The Feudal Future .
Podcast .
Hello and welcome to another episode of the Feudal Future Podcast . I'm Marshall Teplansky , I'm Joel Kotkin and you know , joel , our last show was all about the future of the Republican Party Right , and where it's going , and all of the Trump stuff , and you know the discussion back and forth . It's been a hell of a week , yeah .
And today we're going to be focusing on the future of the Democratic Party and to help us do that , we've got two really fun guests David Gershwin , who is a public affairs consultant and Democratic strategist , and Jim Wunderman , who is founder of the New California Coalition , ceo of the Bay Area Council and former chief of staff of Mayor Dianne Feinstein when she
was mayor of San Francisco . Gentlemen , welcome .
Thanks for having me .
Joel , you want to kick us off ?
Yeah , I mean . One of the things and maybe we'll start with well , either of you could answer this is it seems to me that the Democratic Party is schizophrenic .
On the local level , there seem to be some very moderate you know , the new mayor of San Francisco , the mayor of Houston , as much as he's a thug , maybe Andrew Cuomo in New York , in other words , people who are coming up and dealing with real problems .
And then on the national level , it's like I think Roy Tishera said , it's like something out of a liberal arts college in the Northeast , you know , and the people running the national party seem to be completely clueless about why they lost .
What do you make of this struggle between sort of the local pragmatists and the sort of ideologues who dominate the national party ?
You asking me yeah , we'll start with you . Yeah , we'll start with you . Okay , and I wasn't chief of staff to Diane Feinstein . I was chief of staff to Mayor Frank Jordan . I was the senior not very senior assistant to Diane .
I wasn't senior because I was in my 20s , so I couldn't have been too senior , but I worked very closely with her and she was my mentor . So you know , I think the nature of local government and local politics lends itself more toward practical approaches and common sense and getting things done and is more measured .
Performance gets measured more on things that people can actually feel and on the national level it's more theoretical and philosophical and you know , it just doesn't lend itself the same way to that kind of practicality .
I would say that's a functional problem that we have in the country is that the most important part of leadership comes from Washington DC , but they don't actually they call it the beltway mentality and it means to say that it doesn't live within the same reality as actually the whole rest of the country .
So I don't think that's a new issue , but I think it may be even being felt a little more these days because of the pressures we're feeling in this society .
And Jim , I tend to agree with you . I mean , it's a heck of a lot easier to convince a five-member board of supervisors or a 15-member city council what direction you need to go than a 435-seat House of Representatives or a 100-seat Senate . You're going to be dealing with immediate issues , pocketbook issues , and oftentimes you have nonpartisan races .
So , especially here in California , that is the case . But in terms of the Democratic Party having this element that you're speaking of , joel and Marshall , I'd like to say that I think the Republican Party has similar extremist wings . I don't think the run of the mill Republican embraces the party of Marjorie Taylor Greene and Lauren Boebert .
So I don't think the run of the mill Democrat necessarily embraces the far left of the Democratic Party . There are actually some good messages coming out of the far left of the Democratic Party .
They need some massaging and they need some coaching from a communication standpoint , from a messaging standpoint , but overall , the rumors of the death of the Democratic Party , to paraphrase Mark Twain , have been greatly exaggerated .
Well , you know .
The question , though , is , if you look at , we can look at the extremes and we can marginalize the extremists , but , joel , the spirit of Joel's question was really about the layer and level of connection , and is there a resonance really that is missing in the Democratic Party , writ large right across a larger group of people that is seems to be doing much better
in the Republican Party ? And what is that ? Why is that disconnect seem to be bigger in the Democratic Party than it is in the Republican Party ?
I'm not sure that there's as much of a disconnect in the Democratic Party as there is going to be in the Republican Party , based on the actions on the tariff front that we've seen in the last couple of weeks .
When that starts hitting people in the pocketbook , when they see the prices of not just imported automobiles but domestic automobiles going up 25% or more , because those domestic automobile companies are importing aluminum , they're importing steel there's a little bit of technology or two in the average vehicle these days so all of those forces will be driving automobile
prices and consumer goods higher . When that happens , I don't think the average American is going to feel like the Republican Party's speaking to them .
