15 - Gracchi, Marius and Sulla by A. H. Beesly - podcast episode cover

15 - Gracchi, Marius and Sulla by A. H. Beesly

Jul 26, 202536 min
--:--
--:--
Download Metacast podcast app
Listen to this episode in Metacast mobile app
Don't just listen to podcasts. Learn from them with transcripts, summaries, and chapters for every episode. Skim, search, and bookmark insights. Learn more

Episode description

Explore the riveting period of Romes history during the last half of the second century B.C., when she reigned supreme over the western world. This captivating account by British historian Augustus Henry Beesly takes you on a journey through a 100-year revolution led by four dynamic leaders. The narrative begins with the idealistic Gracchi Brothers attempts at land reforms and continues with the ingenious military changes by Marius, a resourceful soldier. The book culminates with the story of the charismatic Sulla, who seized control of the capital in 82 B.C. with support from the Roman legions. After a brutal purge, he sought to reverse the tide of social change with reactionary measures. Beeslys fascinating storytelling brings each character to life, offering a window into this transformative period in Romes history.

Transcript

Speaker 1

Section fifteen of the grochy Marius and Sulla by A. H. Beasley. This librovox recording is in the public domain. Read by Pamel Andagami. Chapter thirteen, Sullah in Italy, leaving Morena in Asia with Fimbria's legions. Sullah in eighty four b c. With his soldiers, in good humor and with full coffers, at last set out homewards. Three days after sailing from Ephesus,

he reached the Pyrieus. Thence he wrote to the Senate in a different style from that in which he had communicated his victory over Fimbria, when he had not mentioned his own outlawry. He now recounted all that he had done and contrasted it with what had been done to him at Rome. How his house had been destroyed, his friends murdered, and his wife and children forced to flee for their lives. He was on his way, he said, to punish his enemies and those who had wronged him.

Other men, including the newly enfranchised Italians, need be under no apprehension. We do not know much of what had been going on at Rome beyond what has been related

in a previous chapter. Sinna and Carbo. The consuls were making what preparations they could when the letter arrived, but it struck a cold chill of dread into many of the Senate, and Sinna and Carbo were told to desist for a time while an embassy was sent to Sullah to try and arrange terms, and to ask if he wished to be assured of his own safety, what were

his demands. But when the ambassadors were gone, Sinna and Carbo proclaimed themselves consuls for eighty three so that they might not have to come back to Rome to hold the elections, and Sinna was soon afterwards murdered at Ancona. The Tribunes then compelled Carbo to come back and hold the elections in the regular and Lucius Cornelius, Scipio Asiaticus and Gaius Norbanus were elected. Meanwhile, the ambassadors had found

Sullah in Greece and had received his answer. He said that he would never be reconciled to such criminals as his enemies, though the Romans might if they chose, and that as for his own safety, he had an army devoted to him and should prefer to secure the safety of the Senate and his own adherents. He sent back with the ambassadors some friends to represent him before the Senate, and embarking his army at the Pyrius ordered it to go round the coast to patray in Achia, and thence

to the shore's opposite Brundisium. He himself, having a fit of gout, went to Eubea to try the springs of Idepsus. One day, says Plutarch, while he was walking on the shore there, some fishermen brought him some fine fish. He was much pleased. But when they told him that they were citizens of Hallai, a town which he had destroyed after the Battle of Orcomenos, he said, in his grim way, what is there a man of Hallai still alive? But then he told the men to take heart, for the

fish had pleaded eloquently for them. From Ubia, he crossed to the mainland to rejoin his troops. They were about forty thousand in number, and more than two hundred thousand men were, he said, in arms against him in Italy. But Sullah, who had connived at their mutinies, their vices, and their breaches of discipline, who had always led them to victory, and had never yet thrown aside that mask

of moderation, which veiled an inflexible determination to be revenged. Sullah, who had been so long the sole representative of authority, and to whom they had learned to look for their ultimate reward, was their hero and hope. They offered him their money, and of their own accord, swore not to disperse or to ravage the country. Sullah refused their money. Indeed, he must have had plenty of his own. But now, when slowly and still very cautiously he was unfolding his designs,

