Stuart Stevens, McKay Coppins & Andy Kroll - podcast episode cover

Stuart Stevens, McKay Coppins & Andy Kroll

Oct 25, 202352 minSeason 1Ep. 170
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Episode description

The Lincoln Project's Stuart Stevens details his new book, 'The Conspiracy to End America: Five Ways My Old Party Is Driving Our Democracy to Autocracy.' The Atlantic's McKay Coppins spills the tea on his new biography of Mitt Romney, entitled 'Romney: A Reckoning.' ProPublica's Andy Kroll delves into the never-ending details of Leonard Leo's corruption of our Supreme Court.

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Transcript

Speaker 1

Hi, I'm Molly John Fast and this is Fast Politics, where we discussed the top political headlines with some of today's best minds. And Trump attorney Jenna Allis has blood guilty in the Georgia election interference case.

Speaker 2

Can I just say she tweeted me and things to me? You see how this works? Right?

Speaker 1

We have such an interesting show today. The Atlantics McKay coppins joins us to spill the tea on his new biography of the One, the Only Mitt Romney entitled Romney I Reckoning. Then we'll talk to Pro Publica's Andy Krole and he'll tell us about the never ending saga of Leonard Leo.

Speaker 2

And his corruption of our Supreme Court.

Speaker 1

But first we have legendary campaign manager and actually he's quite handsome, the author of The Conspiracy to in America Five Ways my old party is driving our democracy to autocracy from the Lincoln Project's Stuart Stevens. Welcome back to Fast Politics, Stuart Stevens.

Speaker 3

Very smile. I appreciate you asking me to the party.

Speaker 2

Stuart Stevens.

Speaker 1

Tell us what this book is called and give us the TLDR.

Speaker 3

The book. It's called The Conspiracy in America Five ways my old party is driving our democracy to autocracy. It's a book I never thought I would write, and follows in the category of a book I can imagine not writing. Now. What really struck me was when you read about how democracies fall into autocracy, and there's so much great work that's been done on that by Ruth ben Giat, Jim Mershues.

They always use me five elements that are present, and we talk about each of these five, but I don't think that we talk about them collectively enough and how they interface, sometimes deliberately and sometimes just synergistically. So that's why I.

Speaker 1

Wrote the book explained to us a little bit about what the sort of the scariest, most autocratic kind of things you've observed are.

Speaker 3

Yeah. So the five elements are support of a major party, which certainly the trumpest movement has financiers, they have money out the wazoo, the Peter Tiels of the world. Whatever they need, propagandists which they have. We all know about that. You need shock troops, which they certainly have and which are on January seventh. And you need and I think this is really the most troubling, you need a legal

theory to justify what you're doing. So if Georgia passes a law that says it's okay to overturn the popular vote, when they do it, it'll be perfectly legal. And there is a tremendous effort out there to change the legal structure of our entire electoral system.

Speaker 1

I want you to explain to us a little bit about where you think we are sort of in this autocratic there's sort of what happens. And we've talked tor with Ben Giett about this is there's sort of an auto not even system, if that makes sense, but there's sort of stages of autocracy. What stage do you think we're in and how do you think we can sort of slow it down or stop it?

Speaker 3

Yeah, it's a great question, you know. I think part of the problem, Molly when we talk about this is how to talk about it without sounding alarmists. But to me, it's like a serious pandemic. Whatever you say at the beginning is going to sound alarmist, but in the end is likely to prove inadequate. And I think that's where we are. I think if Donald Trump is elected or Trump want to be like DeSantis, it will be the last election that we can recognize as an American election.

The danger here is the inability to imagine this happening. The problem with the unimaginable is it's hard to imagine. Whenever democracy slide into autocracy, there is always an aspect that those who support democracy can never imagine it happening. That's where I think we are. And there are these buffoonish characters out there that we see every day, the

Marjorie Taylor Greenies and Matt Gates Lauren beauparts. But in a way, I think that serves a purpose because it makes it easy to dismiss this moment and this movement as buffoonish, and it's not. These are dead serious people. They're very patient people, and they think they're going to win, and they feel that there's an urgency about it. At the root of this is they believe that democracy now has become their enemy. Because the way the country is changing.

Trump's coalitions eighty five percent white in a country that's sixty percent white and rapidly changing. We're headed to minority majority country. And the way we already are, those who are sixteen years and under the majority are non white, and odds are really really good they'll still be non white when they turn eighteen start voting, and that's what

terrifies them. And they know that they have a short window here to an essence, curate the vote, change the way that we vote, and they are about the business of doing it. It's going to continue if Trump loses, if Biden is reelected, because they are very patient and their model for this is really the Federalist Society. You know, Federalist Society began I think it was nineteen eighty four a week in conference and even with the sort of a noign title of the Future of the Conservative Judiciary,

and out of that grew the Federalist Society. And it's hard to look around today and think the federal Society didn't win.

Speaker 2

Yeah, No, they definitely won.

Speaker 1

Let's talk about right now kind of where you are, what you're seeing, what you're thinking.

Speaker 3

Yeah. For me, it's extraordinarily sobering and not a good feeling to look at all these people I helped to let and see how they've really collapsed. You know, I will never ask myself again how nineteen thirties Germany happened. And you know, there's sort of a trope we can't talk about thirty Germany or World War two, because I didn't reduces everything to sort of absurdity. I feel exactly the opposite. I think we have to talk about. It doesn't mean it's going to end in a world war.

