Hi, I'm Molly John Fast and this is Fast Politics, where we discussed the top political headlines with some of today's best minds. We're on vacation this week, but that doesn't mean we don't have an amazing show for you Today. The New York Times columnist and author of The Uninhabitable Earth, David Wallace Wells. We'll talk to us about the latest
on climate change. But first we have Will Rollins, who is running for the forty first district in California, and he's going to talk to us about his newly announced run for Congress. There. Welcome back to Fast Politics, Will Rollins.
Thank you so much for having me. Walie. Great to be back.
I'm not going to overblow this year, but I think you are the key to Democrats winning back the House.
Well, I don't like that much pressure on my shoulders, but in no pressure.
We are definitely a crucial House race for the House majority.
And yeah, we've got a great opportunity to flip the seat next year, no doubt.
So tell me what your district is. I know a little bit about it because it's where my dad and my stepmom lived.
But tell us yeah, sure, so this is a new district.
Last year was the first time that we had California forty one as it is currently constituted. It used to be a Trump plus seven seat, but in redistricting it picked up Palm Springs, Rancho, Mirage, Palm Desert, Lakita, Indian Wells, and actually a much more democratic part of the state. So for the first time in Ken Calvert's history in office, he's got a democratic majority electorate.
Wow. So let's talk about Ken Calvret. That district is very liberal. Your district, Rancho, Mirage, Palm Springs, very progressive group of people. Ken Calverret is not that.
Huh No, he's not.
I mean, he's traditionally had an extremely conservative seat and since nineteen ninety two he's taken some pretty extreme votes on a whole host of issues. Is whether it's you know, a national abortion band with no exceptions at the federal level, whether it's voting to keep LGBT people out of the military, whether it's recently instead of campaigns on inflation, crime, homelessness. And after he wins reelection, you know, one of his first votes is to gut the Office of Congressional Ethics.
He recently voted to make it harder for our women in uniform to get access to reproductive care. So he's somebody who I think is just really out of step with what people imagine as Southern California and what Southern California really is. So I think that's going to, you know, manifest itself when he loses next year. I think a.
Really important thing that we should be talking about is this idea that there really is no space in this Republican party for moderates anymore. I am always like a little squishy and so I want in my heart of hearts for a Susan Collins or you know, someone like that to be able to make a difference. And in the Senate it happens more than in the House, but really in the House, all of these Republicans vote in lockstaff.
Yeah, I think that's absolutely right.
And you know, I come from a family that is split between Republicans and Democrats. And I started my career first job out of college as an aid to Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger, even though I was a Democrat. And you know, he was a guy who hired a bipartisan staff, truly by partisan staff, and I think genuinely wanted to hear different perspectives when he was making policy decisions, and so much of that has been lost in the Republican Party.
And I think Governor Schwarzenegger was talking about this twenty years ago when he said Republicans were dying at the box office and needed to moderate on a whole host of issues, and rather than heeding his advice, they have gone as far to the right as possible. And I think it's pretty remarkable to see people like and Calvert think that they can and continue to win reelection by telling tens of thousands of his own constituents in the LGBTQ community, for example, that we don't deserve to eat
when we get older. With his vote this week to defund senior meals for LGBT people, it's remarkable that they think this is a winning political strategy.
Politico ran an article on your campaign and it said do over in the Desert California Democrat who almost won seeks a rematch, And I think a lot about the Lauren Boepert challenger, who we also had on this podcast, who lost by seven hundred votes. There is an opportunity and twenty four for both of you to finish what you've started.
Well, yeah, I mean Tom Sprays is like the best part of running for me, but it is grueling because of our broken campaign finance system. And I think, you know, I didn't have a true sense of how brutal the process was until I did it myself, and so I wasn't sure that I was going to do it again. But we had some great silver lions in the midterms.
I mean ended up being the only challenger in the state of California to win independence as a Democrat and did the best of any House challenger compared to President Biden's performance in twenty twenty by House district. And so I had a lot of members of Congress reach out to me after the election and tell me their stories of running in a midterm and narrowly losing and coming back and winning it in the presidential year with higher turnout. And so I think that I did not have a
choice to run again. I think all Americans who care about our democracy and freedom have to step up to the plate and do everything that each of us has in our own individual power to make sure that this Republic continues to stand and that we continue to be the leader of the free world.
In the twenty first century.