So if I am advising the Democratic Party writ large , I'm going to want them to focus much more intently on the economy , something they should have been doing all along , something that they were doing earlier in 2024 , but they really let go by the wayside between midsummer and Labor Day .
Thoughts on that . Jim . Do you think there's a chance for bread and butter economics to be much more closely woven into the , to the democratic message ?
Well , you know we , you know the new California coalition , which is an attempt to kind of align business and and more centrist kind of groups around the whole state of California , which I which I did found a few years ago , in which Tracy Hernandez from LA business runs as a , as a CEO .
We met just a couple of days ago in Indian Wells for a two-day retreat and during the retreat we either entertained or were entertained by four candidates for governor in California , all Democrats . We did extend invitation to Republican candidate but didn't come but four candidates and you know , all four candidates focused on economic issues without prompting .
Now they know their audience is a more business-oriented type of group , an economy group . But you know , the polling doesn't lie , the election outcomes don't lie .
There is a movement that's happening in our state and in other states where the economy , inflation , the cost of living has really become the issue and whoever can capture Americans' imagination on that issue and have the confidence of voters in the future is going to be the preferred candidate , the preferred party is going to win primaries , at least least for a
while , until things get to the point where it's so good that people forget that the economy is important , which they did in California , which also thinks it's a country . So there's a beltway mentality in California that's not too different from what in Washington . It's big , it feels special and unique and it happens to be a one-party-led political institution .
So they're just beginning to get the message now that this isn't working out well and I do think we're going to see the candidates try to push , you know , to have a pro-economy kind of message and we're going to push them to do it . And you know that's why we invited them not just to hear what they're thinking .
We invited them to encourage them to think what we're thinking .
You know , the great irony of all of this is that historically , the Democratic Party has been the party of labor Right . And here you have a competitive message coming in from the Trump side that says oh guess what ?
We're going to increase the size of the skilled labor pool and the number of jobs that people have because we're going to get rid of outsourcing , we're going to reshore all of this stuff , first of all . What do you think of that ? As a salient political message ? How do the Democrats really counter that ? And , you know , do you think it'll end up happening ?
In terms of reshoring manufacturing . I'm not sure that's the end game American voters are looking for . The American voters are wanting to know what the end game is when it hits their pocketbook . They want to know what their grocery bill is going to be .
They want to know that when they have to buy new soccer cleats for their kids' soccer season starting in AYSO , in the fall that those soccer cleats are not $100 or more because they need to be manufactured in the United States because of the steep tariffs that were imposed on China and Vietnam and what have you .
So I just don't see it being made in the United States . You can't be a first rate power and outsource virtually everything , and I think that you know , and on that side I think the Democrats , I think , could have made a greater impression . I think one of the reasons they can't is they .
I don't see how the Democrats become the party of , you know , middle and working class people , as long as they have net zero . Who would have ever ?
thought that the Democratic Party would be anti-tax , anti-Russia and pro-intelligence community . If you had told me that 10 years ago , I would have told you you were smoking something that was just made legal in California not very long ago .
No , I mean , it's certainly very , very bizarre situation in which the Republicans deserved or not have been winning the same road that I was just in Europe , that I already see in Europe , which is what happens when you have a deindustrialized society with a big welfare state . It doesn't work out .
So but , jim , you know in your area , and especially with the NCC , you know one of the core tenets of your growth proposals is try to make California in particular , but the United States , more of a competitive place to be able to do business . Are you finding that you are fighting Democrats at every turn ? Are you finding kind of an open door for that ?
I mean , what is the likelihood of this happening ?
Well , you know it's hard to turn the ship around . We've been , by the way , working on bringing ship repair and shipbuilding back to the Bay Area . I have , and I think there is a chance to do it , and it's consistent with the messages both of Joe Biden and Donald Trump and their Navy secretaries that we need to start .
You know , building things we need in America . You know building things we need in America again , for national security reasons as well as economic ones . So I think , but it doesn't happen . You know , nothing happens overnight .
It's very hard to do things , make things happen quickly , and I think that we made a choice as a country to go into a globalized economy .
That was the direction of things and there were a lot of advantages to it happening , and I think it served America pretty well for a generation or so , because people there was no inflation and people were able to get whatever they wanted at a reasonable price and they , you know , while we lost a lot of factories and a lot of parts of the country , the
unemployment rate was largely low , and so forth .