such devotion must have been very welcome. Early in eighty three he sailed from Durachium to Brundisium, and was at once received by the town. He was particularly anxious not to arouse against himself the Italians, with whom his name was anything but popular, and he solemnly swore to respect their lately acquired rights. Adherents soon flocked to him. Marcus Leacinius Crassus came from Africa and was sent to raise

troops among the Marcie. He asked for an escort, for he had to go through territory occupied by the enemy. I give thee, said Sullah hotly, thy father, thy brother, thy friends and thy kinsmen who were cut off by violence and lawlessness, and whose murderers I am now hunting down. Quintus Metellus Pius came from Liguria, whither he had escaped from Africa, after holding out there against the Marians as

long as he could. Quintus Lucretius o'fella also came, soon to find to his cost that he had chosen a master who could as readily forget as accept timely service. Most welcome of all was Nius Pompeius, welcome not only for his talents, energy and popularity, but because he did not come empty handed. He had taken service under Sinna, but had been looked on with distrust, and an action had been brought against him to make him surrender plunder which his father, Nias Pompeius Strabo was said to have

appropriated when he took Auximum. Carbo had pleaded for him, and he had been acquitted. But as soon as Sulla was gaining ground in Italy, he went to Pequanum, where he had estates, and expelled from Auximum the adherents of Carbo, and then, passing from town to town, won them one by one from his late Protector's interests, and got together a corps of three legions with all the proper equipment

and unitions of war. Three officers were sent against him at the head of three divisions, but they quarreled, and Pompeius, who was said to have slain with his own hand the strongest horsemen in the enemy's ranks, defeated one of them and effected a junction with Sullah somewhere in Apulia. Sullah's soldier Liee was pleased at the sight of troops thus successful and in good martial trim, and when Pompeius addressed him as imperatore, he hailed him by the same

title in return. Or perhaps he was only playing on the youth's vanity. For Pompeius, who was for his courage and good looks, the darling of the soldiers and the women was very vain, and flattery was a potion, which it seems to have been one of Sulla's cynical maxims,

always to administer in strong doses. Later on he was joined by Philippus, the foe of Drusus, who for shifty and successful knavery seems to have been another Marcus Scaurus by Cathagus, who had been one of his bitterest enemies, which to a man of Sullah's businesslike disposition would not be an objection, so long as he could make himself useful at the time, and by Gaius Verus, a late cristor of Carbo, who had embezzled the public money in

that capacity, and thus began by turgiversation and theft a notorious career. Sola marched northwards through Apulia, gaining friends by committing no devastation and sending proposals of peace to the council Norbanus, which were as hypocritical as was his abstinence from ravaging the country. He meant to deal with those Samnites through whose country he was marching at some other time. At present it was most politic not to provoke them.

According to Appian, he met the consul at Canusium on the Aufidus, but it is probable that this is a mistake, and that the first battle was fought at Mount Tifata, a spur of the Apennines near Coppua. Norbanus had seized Sullah's envoys, and this so enraged the soldiers of the latter that they charged down the hill with irresistible impetuosity and killed six thousand of the foe. Norbanus fled to Coppua.

Only seventy of the Sullens were killed. Sola now crossed the Volturnus, and, marching along the Appian road, met the other counsul Scipio, at Taynum, with whom he opened negotiations. Scipio sent Sertorius to Narbanus, who was blockaded in Coppua, to consult him on the terms proposed. Sertorius, who had guessed what was coming and hoped to prevent it by something more efficacious than the advice of Narbanus, went out

of his way and seized Suesa. This would interrupt Sullah's immediate communications with the sea, of which he was master. Sullah complained, but all the while he was as Sertorius had worn Scipio, corrupting the consul's troops. They murmured when Scipio returned the hostages which Sullah had given, and when the latter, on their invitation, approached their lines, they went