It's not going to end with a hundred million people. But this process of good people who know better, who feel that they can interject an element into politics to serve their needs of the moment and control it is completely anallygous to nineteen thirties Germany and the Republican Party realized that they had lost touch with a low frequency voter, white voter. When I did from Mitt Romney in twenty twelve, you could see these voters in a poll and they

could have cared less about what we were talking about. Yeah, idea, we're going to have, you know, strong on Russia, where lower taxes, smaller government. They could have cared less about that. And to reach those voters, you need to do what Trump did. You needed to go out and have a racist message, as enophobic message. You need to attack Muslims. And of course, you know, I think people have a

much better sense of Romney now. I mean if you had walked into Mitt Romney's office and talked about it. You know, he would have thrown you out. What's interesting to me, and while y and sobering, and I think it's humbling to me, is I would have bet anything that if you did this as Trump, the voters you gained, you would have lost more at the upper end of college educated Republican.

Speaker 1

I want to talk about that a little more because what you just said is really interesting.

Speaker 2

What you're saying.

Speaker 1

These college educated Republicans are willing to go along with things they know are wrong, Yes, because they think they'll get things they want.

Speaker 2

So talk about that more.

Speaker 3

Well, you know, all this talk about Trump being a working class candidate has always been false. In sixteen, he didn't carry if you consider working class voters those who make say fifty thousand under or more thany five thousand and under. He won white voters category, but he didn't win the majority of the voters because the majority of those people are not white. And then in twenty the only economic group that he carried a majority of is those who make over one hundred thousand dollars a year.

And I think that it's a combination of factors. I think that these are people who are troubled more than they like to admit. By a chain America, I think that they see this sort of specter of an assumed power that comes from being white and wealthy as being endangered and they don't want to be the person who's standing in the Capitol in a camp all switch sweatshirt. But that person is voting for the same person that they are, and that's ultimately what matters. The Lincoln Project.

And I can say this with ad any false modesty because I wasn't involved in founding a Lincoln Project, that group of voters that sought Republicans who were the last to join Trump, mostly after the Comy letter in sixteen. That was the target of the Lincoln Project. And when you look at these numbers, bid and carry just enough of those voters to make a difference so he could win states like Michigan, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin. And I think that there is a greater opportunity to expand that for a

lot of reasons. January seventh is one reason I think it genuinely terrified a lot of people. I think the Dobbs decision is a huge factory. But still you look at poles and Donald Trump is tied or beating Joe Biden, and if he's doing that in a popular vote, he's going to win the electoral college easily.

Speaker 1

Certainly, we're all very worried about these polls. But do we think these polls are wrong?

Speaker 4

No.

Speaker 3

I think these polls ultimately don't matter because people aren't voting.

Speaker 1

Right, it's four hundred days away, and it's also a national poll.

Speaker 3

I've worked at five presidential campaigns, and the one day I think it's a constant. Whatever you think is going to happen a year out there happen. We really don't know what the race is going to be about. I think that it is a mistake to look at Biden's numbers and compare them to a pre Trump political world. So in twenty twelve, on election day, Romney and Ohama both had favorables of fifty percent, right, I don't think

we're going to see that again for a long time. So, you know, you look at Biden's numbers, he's at forty three, forty two, forty four, bouncing around in some trading range there, and you go, well, wait a second. You can't wait if you're incumber president unless you're up to like forty nine or fifty I don't think that's true. It could be true, but I don't think it has to be true.

Speaker 1

What do you think about this Dean Phillips just to announce that he is going to I mean, nobody's ever fucking heard of that guy, but he's going to primary Biden. And then there's also like other people like Dean Phillips, for example, RFK Junior is going to run as an independent. He probably pulls more from Trump, it turns out right, And then No Labels is fantasizing about, you know, doing whatever they can to hurt Biden. So I mean, how worried are you about all of those scenarios?

Speaker 3

On a scale of one to ten, I'm at one hundred.

Speaker 2

Oh good, So relax is what you're saying.

Speaker 3

Listen, I had a going out of business sale for my Optimism, which her Republican Party. It is critical that this be a binary choice between Trump and Biden. I am suspicious even of RFK Junior because pols may show now that he takes some work from Trump. I think you know, these people, Molly guess no better or not. You know, there is a certain suburban voter out there that is anti vax young and benefited a lot from them.

They thought the lockdowns for too much. I think that if Rfkjunior cleaned up his act and seemed like a reasonable person a little bit more that if he got in debates, if they have debates, he could end up pulling more from Biden. Because I think that there are a lot of voters out there. Obviously we know this. They don't like the choice, but it is the choice. And it is about the business of the Biden campaign to hold up a mirror and say, is this who

you are? This is who you are if you vote for Donald Trump, and it doesn't matter if you find him distasteful or this stupid thing you don't like to tweet or what he says. If you vote for Donald Trump, you are endorsing all of the worst of Donald Trump. And is this really the country you want to live in? And I think that's a very powerful message. And Biden ultimately can win a referendum on democracy, and he can

win a referendum on decency. And you know, I think one of the things that happened in twenty eighteen that really benefited Democrats just when Biden went out and started talking about democracy and sort of put it on the ballot.

Speaker 1

Yeah, that actually turned out to work really well from even though a lot of the pundon industrial complex said it wouldn't right.

Speaker 4

You know.

Speaker 3

I mean, the one thing I know about politics is if you're in a campaign and you want voters to care about something, you have to prove you care about You have to go out and talk about it and make it an issue. And you know that people say, well, it's going to be about grocery prices or gas prices. Well it could have been, but it doesn't have to be. And if it is, that's a race you're going to lose. So you know, if I was sitting in that room, I would say, look, we may not win a race

about democracy. We may not be able to make the race about democracy, but it's our best shot and that's what we should be doing and it's important. So I think that they understand this in the Biden campaign. I actually have a lot of respect for the Biden campaign. It's incredibly difficult to beat Incumber president. You know, I tried in twenty twelve but failed, and they I think are very patient campaign. I don't think they can.