So I , you know , I think that was the whether it was a thoughtful strategy or just kind of happened , because of't like it and he's really pointed this out , and I think that's one of the reasons he's president , because he doesn't like it and he's a light bulb has gone off in the minds of Americans that there's something really , you know , bad about having
everything that we make , everything that we consume , made in some other place , especially China , which is probably the one thing that both parties in Washington agree on is that China is a threat and you know that , which , which , whether you agree with it or not , that that is where they're coming from and a lot of policy is being guided by that .
So I think to go back to , you know , to go back to manufacturing onshore is a practical thing . It makes sense . I think people like it . And it's not good for California the way things are situated , because California has made it very , very hard to reindustrialize . I mean the laws , the rules , everything is against California .
So , with all these funds coming in to do it that came out of these big infrastructure packages and so forth , we are a flyover state for this and it's a shame and we've been pointing it out , and in order to deal with that , california is going to have to make difficult choices .
That we're , whether it's labor or the environmental groups or social justice groups . There's going to have to be some explanation and some discussion with them that say we understand your point of view . However , you know , if we're going to get this done , there's going to have to be some change .
We're going to have to unwind some laws and some things that you will call hard fought gains in order to be competitive , or we won't be competitive . The country as a whole has a hard time being competitive . That's why we lost these things in the first place .
So there's going on a national level , we are going to have to do things and it's not going to happen overnight because and you know just the labor arbitrage by itself we're not going to be able to acquire labor in America for the price you can acquire it in , you know , many places around the world , you know , and and here comes Africa , just as you know ,
trying to suppress Asia , you know . So this is the you know . I think completely going away from a globalized economy is probably not going to serve America well .
I think it's going to cause a lot of problems and you know it might be hard to ultimately convince people that we made a mistake and we need to re-globalize , because people are now embedded with the view that there is something inherently wrong about doing things outside our borders .
But I believe the natural order of things is to do the things we do well in the country . And maybe we manufacture certain things here because there are national security reasons to it . But you know , I don't believe it matters to .
You know , to consumers really , where the stuff gets made , as long as it shows up for a good price and it works and they can get it fixed and so forth . But you have to choose . You know you can't have it both ways .
Well , and you know just a couple of factoids as an economist or a quasi-economist , here are a couple of factoids . At the highest level of employment in manufacturing in the United States was 1979 . Any idea of how many people were employed in manufacturing in the United States was 1979 .
Any idea of how many people were employed in manufacturing in the United States in 1979 ?
Well , I know , we lost about 4 million jobs .
Yeah , well , about just south of 20 million , 19.6 million .
And now it's what ?
Today it is just south of 13 million . See , I don't think the issue but , by the way , 128 million people are employed in manufacturing in China , so the question that you have to ask yourself is OK , we have a trillion dollar trade deficit , but how much more would prices have been if we had continued to manufacture inefficiently in the United States ?
Would it have been a trillion ? Would it have been a trillion ? Would it have been five trillion ? Might very well have been right . So it may be that the net value of getting cheaper goods in the United States far outweighs the trade deficit that we have with China today . I don't buy that at all .
I mean , I just think that if you're incapable of doing the most basic things like I can . I spend a lot of time in the UK . It is completely de-industrialized . So what kind of society do you have in the UK ? Basically , as one MP said to me , it's the Southeast around London and everything else is Russia .
I mean , there is no economy outside of that area and that's where we're going to go if we keep going on this direction , because you'll have elite economies . You know , wall street , silicon valley , which increasingly doesn't produce any , doesn't make anything , um , but they design everything .
But then that's a huge but that doesn't last forever .
I come from a schmata industry family okay , me too and I can tell you what happened , which was oh yeah , we'll get this made cheaply , but we'll design it .
Well , believe me , I had students from Hong Kong and from China who came here because they wanted to learn how to design , and now that stuff is being designed and now they do design it , they do design it .
So , ultimately , you have to figure out where your advantage is , and of course you can't do everything , but you certainly you can't have a situation where where the United States is incapable of of even making ammunition for the Ukraine .
