Chapter ten, Part one of History of Egypt. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox dot org.
Recording by Rick VENA History of Egypt by F. C. H. Wendel, Chapter ten, From the Persian conquest to the invasion of Alexander the Great five twenty five through three thirty one BC, Section one the twenty seventh Dynasty Persians five twenty five through four fourteen b C. Cambises five twenty five through five twenty two b C. The fall of Memphis seems to have sealed the fate of Egypt. The rest of
the country, in all probability submitted peaceably. The very fact that the Libyans Barsey and Syrinae offered their submission and sent tribute right after the capture of Memphis proves that from that time on, the Persian monarch was the undisputed ruler of Egypt. Cambises appointed Ariyandi's setrap of Egypt, but seems not to have changed any of the laws and institutions of the land. Shortly after Memphis surrendered, the king paid a visit to Sayis, the then capital of Egypt.
The stories that Herodotus relates of outrages committed here by Cambises are unhistorical, being utterly disproved by an inscription on the statue of the hereditary prince hoor Ucha Sutenet, who had been keeper of the seal, chief scribe of the palace, admiral of the fleet, chief physician, et cetera. Under Achmes's second and Semtec the third. This man relates that Kambut Cambises came to Egypt and ruled all the land, remaining as King of Egypt and taking the coronation name of Mesut.
Hoor Ujasutenet was appointed by him chief physician and superintendent of the palace. He initiated the king into the mysteries of the goddess Nat and described to him her temple. He now complained of the Persian soldiery that had taken quarters in the temple, and begged that they be removed so that the temple might be clean again. The king ordered that the temple be cleansed, that all of her servants be restored to the goddess, and at her festivals
be celebrated as of yore. When the king came to Sayis, he went to the temple of Naut, worshiped her, and sacrificed to her in all the other gods of Sayis. In short, conducted all the sacred ceremonies, the same as every former king had done. He also ordered hor Ujasutanet to prepare an inventory of all the temple utensils, and
to erect buildings for the goddess. We see that the Persian monarch strove to appear as the successor of the Pharaohs, a policy he pursued until his understanding was clouded by insanity. Cambises now determined to conquer the rest of Africa. Three expeditions were planned, one against Carthage, another against the Oasis
of Ammon, and a third against Ethiopia. The first of these expeditions was never undertaken, as the Phoenicians, who made up the greater part of the Persian fleet, refused to serve again Carthage, and Cambises, owing to the fact that they had joined him voluntarily, did not dare to force them. The expedition against the Oasis of Ammun proved a failure. An army of fifty thousand men started from Thebes and marched through the Sahara to the Greek town of Oasis.
After they left the smaller Oasis, no news of them ever reached Egypt. In all probability, they perished in a sand storm. The expedition against Ethiopia was in the main successful, although the Greek historians strove to give the impression that it was a failure. Besides the half legendary account of Herodotus, according to which provisions gave out on the march and the men, after eating their beasts of burden, were compelled
to resort to cannibalism. We have no full account of this campaign, but the fact that Ethiopian troops fought against the Greeks under Xerxes, and the mention by Ptolemy and Pliny of a town Cambisson, Tamieya and Ethiopia prove that the campaign was successful. Moreover, Strabo and others relate that Cambises captured the capital of Ethiopia and named it Meroa after his sister. As the army was returning, a sandstorm overtook it near the First Cataract, and the greater part
of the one hundred and fifty thousand men perished. Only a fragment of the great army returned learned to Egypt. Cambises had, however, fully accomplished his object. He had thoroughly subdued Egypt and secured it against foreign invasion. On his return from Ethiopia, a great change came over the spirit of his reign. From early youth he had been subject to epileptic fits, and now he became insane. His insanity seems to have first broken out in Memphis at the
festival of the enthroning of an APIs Steer. While the king was warring in Ethiopia. The old APIs Steer had died, and shortly before his return a new one had been found. As he entered Memphis, he found, according to Herodotus, the citizens celebrating a great festival. This naturally angered him, as he supposed they were rejoicing over the loss of his army.
So he summoned the elders of the city before him and asked them why the Egyptians were celebrating a festival now that he was returning after meeting with so severe a loss, and had celebrated no festival when he first came. They replied that a god had been born to the Egyptians, whose birth was always celebrated in this manner, and the king had them executed as liars. He then sent for the priests, and, on questioning them, received the same answer.