over to him in a body. On hearing of this, Carbo said that in contending with Sullah, he had to contend with a lion and a fox, and that the fox gave him most trouble. It may be noted here that Sullah, whose calculated moderation was paying him well, the more pleasantly because he knew that he could wreck his revenge afterwards at his leisure, never scrupled to employ every kind of subterfuge and lie, tricked, and lied on his

march to Roman eighty eight. He lied foully to the sam Knights after the Battle of the colleen Gate, and he lied in his memoirs when he said that he only lost four men at Chynea and twenty three at Sacroportis, where he also said that he killed twenty thousand of

the foe. Absurd assertions like this may have been dictated as a sort of lavish acknowledgment paid to fortune, of whom he liked to be thought the favorite lies that no one believed or was expected to believe, but keeping up a fiction of which it was his foible to be proud. Another thing we may note is that this was only the first of a long series of treasons to which, as much almost as to his own generalship, Sullah owed his final success five cohorts deserted at Sacriportis.

Five more went over from Carbo to Metellus. Two hundred and seventy cavalry went over from Carbo to Sulla. In Etruria, a whole legion dispatched by Carbo to relieve Prineste joined Pompeius at the Battle of Faventia six thousand deserted, and the Lucanian legion did the same directly afterwards. Naples and Narbo were both handed over by treachery. We hear also

of commanders deserting. On the other hand, nothing is said of anyone deserting from Sulla, so that from the very beginning the contest could never have been really considered doubtful. After this signal success at Tinum, Sertorius was sent to Spain, either because, as is likely, he made bitter comments on the consul's incompetence, or because it was important to hold

Spain as a place for retreat. Carbo hastened to Rome, and at his instigation, the senate outlawed all the senators who had joined Sulla, a suicidal step which would contrast fatally with Sullah's crafty moderation. It was about this time that the capital and in it, the Sybiline books were burnt. Some people said that Carbo burnt it, though what his motive would be is difficult to conjecture. Sola very likely regretted the loss of the Sybiline books as much as

any man. With this. The first year of the Civil war ended eighty three b c. Sullah was master of Pequanam, Apulia and Campania, had disposed of two consuls and their armies, and had, by conciliation and swearing to respect their rights, made friends of some of the newly enfranchised Italian towns. The consuls for the next year, eighty two, were Carbo and young Marius. The Marian governor in Africa was suspected of wishing to raise the slaves and to make himself

absolute in the province. Consequently, the Roman merchants stirred up a tumult in which he was burnt alive in his house in Sardinia, the renegade Philippus did some service by defeating the Marian praetor and so securing for Sullah the corn supply of the islands. In the spring, Sullah seized Setia, a strong position on the west of the Volcian Mountains, Marius was in the same neighborhood, and he retreated to Sacriportus, on the east of the same range. Solah followed him,

his aim being to get to Rome. A battle took place at Sacriportis. Marius was getting the worst of it on the left wing when five cohorts and two companies of cavalry deserted him. The rest fled with great slaughter, and Sullah pressed so hard on them that the gates of Prineste were shut to hinder him getting in with the fugitives. Marius was left outside, and like Archilaus at Pyrius,

had to be hoisted over the walls by ropes. Sullah captured eight thousand and Samnites in the battle, and now, for the first time, when the road to Rome was opened and victory seemed secure, showed himself in his true colors and slew all of them to a man. An equally savage butchery had been going on in Rome, where Marius, before he was blockaded in Prineste, had given orders to

massacre the leaders of the opposite faction. The Senate was assembled as if to dispatch business in the Curia Hostilia, and there Carbo's cousin and the father in law of Pompeius were assassinated. The wife of the latter killed herself on hearing the news. Quintis Mukias Skywala, the chief pontiff and the first jurists to attempted to systematize Roman law, fled to the temple of Vesta and was there slain.