Well , that's where the national security argument comes in from from Jim Right and from you that that you're not going to manufacture everything because we're going to assume that what you're importing , that has freed you up to be more constructive , that has freed you up to pursue areas in technology and green industries and so forth , the unwinding of globalization is
not going to happen . I think one of the mistakes that this country made not even one party or the other is that we didn't really understand , while that was happening , how much the collateral damage was , how much damage there was to working class Americans . Where was the worker retraining ?
Where was the emphasis on vocational education , forcing working class Americans down the path of four-year colleges and universities or nothing ? That's too binary of a choice . We need to , I think , really refocus on education , worker training , job training .
You hear employers across the country complain about the lack of a skilled workforce and the lack of talent coming out of American schools . Why can't we reinvest ? If we did it in the 50s with STEM under Eisenhower , why can't we have a similar push under whoever is occupying the White House or the chambers of Congress ?
But , of course , one of the key constituencies of the Democratic Party is the university bureaucracy and the whole idiot system where we're educating , you know , tens of thousands of kids at a high cost for jobs that will never exist .
Well , you know a couple of quick points . See this baby . This thing was probably made in 15 countries . It was designed in Silicon Valley and then 15 countries contributed 7% , 8% probably no country more than 10% , 15% to the components . In that that's going to be very hard to unwind , right ? No , definitely it's going to make this already fairly expensive device .
We're going to be talking next year with hands with a tight wire pulled apart .
I'm not sure that would be better .
On that point , I think you've got to be realistic . I think about what can satisfy the needs of consumers . 70% of the US economy is consumers , 70% of our economy . That's what drives this nation's economy . If you suppress the consumer , if you fight the consumer , you know you're going to get to the core of the US economy in a very , very scary way .
So I think we you know we better be careful Now . I think there does need to be movement . I agree with Joel . You can't just do everything everywhere else and there's got to be some you know thoughtful process to say what can we make here ? How can we make it if it's all automated and if all just machines doing it ?
You know that doesn't and there's a lot of those seven million jobs in America that got lost . They didn't go to China , they went to machines that used to be people on a line doing things and people aren't going to stand on the damn line doing the thing anymore .
And if nothing else , with AI , you know it's just going to get even more automated .
Well , the good thing is , we'll get rid of all the coders too .
So that's a trend , you know . I think you have to really be wise wiser than we're being less political about how to get what people want in a way that still allows , you know , young people to have a hope that they're going to have a career in something they want to have a career in . And you know , I think it's very hard for folks these days .
Now let's talk about housing for a minute . Here we have a state that can't build a house . There's no housing going up in a state that has a housing crisis . What if we decided to actually allow housing to be built ?
How many jobs could get created and if we train people to become carpenters and electricians and those kind of jobs which we could do theoretically ? do that and then you could be that , and then you could have economies of scale in a bunch of areas where it's not going to happen in other countries .
There could be some prefab stuff , but basically this would be American industry , and so we should think about what could be the American industries of the future , where there are needs , where there are potentially trained individuals , institutions to train them and markets , and so I wish we could have that kind of thinking going on in Washington and in Sacramento and
begin to address the underemployment of people , the crime , the communities where the kids have no hope of going so they end up in prison , and then we lament that we've got a prison society and all those things . So I would hope we can do better , recognizing that we can't completely annihilate the nature of a global economy .
I think we do it at great peril .
But , jim , with respect to housing , it sounds like you are pushing a business-labor partnership to jumpstart California's economy and beyond , and I'm 100% behind that .
Well , I think it . You know , the governor came out with a figure years ago of three million homes needed . You know , we could say then he said it was a little less , but the homes aren't being built . They're not being built because we make it too hard for folks to build .
We have ideas about where they should be built , where they don't want to be built , you know , and the market won't support them being built . So , you know , our view of this is that , yes , we should have infill development . We should actually enable it to happen .
So you , you know , somebody can get a permit and somebody can build something at the same time you know , it's really greenfield development where actual family is going to be able to get a house and at a price they can afford , and not have to leave California and go to Austin , texas , joel or other places like that where you , you know , you know .
So I hope that this movement that you're talking about this is a budding concept , I think , in the minds of democratic , because all the leaders in California are democratic by nature .
They're the ones who are going to have to become aligned with the notion that you know what they did went too far and they focus too much on philosophy and too much on you know what they did went too far and they focus too much on philosophy and too much on , you know , solving world peace and not enough on these nuts and bolts how do we get it done ,
kinds of things . And if they don't do that , it's going to become a Republican state in the future . It is not a , you know , labor . The Republican Party will be supported by labor in the future .