Yeah, and I think that's a really good point, especially when we're so faced with this climate change summer. If the Democrats don't win back the House this fall, we're looking down the barrel of a very likely government shutdown
because the House Republicans are completely insane. If Democrats win back the House, there could be more climate legislation and more of the kind of things like the child tax credit and more of this sort of nuts and balts legislation that the American people really really like.
Yeah.
Absolutely, And I think I, you know, come back, it's funny to be a Democratic House candidate continuing to quote a Republican governor like Schwarzenegger. But I mean what he said about climate change when he was the governor of California. You know, you don't have to just have either economic growth or a green economy.
You can have both of these things.
And it's possible to do that in a state like California and in a place like the Coachella Valley, where we really have an opportunity to lead the country and the world in the development of lithium ion batteries, for example, that that power the green economy globally and that actually make our air cleaner to breathe than a safer plant
for all of us. So I think that it's not again, really not just about making sure the planet survives, which of course is our first concern, but making sure our economy grows and that we continue to compete with countries like China which want to create the.
Foothold in this new economy.
And if we have smart leaders who are willing to work hard, roll up their sleeves, I know we can make a lot of progress and achieve what we want to for America in this century.
So here is my question for you. It looks like twenty four is going to be a rematch of Biden v. Trump. Republicans are all in on this kind of insane insanity. I mean, you're on the ground. You're in California. California is largely liberal state, but there really are pockets of extreme conservatism in California. And since you're running for Congress, everyone is telling you everything they're unhappy about. What are you hearing from voters?
The good news is that people are unhappy about things that unify us.
In some ways.
They're unhappy that members of Congress are able to trade stocks.
I too, am unhappy about that.
Yeah, And I think, you know, I think this presents a real opportunity. I spent most of my career as a federal prosecutor, and you know, had some great colleagues in the US Attorney's Office who have prosecuted some incredible public corruption cases out of the Central District of California. And you know, those cases apply to Republicans and Democrats alike. And I think there's an opportunity even among some really
conservative parts of the state. You know, Canyon Lake, for examples, in my district where my partner and I used to live, one of the most republican cities in California. No matter whether you've got an R or a D behind your last name, if you believe in banning members of Congress from trading stocks, if you believe in a lifetime ban on lobbying, if you believe that corporate pack contributions should
be made illegal. Again, that's a process based type of populism that I think more of us need to be talking about, because our government cannot function if corruption can continues to seep into the halls of Congress. And you look at again, somebody like my opponent, whose net worth has gone up by twenty million dollars since he first took office in ninety two, in part by using earmarks for personal benefit, which has been widely reported not just by the liberal press, but also by Fox News, by
the National Review, the Orange County Register. These are not liberal bastions that covered some of his own self dealing. People are hungry for, I think, reforms that apply to Congress writ large, regardless of party, because they know that gridlock can't really be overcome until we have a government that works for working families.
When you look at this map, there are not that many seats that Democrats can pick up. There are some seats in New York State, there are a few in California, but this is a very gerrymandered map. So the fact that you have a real opportunity here, I think is really really important.
Yeah, it is.
And I think California and New York, if you look at what happened in the midterms, we actually had lower turnout among Democratic voters in both of those states than we had in red states like Kansas and Alaska. And so when you look under the hood, as some of the results from the midterms and I, you know, think about my district in particular. We had about sixty percent of registered Republicans voting in my district, about fifty percent of registered Democrats voting in my district, but I only
lost by about four points. And so when you look at the ability to overperform in that climate, and I think, you know, I always joke, I don't know whether it means that I'm a good candidate or calvert as an exceptionally bad candidate, whatever.
The combination may be. We were able to build a.
Pretty unique coalition in California forty one that got a lot of independence and moderate Republicans over to our side, including you know, the former Assembly Republican leader in California, the former elected Republican sheriff in Riverside County, both of
whom endorsed our campaign in the last cycle. And I think we need more Democratic candidates to aggressively court the pro democracy, average Republican voters who are still out there because the electives may not be, but their voters are, and we absolutely can can win them.
Yeah, I want to talk about that because I think of you as in that group of Democrats who have really tried to reach out to Republicans who are you know, like so many of the Bulwark Cup and the people in my life, you know who cannot stomach this Republican Party under Trump, but who have some more conservative values and who are now in an uneasy Reproachmont with the Democratic Party, and we need them to win elections.
Absolutely.