Now he made further inquiries regarding the god, and finally ordered the sacred steer to be brought before him. When the animal was brought, the king drew his sword, intending to kill it, but succeeded only in wounding it on the thigh. Then he scoffed at the priests, telling them there God was only flesh and blood. After all. He now had the priests scourged and had all persons who
took part in the festival killed. The APIs died of his wound soon afterward, and was secretly interred by the priests. While this account is certainly overdrawn, we have no reason to doubt that the killing of the APIs is historical, for this does not seem to have been the only sacrilege the king was guilty of. He is accused of having made fun of the statues of Ta, which represent the god as a dwarf, and having robbed temples and burned several statues of gods. These outrages were no doubt
all committed after he had become insane. For the inscription of hoor Uja Sutanet proves that in the early part of his reign this king had everywhere sought to imitate the Pharaohs. The Greek historians were naturally prejudiced against him, and strove to make him appear as a wild, remorseless tyrant, in glaring contrast to his father Cyrus, whom they depicted as an ideal ruler. The whole history of Cambises was written by Herodotus from an unhistorical standpoint. His object was
to make this reign a grand tragedy. The king was a wild, insane tyrant, and his violent death was a punishment for his many sins against the gods and men. This may be tragedy, but it certainly is not history. Persia itself suffered from the insanity of the king just as much as did Egypt. Cambises's greatest crime was the murder of his brother Bardja, whom he had assassinated by Prosasspes.
He is also accused of having attempted to murder Croaesis, the old friend of his father, and of having killed the son of procsasspies while drunk. At last the end came. Cambises had, for unknown reasons, gone to Syria. Here news of a rever in Persia reached him. He had, before leaving Persia, appointed Padizaethes, a magian superintendent of the palace. This man knew of the murder of Barja, and determined to make use of his knowledge. He had a brother
named Gaumada, who closely resembled the murdered prince. This brother he placed on the throne and proclaimed through all the land that Barja had ascended the throne of Persia. Cambises easily convinced himself that this so called Barja was a swindler, and determined to suppress the revolt. As he was about to start out on this expedition, he accidentally wounded himself tradition asserts in the thigh, the same place where he
wounded the APIs, and of this wound he died. Before his death, however, he assembled his nobles about his bed, confessed the murder of Barja, and urged them to punish the median usurper Darius, the first Egyptian ant Liush five twenty one through four eighty five b C. For a while, the Persian nobles remained inactive, fearing to divulge the murder
of Barjia. But finally, in five twenty one b C. Darius, the son of his Staspies, who was the next heir to the throne Cambises, having died childless, with six companions, succeeded in slaying the Usurper. As his Staspies declined the crown, Darius now became King of Persia. The new king was compelled to combat with several Usurpers in Persia, but Egypt remained loyal. Our Yandes, the satrap appointed by Cambises, had
been left in office by Darius. He felt sufficiently strong to attempt the extension of the Persian power in Africa. A fine opportunity to do this soon offered itself when Cambises invaded Egypt. Synnae had voluntarily submitted and paid tribute. King Archisilaus the third made about this time a trip to Barcia, after having appointed his mother Ferretime, regent. Here,
he was murdered by some Syrenaic refuse. As soon as Ferretime heard of this, she went to Egypt and asked Ariyandes to aid her in punishing the murderers of her son. Ariandes gladly assented and sent an army under the Egyptian Akhmas and a fleet under the Persian Badras against Barsaia. Feratime herself accompanied the army. The combined forces reached the city without loss, and the extradition of Archisilaus's murderers was
demanded but refused. The city was hereupon beleaguered, but held out for nine months, and was then captured only by Stratagem. Feratime's revenge was terrible. Her son's murderers were crucified and their wives were cruelly mutilated. Part of the prisoners taken were handed over to Ferritime. Part were sent to Persia and settled in Bactria by Darius. The army now advanced