Speaker 5

So it's going to be going to be a race though, that is unlike any other that in our lifetime or any we've had in America, because you're going to have one party that is a normal, traditional American political party that will be putting forth a center left to gender, and the other party doesn't believe that the Ucumber president is legal. Yeah, so they think we live in an occupied country. No, it's absolutely beyond stupid.

Speaker 2

What do you do with that? I don't know, it's very troubling.

Speaker 1

I'm listening to you and I'm thinking, actually, this is really quite bad, even though I think about this every day.

Speaker 3

But for West w Yeah, we live in a country with four hundred million guns.

Speaker 2

Yeah, the guns thing is bad.

Speaker 3

As a Southern friend of mine likes to say, what's the difference between Fort something in January seventh? Well, nobody died at Fort something. Yeah, you know, I often think, what is it like to work in White House and work on congressional as on trying to help Biden pass something like infrastructure. So you go up on the hills and you're talking to a lot of people. It's not that they don't like your boss, so they don't agree with your boss. They don't think your boss is president. Right,

I mean, how do you begin to do that? And yet Biden has accomplished tremendous things. I mean, I think Biden has been a great president.

Speaker 1

It's sort of the unreality of this Republican.

Speaker 3

Party, completely divorced from reality. They live in a different world. Now, in that world, it all makes sense, right, you have to just get inside the world. It's like crop circuits. Once you understand it, then you really know what it's about. So they live in a world in which obviously Joe Biden didn't win this election. I mean you even need to talk about that. I mean, how can vote for Joe Biden. He can't even have a rally with a thousand people. So our guy had the election stolen. That's

what they believe. And now because he's they know he's going to win. The only way they can stop him. And the only way that they can stop the legally elected president from taking office again is to put him in jail. So every time he gets indicted, it's just one more effort of the deep state to stop Donald Trump. He's that powerful. And once you start believing that, and your friends believe that, and you can say this aloud at a tailgating party or a football game and people

don't think that you're a lunatic. It becomes self reinforcing. And the failure of the Republican Party is that all of the people that you and I know, the same people who are elected officials who think this is just that shit crazy, they're not saying, for the most part that it's bat shit crazy. They're just remaining silent.

Speaker 2

Stuart Stevens, Thank you, thank you, thank you, thank you.

Speaker 1

Moe McKay cobbins is a writer at the Atlantic and author of Romney Reckoning Welcome Too Fast Politics.

Speaker 2

McKay coppins, thanks for having me. I'm delighted to have you.

Speaker 1

I want you to talk to us as much as you feel comfortable, but give us more because you like me. Let's be honest about how you got to write this book, because I feel like there's an interesting backstory here.

Speaker 6

Yeah, it is kind of interesting. I mean, I had covered mid Romney for ten years, and when I covered his presidential campaign, you know, he was known as this highly cautious, highly controlled, highly calculating candidate, right, and that does not make for a very compelling subject for a biography. So you know, if I had had the opportunity to do this book ten years ago. I don't think I would have done it. But I had been talking to

him since he arrived in Washington as a senator. I'd profiled him for The Atlantic, and I could tell after January sixth that something was going on with him, like something had been knocked loose by watching the leaders of his party attempt to overthrow a presidential election, and like he just seemed like he was in this soul searching mode. He was asking difficult questions about what his party had become,

what was happening to the country. He genuinely believed that American democracy is more fragile than we realize, and could see the seeds of its kind of demise, and he was sort of ready to unburden himself. So I basically just went to him and said, look, I think you're in an interesting moment right now. I think you're in a kind of unusual headspace for a sitting politician. I

want to write this book. I want to write your biography, but I only want to do it if you're ready to be totally candid, right like right, tell all the stories. And if you're not ready to do that, that's fine, maybe we revisited down the line, but to my pleasant surprise, he decided to just go all in. He gave me his journals, he gave me very sensitive emails with high profile Republicans, and from the very beginning I could tell that he was ready to kind of take this seriously.

Speaker 1

You had enough of a sense that if he said he was a man of his word, and that if he said he was really going to go all because I think so much about as someone who has written about my entire life by my mother, which made me a psychopath.

Speaker 3

We love you for it, Molly, at.

Speaker 1

Least someone does. But people are never happy with what's written about them. And I was thinking about this because I I've been reading the book, and I've been reading the pieces about the book, and this is like one of the very, very very few political books where it actually tells the real stuff. So did you like sit around freaking out, thinking like, he's going to hate this.

Speaker 6

The deal that we had was this was not going to be an authorized biography in the sense that he had any editorial control of the final products, Like, but I would let him read it before it was published and right, and that I would have kind of a good faith conversation with him if he thought there was anything that was you know, lacking context or inaccurate or whatever.

I will say, like as a journalist, as a writer author like I, I tried to keep that out of my head while I was writing the draft, right, Like, I wanted to just tell the story as clearly and accurately and as fair mindedly as possible, knowing that there were going to be things in this book he didn't like. And I don't think I'm you know, betraying any confidences by saying that he definitely didn't like some things in the book, tell me.

Speaker 1

Kind of broadly or not so broadly. Where he sort of pushed back.