The corpses of those who had been killed were thrown into the Tiber, and Marius had the ferocious satisfaction of feeling that his enemies would not be able to exalt over his own imminent ruin. Sollah, leaving Ofella to blockade Printeste, hastened to Rome, but there was no one on whom to take vengeance. For his foes had fled. He confiscated their property and tried to quiet apprehensions by telling the

people that he would soon re establish the state. But he could not stay long in the city, for matters looked threatening in the north. In this quarter the contest was more stubborn because the newly enfranchised towns were stronger partisans of Marius. Metellus had fought a battle on the Isis, the frontier river of Pequanum, against Carinus, one of Carbo's lieutenants, and after a hard fight, had beaten him and occupied

the adjacent country. This brought Carbo against him with the superior army, and Metellus could do nothing till the news of Sacraportis frightened Carbo into retreating to Araminum that he might secure his communications and get some solies from the rich valley of the Po. Metellus immediately resumed the offensive. He defeated in person one division of Carbo, five of whose cohorts deserted in the battle. His lieutenant Pompeius, defeated

Cancerinus at Sena and sacked the town. Pompeius is also said to have crossed the Po and taken Mediolanum Milan, where his soldiers massacred the senate. Mettellus meanwhile had gone by sea along the east coast of Ariminum and had thus cut off Carbo's communications with the valley of the Po. This drove Carbo from his position, and he marched into Etruria, where he fought a battle near Clusium with Sullah, who

had just arrived from Rome. In a cavalry fight near Clanis, two hundred and seventy of Carbo's Spanish horse went over to Sullah, and Carbo killed the rest. There was another fight at Saturnia on the Albena, and there too Sawolla was victorious. He was less fortunate in a general engagement near Clusium, which after a whole day's fighting, ended indecisively. Carbo was, however, now reduced to great straits. Carinus was defeated by Pompeius and Crassus near Spoletum and retired into

the town. Carbo sent a detachment to his aid, but it was cut to pieces by an ambuscade laid by Sullah. Bad news, too, reached him from the south, where Marius was beginning to starve in Prineste. He sent a strong force of eight legions to raise the siege, but Pompeius waylaid and routed them and surrounded their officer, who had

retreated to a hill. But the latter, leaving his fires alight, marched off by night and returned to Carbo with only seven cohorts, for his troops had mutinied, one legion going off to our Minium, and many men dispersing to their homes. A second attempt to relieve Prineste was now made from the south, Lamponius from Leucania, whom we last heard of in the Social War, and Pontius Telesinus from Samnium marched at the head of seventy thousand men into Latium. This

movement drew Sullah from Etruria. He threw himself between Rome and the enemy and occupied a gorge through which they had to pass before they could get to Prineste. The Latin road branches off Nearanannia, one route leading straight to Rome, the other making a detour through Prineste. It was somewhere here that Cellah took his stand, and neither could the Southern army break through his lines, nor Marius break through

those of Othella, though he made determined attempts to do so. Meanwhile, Carbo and Narbanus, released from the pressure of Cellah's army, struck across the Apennines to overwhelm Metellus, but their imprudence ruined them. Coming on Metellus, said Faventia Fienza. When their troops were weary after a day's march, they attacked him in the evening, hoping to surprise him, but the tired men were defeated. Ten thousand were killed six thousand surrendered

or deserted. The rest fled, and only one thousand effected an orderly retreat to Aretium. Nor did the disaster, and here a Lucanian legion coming to join. Carbo deserted to Metellus. On hearing the result of the battle, and the commanders sent to offer his submission to Sullah. Selah characteristically replied that he must earn his pardon and the other nothing loath, asked Norbanus and his officers to a banquet, and murdered

all who came. Norbanus refused the invitation and escaped to Rhodes, but when Sullah sent to demand that he should be

given up, he committed suicide. Carbo had still more than thirty thousand men at Clusium, and he made a third attempt to relieve Prayneste by sen Damisippus with two legions to co operate from the north with the sam Knights on the south, but Sullah found means to hold them in check, and Carbo on the news of other disasters at Fidentia, where Marcus Lucullus defeated one of his lieutenants and dead tutor, which Marcus Crassus took and pillaged, lost

Heart and fled to Africa. Plutarch says that Lucullus, having less than a third of the numbers of the enemy, was in doubt whether to fight, But just then a gentle breeze blew the flowers from a neighboring field, which fell on the shields and helmets of the soldiers in such a manner that they seemed to be crowned with garlands, and this so cheered them that they won an easy victory. After Carbo's flight, his army was defeated by Pompeius near Clusium.