One of my favorite events that I've gone to was a chamber of commerce and then in Norco, where most of the folks at the table were just talking about we could get Eastvale, a city again in my district that its own zip code. It's been trying to get
its own zip codes so packages can be delivered. And a local assemblymen representative got up and said, you know, I'd really like it if everybody can support my bill to make sure that teachers out LGBT kids to their parents and the entire group of not you know, this is a Chamber of COMMERCEOVT in Orco, not a pretigu progressive area. But everybody just kind of looked around at each other, like, why is this person so obsessed with culture war issues when we've got just a practical issue
in our district that needs to be resolved. And I think that there are a lot of moderate Republicans, and I'm friends with a lot of them. I mean, I again started, I spent started my career off with Schwarzenegger and had a family that really was split around the dinner table, where you could have substantive disagreements with a sense of humor without it feeling existential. And I think that so many of us are craving a return to
that kind of community. I believe that it's incumbent on people like me running and really all of us who have Republican family and friends to try to engage.
I know it's not always the easiest.
Thing to do, but if we are going into places that make us feel a little bit uncomfortable, I don't think that we are doing our job to unite the country. And it's one of my favorite things to do because you realize how much there actually is in common and how much unites us when it comes to policy, and if you can get past the names that people have these preconceptions about, I think there really is a lot to bring us together.
Yeah, and there's no reason for the government to be involved in what happens in children's lives. I mean, this is such an insane you know, these people used to be small government conservatives and now I mean, I think the thing that I was so struck by was Ron DeSantis was recently saying that he's going to acute bud Light. He's going to try to go after bud Light for the Anheuser Busch Corporation started by longtime Republican donors, because
he felt that they had been too woke. And you know, this is not what the government's job is, not to punish businesses that they don't like. And we see this again and again in the House too. You know, they're trying to fight against clean energy because they really just are afraid of progress.
Right, I mean, how is that free market conservatism? Right to target your largest employer, in the case of Florida, right in the state, an entity that contributes billions to your economy every year, and say, you know, I don't agree with your position on some issue and I'm going to use the power of the state to go after you. I mean, I think that makes a lot of Reagan Republicans recoil because that's not what America is about. This kind of punitive, tit for tat culture warrior type conservatism.
That's not the Republican Party of the nineteen eighties. It's not the George W. Bush Republican Party, and a lot
of people are put off by it. And I think it's a testament to kind of the realignment that we've seen in districts like CAA forty one, where you have a group of people who are small government conservatives or even libertarians who don't think that the government should be dictating medical decisions for women, who don't think the government should be dictating medical decisions for parents and their kids. I mean, Ken Calvert's not a trained physician, he's not
a psychotherapist. I don't know why anybody would ever want to have to pick up their phone and call that guy for input before they make a decision about their own life and body. And I think that that kind
of a coalition. And also, you know, frankly, on gun rights, I think whether you're looking at parents who have little kids who are in school, or you've got folks worried about their grandparents going to the grocery store, some really basic common sense reforms that I've even had conversations with NRA members about that NRA members support, for example, red flag laws. I mean, I've got an opponent who doesn't believe that somebody who threatens to shoot up a school
should have a no sale order put in place. That's remarkable. I mean, that puts him in such a fringe element of our population that it's going to make him unelectable. And it's good news for me because I'm the one to run it against it.
Well, thank you so much, Please come back.
Thank you, Mollie. Great to be on Love the Show.
David Wallace Wells is a New York Times columnist and author of The Uninhabitable Earth. Welcome to Fast Politics, David Wallace Wells. I'm delighted to have you.
Really good to be here.
It's summer, it's fire season. Give me your top lines on summer twenty twenty three.
Well, it just feels like every summer in the Northern Hemisphere. Now we're seeing what looked like unprecedented record breaking events all around the world sort of at once, and then we kind of forget about them by the time the next summer rolls around and we see a whole other wave and have another collective panic attack. This year seems a lot worse than last year. You know, the extreme heat is really scary. Across the US. We had weeks in Texas where the heat index was above one hundred
every day. We had I think it was eighteen straight days in Phoenix where it was one hundred and twenty. In Miami, we've had you know, really scary heat and deseas up in the upper nineties, over one hundred for weeks on end. We've got these crazy sea surface temperature anomalies where we haven't seen ocean waters this hot presumably for millions of years. And around the Florida Keys the water is as hot as it is in a hot tub. It's like in a couple of places it's registered over
one hundred degrees in the ocean water. We've had these unbelievable off the charts Canadian fire season where they've had you know, many multiples of their recent average fires burn and we're nowhere near the end of that season and there's basically nothing we can do to stop those fires or stop them smoke from coming.