Speaker 6

Yeah, I think there were two things. I think the first reaction was just that I worked on this with him for two years. I interviewed him a course of two years. I had all these journals, A lot of our meetings were you know, he's a lonely guy in Washington. He doesn't have a lot of friends in his own party. His family doesn't visit him.

Speaker 1

So any's seating those fish filets with the barbecue.

Speaker 6

Salmon ketch up sandwiches every night. But read the book if you if the listeners don't know the reference to that. But he would spend a lot of time with me just kind of venting, and I think sometimes he just enjoyed the company and kind of forgot who he was talking to. And so when the book, I think he was taken aback by how much he had told me. He started to worry a little about, like, Wow, people are really gonna hate me when this book comes in.

Speaker 2

But those people already hated him.

Speaker 6

And that's what I tried to remind him, and interestingly, I think that's what Anne, his wife is also reminded him, Like, you don't really care what Josh Holly thinks of you, You don't care what ad Vance thinks of you.

Speaker 3

Like that.

Speaker 6

Ultimately, I think that argument won the day. The other side of it that I think is more interesting is a lot of this book deals with the rationalizations he made, especially in the kind of first you know period of his career when he was trying to become president, how he would talk himself into doing things, crossing lines that he maybe wouldn't have otherwise crossed, or take positions that he wasn't sure he totally agreed with, and he after

reading the book felt like I gave disproportionate weight to those episodes, and that, you know, it made it seem like his entire life and career was kind of relativistic and you know, unprincipled, And I don't think think that's true. I think he's actually an uncommonly diligent, conscientious guy for somebody, right. But the reason that I paid attention to that stuff so much is because I think it kind of infects

all of our politics. I think that the reason our kind of democracy is in the sorry shape that it's in right now is in large part because all these elected leaders have, you know, found ways to rationalize doing things that they know are wrong. And so having a subject like Romney who is willing to reflect honestly and kind of grapple with that reality and those episodes I thought was a really telling insight into the psychology of the American political class, and so I focused on it a lot.

Speaker 1

Were you disappointed when he announced he wasn't going to run again and did you try to convince him to stay.

Speaker 6

I steadfastly was neutral on the question of whether he should run again, because it's one of those things whereas a biographer journalist like you don't want to have too much influence over what decisions they ma. But we talked about it a lot. I knew he was leaning this way for a year before he announced it.

Speaker 2

Because he's sort of unreplaceable.

Speaker 6

Yeah, well and that and that's the thing. But the problem is the handful of senators on both the right and the left that he does get along with, and he does feel like or at least trying to pass legislation, do you know, trying to do the work that they were sent to Washington to do. They're either gone or on their way out. So he's increasingly isolated. He feels like, as long as Republicans are in control of any branch of government, the likelihood of getting any laws passed is

pretty minuscule. And you know, the more human side of this is he's he's getting older. He is I write about this in the book. He's kind of haunted by this, this the like premonitions of his own death. And this goes all the way back to his you know, youth.

Speaker 2

But he's always had this weird haunting, right.

Speaker 6

Yes, he had a you know, went through a traumatic car accident when he was a Mormon missionary in France. Where one of the passengers in the car died, and has kind of ever since then had these premonitions that he would die of a sudden and violent death. And you know, as you can imagine, on January sixth, that that thought was going through his mind when he narrowly escaped them up. But you know, he's now getting older and he doesn't know when he's going to die. His

wife has multiple sclerosis. She's in good health now, but he wants to spend the last few years he has that are good years, not sitting in the Senate caucus lunches with Josh Holly and Ted Cruz, but with his family and grandkids.

Speaker 1

And I understand, but he did sounds like he has post traumatic stress from the car accident. I don't want to pooh pooh premonitions.

Speaker 6

But he thinks about it a lot. He thinks about what his death might look like. I think that it is interestingly, though, has informed this last stage of his career in a really helpful way, because or he's been thinking about his own mortality. The more he's kind of has the possibility of his death kind of front of mind, it makes him think less about how he gets along with his car in the Senate or the next re election, and more about like how his obituary will be written,

what is legacy? And the more that he thinks about those things, the more he's able to kind of do the hard, brave things like be the only Republican to vote to convict the president from his own party, rather than worrying about the day to day politics.

Speaker 2

Right, you're both Mormons.

Speaker 1

How much do you think that informs some of his decisions around politics?

Speaker 2

And how much was that a bond for both of you?

Speaker 6

Oh, there's no question. I mean I would be silly to deny that that wasn't part of how we kind of got to know each other and understood each other.

Speaker 3

Yeah.

Speaker 2

I mean I say this as a Jew.

Speaker 1

I'm not a religious Jew, but lately I had a friend who is a fancy British Jew and she was weeping to me about how lonely she felt, and I just wonder how much religion and connection are relevant.

Speaker 6

No, we understood things about each other, not just being Mormon, but we both grew up in places where there were very few Mormons. He grew up in Michigan. I grew up in Massachusetts. And one thing he said to me was, you know, when you grow up Mormon in a place where there aren't a lot of people of our faith, and this is probably true of other faiths as well, is that you learn how to be different in ways that are important to you. And that resonated with me

a lot. I felt like I certainly felt that way, you know, drinking diet coke while my friends were drinking beer at parties in high school. You know, like that all those little moments like pile up over a lifetime and help you and can prepare you to take difficult positions that are you know, politically inconvenient or make other

people dislike you, but you believe are important. And Ronny hasn't always followed that instinct, but I think he is in this last age of his career, and I think that are talking about he felt free to talk about those things and not have to explain all of it. We could use a shorthand with each other, and I do think that helped make our interviews and our conversations more fruitful.