The rest of it, under Carinus and Cancerinus, joined the Psissippis and took up a position twelve miles from Rome in the Alban territory, threatened the capital and forced Sala to break up his quarters where he had been barring the roads to Prineste and Rome. This sequel is uncertain, but it is probable that when the three commanders marched into Latinum, Sullah was obliged to detach cavalry to harass them, and soon afterwards to march with all his forces to

prevent Rome being taken. Why Corinus did not assault Rome at once as he came south, we cannot say. Probably the relief of Prineste was the most urgent necessity, and he hoped, after setting Marius free, to overwhelm Sullah first, then Pompeius, and then to take Rome. But if these were his plans, the furious impetuosity of the sam Knights

disarranged them. Pontius, as soon as he saw Sallah's troops weakened, in order to oppose Carinus, forced his way by night along the Latin road, gathered up the troops of Carinus on the march, and at daybreak was within a few miles of Rome. Sollah instantly followed, but by the Prnestine Road, which was somewhat longer, And when he got to Rome about midday, fighting had already taken place, and the Roman cavalry had been beaten under the walls of the city.

It was November first, b c. Eighty two. Sunset was near and Sullah's men were weary, but he was determined or was compelled to fight. Giving his men some hasty refreshment, he at once formed the line of battle before the Colleen Gate, and the last and most desperate conflict of the civil war began. Sullah's left wing was driven back to the city walls, and fugitives brought word to Ofella at pr Neesty that the battle was lost. Sullah himself was nearly slain. He was on a spirited white horse,

cheering on his men. Two javelins were hurled at him at once. He did not see them, but his groom did, and he lashed Sullah's horse so as to make it leap forward, and the javelins grazed its tail. Sullah wore in his bosom a small golden image of Apollo, which he brought from Delphi. He now kissed it with devotion and prayed aloud to the God not to allow him to fall in gloriously by the hands of his fellow citizens.

After leading him safe, threw so many perils to the threshold of the city, but neither courage nor superstition availed him against the fury of the sam Knight onset for the first time in his life. Sullah was beaten and either retreated into Rome or maintained a desperate struggle close to the walls during the night. On the right wing, however, Crassus had gained the day, had chased the foe to Antemnai and halting there sent to Sullah for a supply

of food. Thus, surprised of his good fortune, he hastened to join Crassus. That division of the enemy which had beaten him had doubtless heard the same news, and must have dispersed or joined the rest of their forces at Amtemnai. But in any case they were full of desas spare. Three thousand offered to surrender, but Sulla never gave mercy, though he often sold it for an explicit or tacit consideration. He swore to spare them if they turned on their

own comrades. They did so, and Sullah, taking them to Rome with four or five thousand other prisoners, placed them in the circus Flaminius, and had them all slain. He was haranguing the Senate in the Temple of Bologna, and the cries of the poor wretch's alarmed his audience, But he told them to attend to what he was saying, for the noise they heard was only made by some malefactors,

whom he had ordered to be chastised. This last blind rush of the Sabellian bull on the lair of the wolves, which Pontius had told his followers they must destroy had failed only by a hair's breadth, and since the days of the gauls, Rome had never been in such peril. But now at last Sellah had triumphed and could afford to gratify his pent up passion for vengeance. This butchery in the circus was but the beginning of what he

meant to do. The four leaders, Pontius, Carinus, Demisippus, and Cancerinus were all beheaded, and in the same ghastly fashion in which it was said Hannibal had learnt the death of Hasdrubel. So those blockaded and pri Neste learned the fate of the relieving army and their own fate also by seeing four heads stuck on poles outside the city walls. They were half starving and could resist no longer. Marius and a younger brother of Pontius killed each other before

