this eliot kind of reproduced itself in the new without being the CANU is. The Karen National Union is a democratic movement, but you know, elits tend to reproduce themselves. And so most of the leadership, let's say, of the Karen National Union and the Karen National Liberation Army.

Speaker 8

Was Christian Like.

Speaker 4

And so the Burmese Junta, the Burmese military government, decided to use this to create a wedge between between the Karen Christians and the Karran Buddhists UH and sent monks to say, agitate and try to cause this split on religious grounds no UH, And they succeeded in parts and succeeded to separate a part of Karent Buddhists that created the the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army d B, which then I like themselves of course.

Speaker 8

To the to the junta and to.

Speaker 4

Attack the to attack the Kinnel and the Manor Clow, which of course they knew all the all the roads there and the defenses and where was the defense is situated, et cetera, and succeeded in destroying the capital of the Karen National.

Speaker 8

Union in Manorplot in ninety five.

Speaker 4

So that was the situation pretty much when I arrived, it was pretty hard like there was not so much territory anymore held by the Karen and more more importantly, they lost a lot of income because a lot of their income come from a tax at the border, a Zecan contour, you know.

Speaker 8

So yeah, that was the situation.

Speaker 2

Not every EAO has embraced the National Unity Government directly, after all, many of its members were enthusiastically running cover for the Rohinga genocide a few years ago. Many of the EAOs remain technically under a ceasefire with the top Meda and the top MADA knows that if it pushes too far into EO territory, it risks provoking a full

blown response. The EAOs, meanwhile, have been aiding and training the PDF and still maintaining enough deniability that the top Meda has not been forced into a confrontation EAO PDF. Alliances look different in different regions, and often realities on the ground bear little relationship to the back door diplomacy and official stances embraced by leadership and public The.

Speaker 1

Wall continues to have a huge toll on civilians. According to United Nations, in total, some four hundred and forty thousand people have been newly displaced since the coup happened in February twenty twenty one, adding to an existing three hundred and seventy thousand who had fled their homes from earlier waves of violence and over a million people who had fled the Rahingia genocide. More than half the population

of Kareni State has fled. Humanitarian access is hard. Much of the relief effort for displaced people occurs within local communities. Thousands of refugees a camp along the border with Thailand, which is defined by rivers. Initially, many people fled into Thailand, but terrible conditions in refugee camps led some of them

to return to Me and Ma. Now they weighed across the river for international aid donations of food and water, but they can't bring themselves to stay in the crowded camps overnight, so they waded back to sleep on the

Burmese side of the bank. The UNHCR, the High Commission on Refugees, it's been unable to access camps in Thailand or Me and Mah to check on the conditions, but it has urged a Thai government which has been credibly accused of forcing people back across the border, to move people to better conditions further into Thailand instead of keeping them in camps near the border. And here we find the unfortunate, unavoidable reality of the civil war in me

and Mah. For all the uniqueness of aspects of the conflict, the innovative ways gen Z militias have interfaced with older ethnic military forces, the three D printed arms, etc. At the end of the day, this is another brutal, horrific conflict between large numbers of people who want to be free and a small number of people who want to control them.

Speaker 5

From Miah Mah.

Speaker 1

To Armenia, Ukraine, to Syria, Ethiopia to Iraq and beyond. The novelties of twenty first century conflict don't change the fact that at the end of the day. Each war brings with it what might be the truest symbol of our current age, parents saying goodbye to their kids, camps filled with desperate people fleeing violence, and governments all over the world willing to send nothing more than kind words and stern warnings. This is a PostScript to episode four.

It's not but one that we'd been intending to record, because it's not news that we'd ever hoped to have.

Speaker 8

To share, But.

Speaker 5

Here we are.

Speaker 1

Unfortunately, we found out that about ten days after we last spoke, and a couple of weeks before we released our podcast, Zor died. And he died in battle fighting with the Tutmador. He's really was, I suppose, an amazingly brave and courageous young man, and I think that his loss is one that reflects the realities of of what war is, which is not great and glorious and exciting.

It's young men and sometimes young women, young non binary folks, I imagine too, dying when they had no quarrel with anyone, when they just wanted to live their lives. Two years ago, a year and a half ago, even he was just loving the people, he loved, having fun, being a kid riding his motorcycle, speaking to his girlfriend on his phone, living a happy life. And then someone who had power decided that they wanted to have more power, and they decided that it didn't matter how many kids had to

die so they could have what they want. And he decided to say no to that, And that's brave, and I think all of us would agree that what he did was right and morally courageous, and that we would hope to be brave enough to do the same if the same thing happened to us. This once hit me quite hard.

Speaker 8

Honestly.

Speaker 1

I know this is my job, and it happens that it's happened before and it will happen again. But he was such a happy, polite, kind young man. He never didn't pick up the phone, He never got tired of explaining stuff that we didn't understand, and he always answered our questions. It was nothing that was off the table. There was nothing that he wouldn't talk about with us. He was completely open, And yeah, we will miss him greatly.

He died fighting the thing that we all have to fight, right, fascism, dictatorship, totalitarianism, militarization, And yeah, will grieve his loss. Both Robert and I we've just spoken on the phone, and we found out because the contact of mine on the ground sent me a Reddit message with a link to a Facebook post and it's very clearly zorin no doubt about that it

names him, and unfortunately it also shows him dead. So we're not in any doubt that it was him who died, and we're not in any doubt we will gravely miss him either. We both hoped to go over and record with him, to speak with him, to meet him. I'd spoken to him several times on video, sometimes just to chat, not even to record anything, just just to chat, just to catch up and look at what each of us was doing that day. So it's a hard loss for me and for Robert till as I said, we'd just spoken.

So yeah, that's the news that we hadn't hoped to end on. Obviously, though, this is the reality of war, and as the world is looking at the conflict in Ukraine now, I'd urge you to look at the conflict in Myanmar to another Russian bomb killed, another nice kid who never had any quarrel with anyone, who just wanted to live his life and didn't want to live the rest of his life with a boot on his neck,

so he decided to stand up against it. As you can probably hear in my voice, I'm quite upset by his loss and will be probably for a few days. So I'm sorry to have to end this podcast on such a sad note. I'm sorry for his family, who are now caught between the loss of their son and trying to protect their daughters. I'm sorry for his girlfriend, who's dealing with shrapnel in her own leg and now the loss of the person she loved. And I'm sorry

for his comrades. And they've said they'll go on fighting, and I hope they do, and I don't think there's any point really pretending to be objective at this stage in the games, and I hope they win, but I mostly just hope that.

Speaker 5

One day, young.

Speaker 1

Men and women and everyone else just gets to live their lives without having to kill and die, because ultimately, no one should have to and no parents should have to bury their kids. So yeah, as much as we're all focusing on Ukraine and what's happening there is terrible, Please don't forget Zor's comrades, Please don't forget his legacy and please don't forget him. We won't and we obviously want to dedicate this podcast to him and what he

stood for. So yeah, thanks. It Could Happen Here as a production of cool Zone Media.

Speaker 6

For more podcasts from cool Zone Media, visit our website cool zonemedia dot com or check us out on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

Speaker 2

You can find sources for It Could Happen Here, updated monthly at cool zonemedia dot com slash sources.

Speaker 5

Thanks for listening.

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