Speaker 1

There's so much staff in this book that people are like, oh my, you know, it's jaw drop after jaw drop, and I don't want to leave any of them out so and I'm sure I will, but I just want you to talk about the Romney warning McConnell of the dangers of January sixth.

Speaker 2

That must have been something.

Speaker 6

Yeah, Well, Romney has gotten a call from Senator Angus King a few days before January sixth, who said, I just talked to a senior defense official who told me they're monitoring online chatter from extremists on the right who are saying that they're going to do some very bad stuff on January sixth, and mid Romney's name had been popping up, like you know, as Ael target.

Speaker 1

And everybody's gotten some degree of that call in this Trump world. I mean, like I got a call from I'm sure you've gotten calls from the security people at the Atlantic that are like you're on a four Chan thread.

Speaker 2

But yeah, yeah, so, I mean that's pretty chilling.

Speaker 6

I think it was that it was pegged to the specific date when the president, you know, was going to come and rally his supporters about stopping the steal. When I write about in the book, though, is that Mitt after hanging up from that call, immediately texted Mitch McConnell and said, you know, I just got off the phone with Angus King. Here's what he told me. I'm concerned that people are going to storm the Capitol on January sixth, among other things, and that were not prepared. I want

to make sure that we're prepared for this. Mitch McConnell never responded to that text.

Speaker 1

Right, did he feel like Mitch McConnell never got it? I mean, he did he have any thoughts?

Speaker 6

You knows the Mitch mcconald got it. Look, I think that this was a moment, you know, it was kind of the final stage of this idea that, like that famous quote from the Washington Post was from a Republican strategist, right, let him play gone. I think it was like, it's a harm in humoring him, Right, Yeah, what's the harmon humoring him? That's what was happening, Like, Yeah, we know Trump lost, but you know, we can let him say whatever he wants to say. There's no point in making

him mad at us now. And I think Mitch mcconnald was playing that same game, and he didn't want to make a stir, rock the boat whatever in the final

days of Trump's presidency. And what we got was what happened on January sixth, and Romney, I mean, one of the things is even still when you ask him about January sixth, he gets so viscerally angry describing what happened, and not just the lies that were told and people like Josh Holly and Ted Cruz amplifying those lives, but just the fact that they weren't ready and they knew

this was happening. But like you know, when the senators were evacuated from the chamber, the police didn't know where to take them, They didn't have any directions for them. There literally just had been no planning for this scenario, even though Mitt Romney had been warned and subsequently warned McConnell about it, you know, this exact scenario. They just they weren't ready. And Romney still gets mad about that when he talks about.

Speaker 2

And Liz Cheney too. Speaking of things that many people.

Speaker 1

Agree on, Mitt Romney believes that Sarah Palin is a moron.

Speaker 2

Discuss so he was vetted.

Speaker 6

Mitt Romney was one of several Republicans vetted by John McCain to be the vice president.

Speaker 2

Jesus losing out to Sarah Palin.

Speaker 6

That's not good, right, So, but it's funny because he tells me about OLW When McCain called him to tell him, you know, you didn't get it, we went a different direction. He said, okay, that's fine. Who did you choose? And McCain said, Sarah Palin from Alaska. Romney immediately was just like, are you kidding me? Because of Romby and at gotten to know Palin a little bit when he was head of the National Governors Association and recalled plan as the

least impressive Republican governor. He knew she had no grasp of policy, no grasp of how campaigning worked, and like he was kind of stunned that that's who McCain would pick.

But it's interesting. He told me that watching her on the campaign trail and the way that she pushed the boundaries of acceptable political rhetoric and whipped up these crowds into a frenzy, it was kind of his first illustration of what the base of his party actually wanted, and it was it was sort of eye opening for him in a sad way.

Speaker 1

Yeah, And I think that's right, and I think that that's how the road to Donald Trump is paved with her. So he's so candid and he's actually quite funny about people.

Speaker 6

He is well. I mean, his journals are actually like often very funny and withering takes on various prominent Republicans. I mean, there's a quote in his journal I can't remember it exactly, but about Nuke Gingrich where he says an thinks he's a megalomaniac and needs a psychologist. He

calls Rick Perry a low iq prima Donna. Yeah, he, you know, certainly has a lot of stories about Donald Trump with me where you know, he said, you know, for a while, I tried to kind of indulge this idea that Donald Trump, you know, maybe he didn't read, and maybe he wasn't capable of like complex analysis, but he was a savant with certain things. That's the thing that Trump allies would always tell me is that after time, I just came to the conclusion that he's just really not smart.

Speaker 1

There's a Trump writer who writes about Trump all the time, and he always tells me that he's just very limited. That's the phrase I love that Romney says, Lou.

Speaker 2

Is a moron. Fox isn't enabler to Stuart Stevens.

Speaker 3

Speaking of Leujobs.

Speaker 1

Yeah, yeah, Lou Dobbs, one of the absolutely dumbest people on television, which you know, one of the big Again, Oprah tries to get Mit to run with her as his running mate, discuss is that really true?

Speaker 2

I heard that.

Speaker 6

I was like, what, well, so there's now been there's been a little controversy around this place. So this was in Mitt Romney's journal in November of twenty nineteen. He writes, the journal entry literally begins Oprah call today. As you can imagine going through his journals, I.

Speaker 2

Was like, huh, what appen? So Oprah?