to Euhasperides, but soon began the retreat. A wrangle between the commanders had led to this retreat, and soon after they started, a messenger came from Ariandes, ordering them home. On the retreat, the Libyans are said to have attacked and cut to pieces the rear guard. Ariandes had a definite object in recalling the army. He had planned the
foundation of an independent Egyptian empire. The details of his plan are unknown, but he seems to have become dangerous, for he was executed at the command of Darius late in the year five seventeen b c. Darius himself came to Egypt. Shortly before his arrival, the APIs Steer, which had been enthroned in the reign of Cambises, died, and Darius offered a reward of one hundred talents to whomsoever
would find the new APIs. Darius thus returned to the policy inaugurated by Cambises when he first came to Egypt. Early in his reign, he ordered hoor Ucha Sutanet to fill the complement of temple scribes. This noble accordingly established schools for the scribes and fitted them out with everything that was needful. For Darius well knew that this was the best way of observing the names of the gods,
their temples, and incomes forever. He repaired the Temple of Memphis and made valuable presence to the Temple of Edfu, But his chief work was the building of the temple in the Oasis El Khargei. We see thus that Darius posed everywhere as a pharaoh, and so successfully did he carry out this policy that he completely won the hearts
of his Egyptian subjects in a very short while. Like Nikau, Darius determined to re establish the connection between the Nile and the Red Sea that had existed in the times of Seti the first and Rameses the second a stelle bearing on one side an inscription in hieroglyphics, and on the other SI side and translation of this and Medean, Persian and Babylonian recounts this fact. This inscription reads, quote, I am of Persian. With the aid of Persia, I
conquered Egypt. I gave orders to dig this canal from the river Nile, which flows in Egypt, to the sea which is connected with Persia. Then this canal was dug as I had ordered. But I said, now go and destroy half this canal from the city of Bira to the sea, because such is my will. End quote Why this last order was given, he does not say. Diodorus and Strabo, however, relate that his engineers represented to him that if the canal now were completed, the Red Sea,
which lay higher than Egypt, would flood the country. It is a curious fact that Herodotus regarded the canal as completed, for he says it was four days journey long and wide enough to allow two triremes to pass in line. It is further noteworthy that Cambises had already founded a city named Cambis Sun after him, near the route of the canal. Probably he had intended to undertake the work, but had died before it was begun. The most important act of his reign was that he erected Egypt, together
with Libya, Barcia, and Syrinae, into the sixth Satrope. This satrope had to pay an annual tax of seven hundred talents or eight hundred and twenty six thousand dollars. The fisheries of Lake Moeris were declared to be the property of the crown. The Egyptians had to furnish the Persian garrison of the Citadel of Memphis one hundred and twenty thousand bushels of grain annually. Further, they had to furnish
salt and nile water for the royal table. The income of the city of Antilla was given the Queen of Persia, according to some accounts, for her shoes, according to others, for her belts, or as we would say, for pin money. Late in this reign, four years after the Battle of Marathon,
the Egyptians made an effort to regain their independence. They made a man named Chabash king, but before Darius could march against the rebels, he died four eighty five b C. In the thirty sixth year of his reign Xerxes Egyptian Cheshiresh four eighty five through four seventy two b C. When Xerxes came to the throne of Persia, Chabash had firmly established himself in Egypt. He assumed the coronation name of senentanin setep Ena and was exercising all the functions
of a legitimate pharaoh. In the second year of his reign, he interred an APIs, probably the one that was enthroned in the thirty first year of Darius. His reign, several temples, among them that of Butto, were given large tracts of land. The Egyptian king did not neglect to prepare to meet an attack from Persia, which could be expected every day. The mouths of the Nile were strongly fortified, and everything was put in readiness to repel the expected attack. The
rebel king could not, however, hold out against Xerxes. The country was again subdued, and Achimenes, the king's brother, was appointed satrap with orders to institute a very strict regime. Achimenes kept his position all his life, and it was probably his harsh rule that led to the revolt of Inaros.