And now just in the.
Last few days, we've seen a lot of crazy scary wildfire activity Mediterranean basin, which from like a global statistical perspective, isn't that big a deal. These are pretty small fires by the standards of Canada or California, or Siberia or Australia, but in the context of pretty densely populated little islands where it happens a lot of Europeans are had vacation. Right now, it looks pretty terrifying, like a large chunk
of roads is burned. Parts of Corfu. Sicily had its highest temperature reading ever yesterday and now they've got wildfires like right outside of Palermo. So you know, basically everywhere you look, you're seeing things that you never thought you'd see.
And just today a big study came out looking at in particular the heat waves in the US, China and Europe, which found that, you know, all of these things which best would have been like once in every two hundred and fifty year events and in some cases would have been totally impossible in a world without climate change, are now one in fifteen year events, one in five year events.
So it's you know, it's basically things that would have been impossible to imagine a generation ago are now so routine we don't even clock them as especially unusual these days.
And that's where we are.
I would love it if you would explain to US a little bit about why there isn't more of a kind of collective freak out about those.
Well, I think the big answer is that we are capable of normalizing extreme weather at the same rate that it is accelerating. And that means that, you know, we're basing our expectations for this year in the next couple of years really just on the experiences of the last few years, not on like a twenty year or thirty year timeline, and that means that even things that are basically off the charts feel merely like multiples of what
we've had in the recent past. You know, heat wave that we've had in the US the last couple of weeks, while really horrifying, is not that different from the hea we had last year when also one hundred million Americans were under extreme he warnings. And so, you know, psychologically we adapt extremely quickly. You know, our politics is broken in all the ways that we know, and so we don't have a lot of you know, a lot of
leadership calling out this issue. Mostly we're just like letting states and localities deal with it themselves.
And I think most.
People respond to that rhetorical environment by treating what's happening as normal. I think our basic reflex is to see anything that's happening outside our window. If we're not ourselves,
like fleeing our homes, it's normal. And that's not a great recipe for dealing with a rapidly changing environment, because even if what twenty twenty five looks like is not that different from twenty twenty three, if we tell ourselves that all of these incremental changes are perfectly acceptable, we're going to find ourselves in a completely different world a decade from now than the one we're living in today, When already we're living in a completely different world than
the world our parents and grandparents live down.
Can you say a little more about that, because that I think is really important. I mean, it feels like what we saw with COVID. I had always thought, very naively, perhaps that at some point people would be like, this is enough. But that's not what's happened.
The opposite.
Has that happened right? Like, we were much more alarmed, we were much more motivated, We were much more unified in our response to the pandemic when the death toll numbered in the hundreds or thousands than we were when it passed one hundred thousand, than we were when it passed five hundred thousand, then we were when we passed
a million. I mean, it's amazing now looking kind of looking back quote unquote on the pandemic, how much the memory of that experience was like based in the first couple of months, and how much most of the duration of the you know, the last few years we spent just kind of like accepting quite large volumes of human death and learning or bringing ourselves to be irritated by the relatively minor intrusions of mitigation measures that you know, we were sort of asked to embrace, Like we just
we normalize that death rate so quickly. I mean, you know, I work at the Times that famously, The Times put a banner headline on, you know, across all the columns of the front page, when one hundred thousand Americans died. They literally listed the names of every American who had died at that point. And we've now, depending on how you want to account, we've seen at least eleven times
as many people has died at that point. Some measures are say as much as fifteen times as many Americans have died at that point, and we're just not doing anything like the kind of memorialization or reckoning with that beyond even that we are I think many of us looking back on the pandemic almost as though those deaths were inevitable and disconnected from our policy, and telling stories about the last few years that are primarily about the way that they interfered with our daily lives and not
about the fact that a million Americans died. And I think climate change is, you know, unfortunately already following a similar path, which is to say, we kind of take for granted some large amount of suffering, judge our response based on the disruptions tour to our life, and don't really focus on like the pretty grim impacts on the people who are suffering most.
A thing I never saw before the pandemic was this idea that were these people who were like climate normalizers, you know, the way that you had anti vaxers, right, you have people who say, like, you know, one hundred and fifteen is no big deal, We've had one hundred and fifteen forever. I mean, it feels like a very concerted effort.