the surrender. Opellus sent the head of Marius to Sulla, who had it fixed up before the rostra, and jeered at it in his pitiless fashion, quoting from Aristophanes the line you should have worked at the ore before trying to handle the helm. Then he went to Prineste and made all the inhabitants come outside and lay down their arms. The Roman senators who had been in the place had been already slain by Ofella. Three groups were made of

the rest, consisting of Samnites, Romans and Prnestines. The Romans, the women and the children were spared. All the rest, twelve thousand in number, were massacred, and Prineste was given over to pillage. So ruthless an example provoked a desperate resistance at Norba. It was betrayed by Lepidus by night, but the citizens stabbed and hung themselves on each other, and some locking themselves inside their houses, set them in flames. A wind was blowing and the town was consumed. So

at Norba there was neither pillage nor execution. Nola was not taken till two years later, and we have seen what became of Moodalus on its surrender. Iscenia, the last Samnite capital in the social War, was captured in the same year eighty, and Sullah did his best to fulfill his threat of extirpating the sam knight name in Etruria. Populonium held out longer, and in Strabo's time was still deserted. A proof of the punishment which it received. Voltaire was

the last town to submit. In seventy nine, its garrison surrendered on condition of their lives being spared, but the soldiers of the besieging force raised a cry of treason and stoned their general, and a troop of cavalry sent from Rome cut the garrison to pieces. In the provinces, there was still much to be done. Pompeius was sent to Sicily, and on his arrival pere Parana, the Marian governor, left the island. Carbo had come over from Africa to

Kosura and was taken and brought before Pompeius. Pompeius condemned the man who had once been his advocate, and sent his head to Sullah. It is said that Carbo met his death in a craven way, begging for respite. Whether this is true or not, he seems to have been a selfish an incapable man. But if it be true that Pompeius, while he had Carbo's companions instantly slain, purposely spared Carbo himself in order to have the satisfaction of trying him, he was less to be envied than the

man he tried. He divorced his wife at this time in order to marry Sulla's stepdaughter, who was also divorced from her husband. For the purpose from Sicily, Pompeius was sent to Africa, where Lucius Demicius Ahnna Barbis was in arms. Crossing over with one hundred and twenty ships and eight hundred transports, he landed some of his troops at Utica and some at Carthage. The decay of discipline in the Roman armies is illustrated by an incident which occurred at Carthage.

One soldier found some treasure, and the rest would not stir for several days till they were convinced that there was nothing more to be found. Pompeius looked on and laughed at them. Sulla's way of treating his soldiers was already bearing fruit, and was one of the worst of the evils which he brought on Italy. For he who goes about scattering smiles and smooth words in order to win a name for good nature will always find others to run a race in such meanness, and so discipline

becomes subverted and states are ruined. Pompeius found Omitius strongly posted behind a Ravine. Taking advantage of a tempest, he crossed it and routed the enemy. His men hailed him in peratour, but he said he would not take the title till they had taken the camp. The camp was then stormed and Domitius slain. Pompeius also captured the towns held by the partisans of Domitius, and defeated and took prisoner the marian Usurper, who had expelled the amsaal king

of Numidia. He Amsaul was restored and his rival put to death. On returning to Utica, Pompeius found a message from Sullah telling him to disband his troops except one legion and wait till his successor came. The men mutinied, for they liked Pompeius, and Sullah was told that Pompeius

was in rebellion. He remarked that in his old age it was his fate to fight with boys, a saying to which Pompeius's speech that more men worshiped the rising than the setting sun may have been intended as a rejoinder. But soon he was relieved by hearing that the politic Pompeius had appeased The mutiny Sullah had the art of yielding with a good grace when it was necessary, and seeing how popular Pompeius was, he went out to meet him on his return and greeted him with the name Magnus.