In the war with Greece, the Egyptians had to fit out and man two hundred vessels, the crews of which were afterward transferred to the land army and took part in the Battle of Plateaea, Arta Xerxes Egyptian artak Sheeshas and the Revolt of Enaros four sixty four through four forty eight b C. After the assassination of Xerxes, the country was for a while plunged into anarchy and divided by wars for the succession, which were finally brought to a close in four sixty four b C by the
accession of Artaxerxes. During these wars, the Persians lost control over several provinces, among which was Egypt. As they had taken advantage of the temporary weakness of the Persians after their defeat at Marathon. The Egyptians now took advantage of the anarchy existing in Persia to make another fight for liberty. Syrinae had during the past reign gradually regained its independence, and the Libyans seemed to have been left pretty much
to themselves since the revolt of Chabash. In fact, it would seem that this rebel was a Libyan or of Libyan descent. His name certainly is not Egyptian. At the time Artaxerxes came to the throne, a sovereign named Inaros, the son of Semtek, ruled over the Libyan tribes that dwelt on the Egyptian border. This chief, to dermined to free Egypt from the Persian yoke, and easily succeeded in
inciting the greater part of the country to revolt. The people chose him king, drove out the Persian tax collectors, and raised an army. The first object of the new pharaoh was to secure allies against Persia. He easily succeeding in getting aid from Syne. He next turned to Athens, and the Athenians concluded a treaty with him and ordered their fleet of two hundred sail which lay at Cyprus,
to proceed to Egypt. This fleet forced its way up the Nile as far as Memphis, two thirds of which city had already fallen into the hands of the Egyptians. The citadel, however, was still held by the Persians, and such a Egyptians as had remained loyal to Persia. The citadel, the combined forces of the Egyptians and Greeks beleaguered, but
all attempts to reduce it failed. Meanwhile, art Xerxes, hearing of the revolt, had confirmed his uncle Achamenes as satrap of Egypt and sent him an army of three hundred thousand men to put down the rebellion. This army entered the Delta without encountering any opposition. At Paprimus, they were met by the combined forces of the Egyptians and Athenians and utterly routed. They fled from the field, and the Egyptians,
pursuing a terrible massacre, ensued. Only a mere fragment of the vast army succeeded in getting safely behind them the walls of Memphis four sixty two BC. Achimenes himself was mortally wounded and died soon After the battle, his body was sent to Artaxerxes. The Persian king now began intriguing for the withdrawal of the Athenian troops, offering the Spartans
large subsidies if they would attack Athens. Failing in this, he at last fitted out a new army and placed it under command of Artabanos and Megabizos, two brave generals. In four sixty one BC, this new army of three hundred thousand men marched into Silesia. Here a halt was made and the Silesians and Phoenicians were ordered to equip a fleet three hundred triremes. Having been fitted out, they were manned with the best troops in the army. The
land forces were put through a careful course of training. Meanwhile, the war had come to a standstill in Egypt. The combined forces of the Egyptians and Athenians still lay before the citadel of Memphis, but could not compel its surrender. At length, in four sixty BC, the Persian army began to move, marching along the coast so as to keep in constant communication with the fleet. The army at length
entered Egypt without having encountered any opposition. The allies seemed to have been utterly blind to the threatening danger, deeming it probable that the Persians should again attack them after their terrible defeat at Papramus two years before. They were, however, pretty rudely awakened when they suddenly found themselves face to face with the Persian army. They accepted the proffered battle
and were utterly routed. Memphis was relieved, and the Athenians withdrew with their ships to the island of Procipitis in the Nile. A year and a half they held out here until the Persians damned the Nile and thus beached the Athenian ships. The Athenians, burning their vessels, entrenched themselves and prepared to sell their lives dearly. But the object of the Persians was not to destroy them, but to render them useless as allies of Inaros, and to drive
them from Egypt. They therefore concluded a treaty with the Athenians, guaranteeing them a safe retreat. In this manner, part of the Athenian army succeeded in reaching Athens by way of Libya and Syrenae. Inaros was not so fortunate, wounded and captured in an engagement. He was sent to Persia, his life being spared here. At the instigation of Queen Amestris, who desired to avenge Achimenes, he was crucified and his
companions were beheaded. The war was not, however, ended, yet the Athenians had sent a fleet of fifty sail to reinforce their fleet. Before Memphis, it entered the Mendigian brandch of the Nile, where it was surprised by the Phoenicians and almost completely destroyed, only a few vessels escaping. For several years, Amertaeus Egyptian Ahmenrut succeeded in holding his own in the Delta. Like his friend and ally in Naros, he sent to Athens for aid, and sixty ships were