Well , and I'm just thinking that you know you're talking about California specifically . I just wonder whether or not Republicans have picked up on this everywhere else , and that's really what's been fueling the big growth of Republican popularity .
Look , you know , look at the United Auto Workers going on speaking at the Republican convention . I mean , this is not , you know , a far field idea . This is happening . It can be , you know , I think there's a natural affinity between the Democratic Party and labor , but it isn't a guaranteed thing , you know , and things change .
You know you were saying before that . You know , if I could , I couldn't imagine 10 years ago it could be like this . So you could say that about a lot of things In 2008, . You know , the country was exasperated .
Barack Obama was elected president , Congress went , both houses went to the Democrats and what people said then was and they knew this was true the Republican Party was dead . It will never come back . They didn't relate to minorities . They didn't know where the country , they couldn't connect to , where the country was going .
So obviously they were right , because there are no Republicans anymore . Oops , right , Didn't go like that . So whatever it is today isn't how it necessarily be tomorrow Didn't go like that . So whatever it is today isn't how it necessarily be tomorrow .
When I was in college back in New York back a long time ago , I took political science and I took a book from the father of somebody who became a very close friend , a guy named David Broder , who you all knew , and he wrote a book it was called . I had to read it .
He was my colleague at the .
Washington Post . Sure he was , he was called the Party's Over . So basically , in those days you couldn't tell the difference between the Democratic and the Republican Party . And Broder said it's over , there is no more party structure .
You know they're in the middle and you've got like a liberal wing and you've got a conservative wing , but you know the Democrats and the Republicans are the same . You can't tell the difference . Well , you know , david Broder was a very smart guy and completely wrong and within a few years there were great dichotomy between the two parties .
You know , and you know . So these things tend to change and smart people , consultants , you know , they figure out probably where you know where people are really kind of living and how to shift .
And the party that kind of gets it , you know , grows and and then they do stuff that's dumb , you know , and then the other party does better , and you know , and we shift back and forth and there is a there is a tendency to have these shifts because people are inherently dissatisfied .
You know there's a lot of reason , whether it's the media , whether it's , you know , social factors , people . There's a great level of dissatisfaction . You know social factors , people . There's a great level of dissatisfaction and you see it in the polling and you know the right track , wrong track , numbers .
All those kinds of things are open doors for whoever's not in power to take it , if they can just figure out how to get their act together .
I agree that I mean the democratic party is is certainly being as introspective as humanly possible since the debacle of 2004 . So in a very short amount of time , the Democratic Party has the onus and the responsibility to articulate that type of message and to articulate that type of pocketbook message to voters .
And I think they don't even have to make any effort to do anything right now , because it's pretty clear that the Republican Party , or what's left of the Republican Party , is certainly whipsawing the economy one way or another . When you were talking about Jim , we were talking about your iPhone . Before Apple lost 9 percent of its value in one single day .
That was earlier this week . It almost seems like ancient history . That was before the pause on the tariffs , before they caved , before Trump caved on tariffs .
But nonetheless , the Democratic Party , I think , has ample opportunity to grab the reins of being the party that is in the interest of the American voter and putting money back in their pockets , and not being the party of oligarchs .
I mean , yesterday , Donald Trump was trying to tout how successful he was to pause the tariffs and how this was going to positively impact Americans . Who did he have in the Oval Office while he was talking about this Charles Schwab , the Charles Schwab .
I don't think the average American voter is looking at Charles Schwab as someone whose economic fortunes dovetail with theirs , you know .
I've noticed this and this maybe will get us to the left wing of the Democratic Party . You know , this anti-oligarch tour . I just find it incredibly amusing that progressives are now oh , I'm worried about oligarchs . But they didn't have a problem when the oligarchs were funding their nonprofits , funding their campaigns .
Take a look at where the oligarchical money went in 2020 and even in 2024 . If you take out Elon Musk , they still were overwhelmingly with the Democrats . Some sort of message . You know , like it just you know , to hear someone at the Atlantic talking about , oh , the danger of oligarchy , I say whose checks are you cashing ?