Speaker 6

According to his journal from that time his contemporaneous notes from that time, she called to urge him to run as an independent in twenty twenty because she wasn't feeling great about the Democratic options. This is during the Democratic primaries. She wasn't sure if any of them could beat Trump, and she had been approached by Michael Bloomberg about running with him as an independent god and so she said, actually, let me go ask Mitt Romney instead. I would if

you like more than Michael Bloomberg. According to his journal, the idea was that they would run on a unity ticket together Midd and Oprah. After this claim came out, and Oprah didn't engage when I asked her about it when I was reporting the book. But after this weaked out in the news. Oprah put out a statement saying that she did call him that day and urge him to run as an independent, but that she wasn't planning

to be on the ticket. And Romney says that she had suggested Oprah be on the ticket, but mid apparently thought that it was serious enough that he wrote about it in his journal, but he demurred because he didn't think that it would actually work. He thought that its independent ticket. And I still think this is true today, that an independent ticket would probably help Donald Trump or the you know, the Democrat.

Speaker 2

Yes, agreed.

Speaker 6

Here's the question, Molly, would you vote for a Romney Winfrey ticket or a Winfrey Romney ticket.

Speaker 2

I can't even get involved in this.

Speaker 1

I'm so freaked out by the entire conversation. I do want to add my little bit of I don't know what this is. When I was a kid, I was once in my mom's house in Connecticut, which she no longer has, and I picked with the phone, the landline, which no one has anymore, and it was Oprah and she was like this, is Oprah And I was like, no, it's not. And she was like, no, no it is. And I was like no, and so there you go. She was like no, it really isn't.

Speaker 2

I was like, now, wow.

Speaker 1

So by McKay coppin's book, and also Oprah makes her own phone calls.

Speaker 2

Thanks okay.

Speaker 1

Andy Krall is a reporter at pro PUBLICA. Welcome too Fast Politics.

Speaker 4

Andy, great to be back.

Speaker 1

I want you to explain the providence of this project first, and then what this project is.

Speaker 2

Second.

Speaker 4

The providence has one point six billion reasons. And I'm only partially joking here, right. You know, I'd followed Leonard Leo during the Trump years. He was this strange, fascinating guy who wore these, you know, incredibly fancy suits and he had like the trained conductor pocket watch chain thing. He was just a curious character who was behind the scenes running like the only organized strategic thing of the whole Trump administration, which was their strategy on.

Speaker 2

Judges, right, which really worked out for them.

Speaker 4

Really worked out for them. I mean Trump will go down, as you know, one of the most prolific judge appointers in history, given what he did in just four years. Really what Leonard Leo did in four years, So he was on my radar for that reason, like who is this guy exactly and how did he sort of manage to pull all this off in the hurricane shit storm

of the Trump administration. And then last year in August, me and some colleagues here at Pro Publica sort of helped break the story a mysterious businessman in Chicago who made a donation to a Leonard Leo controlled group worth one point six billion with a B one point six billion dollars, essentially cementing Leonard Leo's status as like the new kingmaker of the right. And it was at that point that I just so we have to understand why this guy is so influential and important that he would

get one point six billion dollars. So it's been a labor of love of sorts for the last year, but I'm happy to say that we got these stories out into the world.

Speaker 1

That billion dollar donation just for a macstory for my own edification here, what does make a person a so rich that they give a person a billion dollars?

Speaker 2

And b what is that? And how did he get so rich?

Speaker 4

Yeah, you know, in the House of Cards version of this story, the donor would be you know, like a weapons contractor, or like a secret oil barren with like a glass eye and a cool scar or something. But in the world that we actually live in, the donor is a guy named Barry Side, and he's basically the power strip magnate of the United States, like the most boring utilitarian product you can think of. If anyone is listening, look at your power strip and if it says trip light on it with two.

Speaker 2

Piece, that's not how you spell trip In case you're wondering, it is not.

Speaker 4

It is not a touch trip light does, but it is not how the rest of the English speaking world does.

Speaker 1

Poor j You know, a joke is bad when Jesse is like making sounds all right.

Speaker 3

Go on, ye.

Speaker 4

This guy is Barryside is in Chicago. He's a cipher in so many ways. He is not a sort of, you know, a big public figure. He's not the guy who goes to state dinners at the White House. He's given tons of money to different causes on the conservative slash libertarian side of things over the years, but he's very secretive. He often gave his money through this thing called donors Trust, just basically.

Speaker 2

Like isn't that the Koch brothers.

Speaker 4

It's affiliated with them. Yeah. You basically you would give your money to donors trust and they sort of wipe the fingerprints off of the money and then they give it out to like Coke staff or Leonard Leo's stuff or that sort of thing.

Speaker 3

You know.

Speaker 4

And the reporting that we did basically pointed us to this conclusion about Barry Side, which is he's really really old in mid late eighties.

Speaker 2

His kids are really mad at him.

Speaker 4

No kids, that's the key.

Speaker 1

Yeah, well, I on behalf of his children are really mad at him.

Speaker 4

His biography was so thin. When we started reporting that story about the one point six billion, we had the same thought. We're like, has he no errors? Are they not totally ticked off? Yeah? It turns out no. Wow, So Leonard Leo is a effectively the air here. Yeah. And you know, the way it was described to us was essentially, you know, look at what Leonard Leo has built. He built the Federalist Society into a juggernaut. He basically

architected the six ' three Supreme Court majority. And a guy like Barry Sides he's then and says, well, you know, I bet he could take my money and deploy it in a way to make conservatives and libertarians everywhere quite pleased.

Speaker 2

And that is what happened. So explain to us a little bit about the story here.

Speaker 4

Yeah, this donation happens. Obviously, it happens over sort of a year long span because it's a lot of money. And also the donation happened in a way that allowed the barryside to basically avoid paying taxes, as.