The vain young man asked for a triumph. His forty days campaign had indeed been brilliant, but he was not even a praetor the lowest official to whom a triumph was granted, nor a senator, but only an equis. Solah was at first astonished at the request, but contemptuously replied, let him triumph. Let him have his triumph. Two other officers of Sellah gave him trouble. One O Fella stood for the consulship against his wishes, and went about with

a crowd of friends in the forum. But with a man like Cellah, it was foolish to presume on past services. He had no notion of allowing street riots again, and sent the centurion who Cutofella down. The people brought the centurion to him, demanding justice. Sallah told them the man had done what he ordered, and then spoke a grim

parable to them. A rustic, he said, was so bitten by lice that twice he took off his coat and shook it, but as they went on biting him, he burnt it, and so those who had twice been humbled had better not provoke him to use fire the third time. The other officer was Morena, who had been left in Asia. He raised troops besides the legions left with him, forced Belletus and other Asiatic towns to supply a fleet, and

then stirred up the Second Mithridateic War. The Colchians had revolted, and MITHRIDATEI suspected his son of fostering the revolt in order to be set over them, so he invited him to come to his court, put him therein chains of gold, and soon killed him. He had also, it seems, threatened Archelaus, who fled from him and represented to the ready ears of Morena that Mithridates still held part of Cappadocia and was collecting a powerful army. Morena advanced into Cappadocia, took

Komana and pillaged its temple. Mithridates appealed to the treaty, but Marina asked where it was, for the terms had never been reduced to a written form. The king then sent to the Senate. Morena crossed the Hayles and retired into Phrygia and Galicia with rich spoil. Disregarding a prohibition of the Senate, he again attacked the king, who at last sent Gordius against him, and soon after, coming up in person, defeated Marie twice and drove him into Phrygia.

For this success, Mithridatees lit on a high mountain a bonfire, which it is said was seen more than a hundred miles away by sailors in the Black Sea. Sulla sent orders to Morena to fight no more, and Mithridatees, on condition of being reconciled to Ariobarzanus, was allowed to keep as much of Cappadocia as was in his possession. He gave a great banquet in honor of the occasion, and

Morena went home, where he had a triumph. Sullah probably granted it to him after his defeats, with more pleasure than he had granted it to Pompeius for his victories. The ablest of the Marian generals was, it has been seen virtually unemployed in the civil war. Sertorius, when sent to Spain, seized the passes of the Pyrenees. Sulla in eighty one sent against him Quintus Annius Luscus, who found one of the lieutenants of Sertorius so strongly posted that

he could not get pa asked him. However, this lieutenant was assassinated by one of his own men, and his troops abandoned their position. Sertorius had few men and fled to New Carthage and thence to Mauritania. Here he was attacked by the barbarians, and re embarking, was on his way back to Spain when he fell in with some Solici pirates, with whom he attacked Piteusa ai Visa and expelled.

The Roman garrison. Aneas hastened to the rescue and worsted him in a fight, after which Sertorius sailed away through the Straits of Gibraltar to Goddess Kadith. Here some sailors told him of two islands, which the Spaniards believed to be the islands of the blessed, with a pleasant climate and of fruitful soil. In these islands, probably Madera, Sertorius wished to settle, but when his Solici allies sailed to Mauritania to restore some prince to his throne. He went

there too and fought on the other side. Sola sent help to the prince, but Sertorius defeated the commander and was joined by the troops. Now, when once more at the head of a Roman army, he was invited to Spain by the Lusitani, who were preparing to revolt against Rome. With twenty six hundred Romans and seven hundred Africans, he crossed the sea, gaining a victory over the Roman cruisers on his way, and set to work organizing and drilling

the Lusitani in Roman fashion. One of them gave him a white fawn, and Sertorius declared that it had been given him by Diana. After this, when he obtained any secret intelligence, he said that the fawn had told him and brought it out, crowned with flowers, if it was

some officer's success of which he had heard. By such means, and by introducing a gay and martial uniform among his troops, he made his army both well disciplined and devoted to him personally, and defeated one governor of further Spain on the Bidis Guadalquivide, gaining afterwards a series of successes over Quintus Mattellus Pius, who had been sent against him. He was still in arms and master of a considerable part of Spain when Sollah died, and of Section fifteen

Transcript source: Provided by creator in RSS feed: download file
For the best experience, listen in Metacast app for iOS or Android