You know , I mean , you're cashing Steve Jobs' inheritance . Basically , is that's where the money comes from , and so I think what the Democrats need to do is try to find a message like what Jim is saying about vocational working , about real infrastructure . But my problem is how do you get rid of the transgender stuff ? How do you get rid of reparations ?
How do you get rid of DEI ?
How do Democrats triage those issues ?
Those are killing the Democrats right now and unless the Republicans screw up , which they're perfectly capable of , I think they're going to have to do something about those issues .
I think that the Democrats allowed Republicans to use each of those areas as a wedge issue , so and that move the Democrats off their game . It forced the Democrats to not talk about the economy nearly as much as they should have . So I actually don't believe that it was the Democrats pursuing that type of agenda that did them in .
It was the not articulating the economic vision that did them in . And then and then , just to speak into one of those things , when you be a DEI , if you just break down what those initials stand for diversity , are you against diversity ? Equity Are you against equity ? And inclusion Are you against inclusion ?
At each , each and every one of those items can be a positive force for good if implemented correctly . Right .
And that's a if what . What equity meant was ? You have to have the same percentage of the population . You know any ?
Any profession in which people who are designated as being minorities , which of course can't include it meant equity of , of outcome , outcome not out equity of opportunity , and that's how people and if I think , if the Democrats went back to opportunity , I think they would be , which is where I think the Republicans have kind of focused .
Let me propose an elevated concept okay and I've heard this discussed recently which is that we're in the midst of as significant a demographic change in society today as we were in the post-World War II era , with baby boomers coming in right .
That there's this fourth turning notion right , this idea that this next generation is going to be basically remaking society . And you know you think about why is something a wedge issue ? It's a wedge issue because the core belief wasn't there with the group that was the , you know the group that was rising in power .
And I wonder what do you guys think about that ? Do you think we're looking at kind of such a major demographic shift , with this next younger generation taking over , that both parties will be remade ?
that's a good question .
So you're talking about ? You're talking about the iGen people who came of age , uh , when the iPhone came about .
You could really start with the millennials and then right well , people who are , let's even just say , digital natives .
Right , which is really the core . If you look at from a economist , that's kind of the big remaking is is digital society versus analog society .
Right . I actually believe you're correct . I believe that this current generation I happen to have a daughter who's of that generation they are much more socially liberal and tolerant . They are less likely to put labels on people . They just talk about their friends . They don't necessarily put them into boxes one way or another .
So I think there will be a demographic shift and as that generation gets older and that generation is going to have to participate in the same numbers that the older generation has , and there's always hope held out for that .
And those numbers of the younger generation participating are nearly always disappointing , but as they get older , as they get older , there's no doubt that they will be participating . So that change will inevitably happen .
What's very interesting in this last election was how well Trump did among younger voters , which we had never seen that before . He didn't do well with them in 2016 or 2020 .
And I think the other really interesting thing about this new generation I'm working on this issue right now is the tremendous difference between men and women , males and females , that the difference between young men and young women is really profound and we've never had something of that extent before .
Hey guys , this has been a really interesting conversation . Joel , do you have a final question ?
Yeah , I just want to just get Dave's take on . Do you think the Democratic Party can reform itself before the next election to the point that it actually would be more competitive , or do you think the mistakes will continue to be made ?
Oh , I think , unequivocally , yes , I think you're going to see a certain , all but certain blue wave in a year and a half , in the fall of 2026 . I think the Democrats are positioned numbers wise with the number of toss up seats . They only have to win nine out of the 19 toss up seats to actually reclaim power in the House of Representatives .
And , of course , when voters look at the economy as a barometer , the pathway that this current administration and this current administration's party seem to be leading us down is nowhere good , nowhere fast . So I don't think the Democrats have anything to worry about at this point , but the Democrats have .
I don't think the Democrats have anything to worry about at this point , but the Democrats have to be diligent and the Democrats have to be focused and not lose sight of the prize .
And I would add one thing they have to be sane Well you know you talked about the exasperation factor that led to Obama's being elected Right . Certainly this would be the polite way of saying it . There is a lot of potential for exasperation over the next two years , based on what we've seen thus far .
Absolutely .
Anyway , David Gershwin and Jim Wunderman , thank you so much for being part of the Feudal Future podcast . This is obviously not the last time we're going to talk about this . And we will see you again on a future episode .