Speaker 1

I would hope as anyone.

Speaker 2

Yes, yeah, yeah, yeah, I hate for them to have to play pay taxes like the rest of us.

Speaker 4

Yeah. And so when we uncovered this donation, which was the single largest known donation of its kind in American history, at Pro Publica, you know, we decide it's time to do the full treatment on Leonard Leo. And you know what we found, I think is a really fascinating story in that the guy is the architect of the Supreme Court conservative majority. But that's just like one part of what he did, which is incredible to say because it's it's the freaking Supreme Court of the United States, But

it's really just one part of what he did. What he also did was build this huge machine that could influence who the Supreme Court justices are in Key state, so Wisconsin, in North Carolina and Florida, you name it. He built this sort of typeline conveyor belt of like Junior Scalia's and Thomas's.

Speaker 2

I'm excited for those guys to come down the pie.

Speaker 4

Oh they're coming. Yeah. Yeah. He's helping put people in as attorneys general. He's helping put people in a solicitors general who are the sort of the robin to the batman of the age. He's really got his influence spread across like the whole legal landscape, which I don't think people understood, at least I did not understand until we sort of started down this path.

Speaker 1

Tell me some of the sort of top lines here, the things that will keep.

Speaker 2

Me up at night.

Speaker 4

Yeah. He has these relationships with Supreme Court justices that are both totally unique, kind of troubling in some ways, and so essential to understanding how he's kind of built this thing, this machine that he's built. He's the one who's like helping bring justice Alito on the fishing trip to Alaska that my colleagues that Pro Public are reported on every year when the Federal Society would have its big annual conference, the sort of nerd prom of the

conservative legal world. Leo would have this like very small invite only VIP dinner at some fancy restaurant in DC. It would be him, it would be one or two of the justices.

Speaker 2

And these justices. Let's take a minute here.

Speaker 1

These justices are not Briar, you know, they're not I mean, Brier's not there anymore. But they're not Caggan, They're not Sonia. So to my heir, they are Alito and Thomas.

Speaker 4

And Scalia when he was alive.

Speaker 1

So I mean, these are the ones who are the most sort of bottom paid for continue.

Speaker 4

So at these dinners the other sort of you know, there would be the Leo, some justices, some like kind of muckety MUCKs in the political world, like Scott Pruett when he was still a thing.

Speaker 1

Just for those of us who are keeping drag at home, he was the head of the Environmental Protection Agency, but he did not do much protecting. He also was one of the very few people in Trump world to have to resign because of corruption. So imagine how corrupt you must be to have to do that.

Speaker 4

Yeah, like using your security detail to fly down the streets of Washington, d C. To go to dinner. Yeah, levels of correction. Yeah, and that's actually pretty same compared to the actual things he did. But yes, yes, so people like that. And then the other sort of bucket of people at these dinners were donors to the Federal Society. Now you and your listeners will love this, but you know one of the donors who would go to these dinners was George Conway.

Speaker 1

Yes, now, yes, now, King of the Resistance. I think, and I've said this to George when he's been on this podcast, and I say this to him when we hang out alone.

Speaker 2

He is one of.

Speaker 1

The people who is the architect of all of this, so he has to repent.

Speaker 4

I'm sure he loves them.

Speaker 2

I think he has.

Speaker 1

Very mixed feelings about but you know, but I mean it's true. I mean that that you know that the road to this is paved with dollars from George Conway.

Speaker 4

Credit to George at least that when I called him up and talked to him, he both acknowledged all of those things that you just said, but also he had an understanding of the sort of psychological components of this, which I thought was, you know, in some levels, it's crazy at some levels, but also totally revealing. I mean, the thing that George said that I thought was so fascinating. It and it's something he said that applies to not only Leo, but also all this Thomas Alito stuff, even

the Scalia stuff we've also reported on Republica. As he said, look, you know, even though these guys are Supreme Court justices, like in Washington, they feel that they're maligning, they feel that they're ostracized, they feel that the people are unfair in their criticism of them.

Speaker 2

My heartbreaks for them, yeah.

Speaker 4

Right right, usually a response, but that, according to George So, there was a real concern that a Scalio or a Thomas or Alito might one day just say, to literally quote George, fuck it, I'm quitting, if only I'm going to go make a ton of money at Jones Day the Conservative law firm or some other law firm. Yeah.

Speaker 2

Yeah.

Speaker 4

And so part of what Leonard Leo is doing was like finding ways to make these justices feel, you know, happy and supported.

Speaker 1

Or something into my heart fuck those motherfuckers, yes, continue.

Speaker 2

Yes, sorry.

Speaker 4

Your reaction is what I think a lot of people's reaction is when a conservative Supreme court justice, someone with an incredible amount of power, right is like, you know, people are rude to me at restaurants. Man, this is terrible, but it is what it is. And who would know better than chors I mean that was a milieu.

Speaker 1

Yeah, no, no, And I think that's a really good point. And you know, I constantly criticize him for that, and by the way, well deserved. But yeah, I think that's a really good point. And it is certainly they did believe they had a certain kind of religious like mandid.

Speaker 4

Oh yeah, And it's important to understand it that way. I mean, Leo has been doing what he's doing for thirty years, building what he's been building, recruiting, having these dinners, et cetera.

Speaker 1

Explain to me why isn't more hands on with those three justices he helped pick out?

Speaker 4

More hands on in what way?

Speaker 2

Like they don't hang out with him, they don't do dinners.

Speaker 4

With him that crew, I think that they do.

Speaker 2

Okay, So talk to us about that.