ordered by Simon to proceed to Egypt from Cyprus. But these vessels were of no avail, for they returned to Athens on hearing of Simon's death four forty nine b C. In four forty five b C, a certain Semtec Greek Semeticos, seems to have held an independent position in Egypt, for he sent thirty thousand bushels of grain to Athens after the rebellion had been suppressed. Ardebanos and Megabisos returned home,
and Larcemes was appointed satrap. Thanairas, the son of Enaros, and Pawsyris, the son of Amartaeus, were given their hereditary principalities, the former probably Libya, and the latter the western part of the Delta. How long these princes reigned and in what relation they stood to Persia, we cannot say. Herodotus, who visited Egypt shortly after the suppression of the revolt
of Enaros, found Egypt tranquil under Persian rule. There was then no trace of an independent Egyptian kingdom, and the only traces of the late troubles were the bleaching bones on the old battlefields. Egypt was again prosperous and happy, celebrating its old festivals in the old manner, a striking
proof of the elasticity of the people. The reigns of Xerxes the Second, Sogdianus, and Darius the Second had but little import for Egypt four forty eight through four fourteen b C. Except that in the latter part of Darius's reign, the Egyptians again revolted, and this time succeeded in gaining their independence under the leadership of amen Rut Section two. The twenty eighth dynasty four fourteen through four o eight
b C. Amenrut Greek Amarteus. Late in the year four fifteen b C. Amenrut of Saus succeeded with the aid of Greek mercenaries, in delivering Egypt from the Persian rule. No details of this successful revolt are known, but it would seem that it stood in some connection with the revolt of Pyesuthnes in Lydia, which occurred at about the same time, while that of Amorges in Karia four thirteen to four twelve b C. Kept the Persian kings busy at home, so that amen Rut was enabled to establish
himself firmly on the Egyptian throne. The whole of Egypt soon came under his control, and it would even seem that he was able to take the offensive against Persia. A remark of Thucydides appears to point to the fact that he was allied with Athens in four twelve and four eleven b C. In four ten b C, according to Diodorus, he together with the King of Arabia, threatened the Phoenetian Sea board, and the Persian king sent a
fleet of three hundred sail against them. Despite these successes, he could not hold himself on the throne, but was deposed by the mercenaries. His son was excluded from the succession, and naif akh Rut elevated to the throne four O
eight b C. Section three. The twenty ninth dynasty four O eight through three eighty six b C. Naif akh Rut the first Nepharides four O eight through four O two b C. The first act of the new king was to appoint his son nect hoor Heb nectanebus Co regent, but this act did not please the people, and Prince nect hor Heb was banished to his city, from which he returned twenty one years later as king. All that we know of this king is that an APIs Steer
was buried in the second year of his reign. Some blocks bearing his name found at Thebes prove that he built there passa mut Greek Samuthus four O two to four O one b C. According to the Demodic Chronicles, this pharaoh had not served the gods well and consequently had not been generally recognized. This assertion is not well founded. As the inscriptions prove. Numerous blocks of stone bearing his name ra Oesser Settep and ra Passamut, found at Thebes
prove that he built at the temple of Ammun. Hacre Greek a Chorus four hundred through three eighty six b c. Ruled thirteen years. He had been, like his predecessor, placed on the throne by the mercenaries, and as he was just and looked after the decaying temples, he was retained as king. As long as he lived. He was busy repairing temples in all parts of Egypt. Diodorus relates that Hacer became involved in the wars between Greece and Persia. At this time, Sparta was at war with the common enemy,
and Agasilaeus sent envoys to Egypt asking for aid. Hacer sent him timber for one hundred triremes and five hundred thousand bushels of grain. These stores were forwarded to Rhodos, which city had meanwhile deserted Sparta and joined Persia, so that the present intended for that state came to be used against it. We hear also through Theopompus of a treaty of alliance which this kinge concluded with the Pisidian.
But we know not what came of this alliance. Possibly it stood in some connection with a war between Egypt and Persia that lasted from three ninety through three eighty seven b C, and in which Isocrates says the three greatest Persian generals, Abrocomas, Tethranes, and Pharnambasos, had fought against Egypt for three years without accomplishing anything, just before the beginning of the Cypriote War. This war broke out in three eighty six b C. King Euagorus of Cyprus revolting
against Persia and calling on Hacre for aid. The Pharaoh sent him troops, but before the war was well begun he died three eighty six b C. Naif Akrut, the second Greek Nepherites three eighty six b C, the son of Hacer, succeeded his father on the throne with the aid of the troops, but the people did not support him, and consequently the soldiers deserted him and killed his son.
They hereupon restored the right, that is, they placed on the throne nect Hoorheb, the son of naif Akrut, the first, who had been banished and deprived of his right to the succession, and Chapter one, Part one