Speaker 4

These three justices are the current most current ones. Gorsic, Kavanaugh, cony Bertt. I mean, they're really interesting because in a lot of ways they represent the sort of full operation of the full flowering, if you will, of what LEO has accomplished. I mean someone like Kavanaugh, someone like Cony Barrett. I mean they came up and Conny Barrett especially, you know, came up through sort of Catholic institutions, Catholic legal institutions

like Notre Dame. Taught at those Catholic legal institutions, involved in the Federalist Society, obviously involved in all of these other sort of religious right legal efforts, you know, like the Alliance Defending Freedom, and you know, then got to judge Ship, took that judge Ship to the next level, got to point it to the Supreme Court in some ways, like Amy Coney, Barrett to a degree, Gorsitch to a degree, and Kavanaugh. They are what LEO had envisioned thirty years

ago and have come to now. And look, these judges. They attend the big Federal Society events every year. They sit next to the biggest donors to the Federal Society at these galas. They hire clerks, which obviously one of the most coveted positions as a junior lawyer. They hire clerks who've come up through the LEO system, and then those clerks go on to become lawyers and judges and maybe justices someday.

Speaker 3

So I don't know.

Speaker 4

It kind of feels like the three most recent Trump pointed Supreme Court judges are not so much like pals of Leonard Leo's in a way that Scalia or Thomas or an Alito where you know, closer to peers in some ways, or even with Scalia, you know, Leo sort of consider themselves sort of a mentee. I think that some ways they are kind of, you know, a product of what Leo has done. So the relationship is different.

They're still very much close, but the dynamic has changed, if that makes sense, right the first three to the second three.

Speaker 2

So what is his sort of grand plan?

Speaker 4

His grand plan is to take all this money he's got and too, among other things, use the federalist society model, the thing that he's done for the last thirty years, and expand it to a whole bunch of other parts of American society for the next thirty years or twenty years. So we're talking media, we're talking education, talking religion, talking sort of more specifically like you know, electoral politics. We're talking the climate fight, which they would sort to be on the other.

Speaker 2

Side of yeah, I think so.

Speaker 4

Yeah, yeah, I mean there's this there's this group that we wrote about earlier this year called the Teneo Network. Leo is now the chairman of the Teneo Network and the TOAIO Network again. Wants to be the Federalist Society, not for the law, but the federalist society for everything. They want to have venture capitalists, they want to have CEOs, they want to have US senators. They want to elect a future president who is a TENAO member, you know.

So it's pretty intense and it's very ambitious. Just because Leo's done it before, it doesn't mean he can do it again. But obviously you don't want to sleep on this bigger vision of his.

Speaker 1

Oh Jesus Christ, tell me something that makes me slightly less depressed or more depressed.

Speaker 2

Just give us something to come out on.

Speaker 4

Well, yeah, I mean, I think the really interesting political trend we're seeing in this ties directly to Leo is the backlash to the Dobbs decision. Yeah, that overturned Roby Wade, and the way that direct democracy has been used to push back on the agenda of people like Letard Leo. You know, overturning Row was the North Star for people like Leo for thirty years. They got their judges there, and then they got what they wanted with the Dobbs decision. Alito wrote it, you know guy that Leo put on

the bench. But then you see ballot measures in Kansas, and you see ballot measures in a bunch of other states, and we're going to have a big one in Ohio in a couple of weeks where voters, including in states that are not you know, bastions of Blue Democratic Party support people, voted to protect or expand reproductive rights. People who've read our coverage and have come a waste feeling that they can't do anything, feeling sort of impotent in

the face of Leonard Leo and his operation. I was telling them, And look the people of Kansas after Dobbs put the issue on the ballot and voted overwhelmingly to protect reproductive rights. No, no one man with all his money on the left or the right can just dictate how democracy works, especially when something's on the ballot like reproductive rights. Is I think this Ohio abortion rights vote, this in a couple of weeks is going to be something to watch for sure. And then next year, seeing

how the candidates talk about row in abortion rights. It galvanized people in twenty twenty two, it could very We'll do it again in twenty twenty four.

Speaker 2

Thank you so much.

Speaker 4

Always a pleasure. Thanks for having me.

Speaker 3

No more.

Speaker 2

Jesse Cannon by junk Fest.

Speaker 7

I'm going to fess up. I think that there's like backbenchers, nosebleed benchers. I know Tom Emmer was the majority whip for the Republicans, but I'm gonna admit he's got that charisma that makes me forget who he is every other week. Where do you see it here as he tries to become speaker again?

Speaker 1

Charisma? We're not at charisma here. The Bernard Dan Caucus continues its self immolation. Incredible stuff here. Tom Emmer, who is the one person in this speakership race who has any kind of experience doing what.

Speaker 2

The speaker needs to do. That guy is on the verge of.

Speaker 1

Collapse, Multiple Republicans telling CNN twenty six Republicans opposing a closed door vote, citing concerns over his record on fiscal and social issues, he was too responsible. Another one representative, Luna, who is a complete put munatic.

Speaker 2

Yeah, there you go.

Speaker 1

She came out against him, and Trump is now publicly attacking him as a rhino. I was told everything Trump touches dies, and we're seeing that firsthand here, and so that is our moment of fuck right. And right after we recorded this, Tom Emmer dropped out, perhaps because Donald Trump texted everyone in the Republican caucus a lean, quote unquote truth about him. That's it for this episode of

Fast Politics. Tune in every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday to hear the best minds in politics makes sense of all this chaos. If you enjoyed what you've heard, please send it to a friend and keep the conversation going. And again, thanks for listening.

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