Well, I think that you know, one thing that changed over the last couple of years is that Elon Musk bought Twitter and he changed a lot of the engagement algorithms, which means that you know, a lot of what someone like me sees now on social media is it's a lot more full of people who are skeptical, if not
in our right denial of climate than were before. But I think it's also a natural social outgrowth of living through extremes, which is like one response we all have, even those of us who are really alarmed in living through some of these events, is to say, well, we basically survived, and that's true, Like you know, it's not like eighty percent of Phoenix is dead because of those temperatures. Like most of Phoenix surviving. They are going to have
significant excess tests this summer, I would guess. But you know, even significant excess tests, you're still talking about something that in a city of several million people is functionally on the margins. And it's very easy, even kind of natural for those of us who are survivorship bias, but to survive those events and look back and say, Okay, well that may have seemed really scary, you know in prospect,
but in retrospect, we made it. And I think that's you know, we're likely to see a fair amount more of that, And I don't even think that it's entirely unhealthy or unreasonable. I do think that, like we can point to adaptations and innovations and social response to some of these really intense climate events and say, Okay, well, like that didn't totally devastate us in the way that
we might have expected. Human life will be damaged by these assaults from climate change going forward, but we may also be able to navigate them in a way that allows something like quote unquote normal life to continue. And in fact, probably we will find a way, even if that also involves normalizing say, you know, ten thousand deaths a year every summer in Phoenix.
I almost feel like we need to talk about what's happening in Texas because that is a really interesting phenomenon. You have the reddest state filled with the biggest assholes. If you'll excuse my French, I can say that because we're not on television, they're surviving on renewables.
The Texas state legislature tried to recap the renewable business
this spring. There were conservatives who are pushing that measure in the in the state legislature were pushed back by other conservatives who looked at the numbers and said, wait, if we limit renewable deployment, that means that energy prices are going to be higher, right, And this seems to me to be a really significant reversal from where we were just a few years ago, where you know, climate skeptical conservatives would say, well, we just need to let
the market decide. We can't distort the market by subst renewable energy, and they were kind of like there were free marketeers in the name of fossil energy. And now we're in a situation for a number of reasons, including the IRA, but also just natural market forces where renewables are a preferable alternative to fossil fuels, and you have fossil friendly conservatives now rallying against the force of the
free market. So they're basically trying to and in the way of what is naturally occurring in a place like Texas, where renewables are growing rapidly. Texas is the most renewable
rich state in the country. I believe they have twice as much solar capacity as they had on the grid even last year, and it's the reason they're not having blackouts at the moment, Like you said, I think the longer term story year is really interesting in the sense of how quickly and how fully those trajectories will at least neutralize climate as a partisan issue and maybe even
flip it or reverse it. Because in the year or so almost a year since the IRA was passed, we've had much much more clean energy investment in red states and red districts than we have in blue, blue states and blue districts. And you know, I think ultimately that
is going to have a political impact. I don't know how quickly, I don't know how significantly, but I do think it's already notable when you look at the midterms that you know, Republicans were just not running against the IRA, they were basically standing on the sidelines, not mentioning it.
And I think we're starting to see that sort of transformation of climate from a predictable, partisan, polarizing issue to one in which, you know, the truth is like the market is doing its thing, and most people, even on the right side of the aisle, are at least comfortable with it, if not applotting it out right.
That's hopeful in my mind, and I'm kind of surprised by it. So I'd love you to just talk about it for another second, because you know, what I've seen with Ron DeSantis and some of these conservatives is this active anti you know. I mean, I'm thinking of Ron de Santis this weekend said the bud Light need to be punished for putting diversity and inclusion before capitalism, or
something to that effect. So I wonder just how much conservatives will try to punish green energy just because they think it works for them.
You know, there's still some certainly some resistance on the right, certainly some reflexive kind of cultural war skepticism among Republicans across the country about climate issues. That's definitely there. It will continue to some extent. You still have a fair number of states attorneys general who are like fighting these ESG policies as a sort of trojan horse for you know, pushing back climate policies. I think, you know, all of
that is happening. I don't mean to suggest that, like we're all in Kumbay Island and everybody on the life, but I also think, you know, it's significant to me that like Ron DeSantis, in building his presidential campig first of all, he's a missile is going down or whatever. He's not a sign of the future of the party. Even as he's building his presidential campaign. He's not screaming
about clean energy, No, he's not. He's screaming about issues and schools and to some extent, you know, COVID restrictions and lockdowns, although I think that's a loser for him too. But you know, in general, the Party as a whole, while they retain some amount of climate skepticism and they're not exactly about to like make AOC secretary of Energy or whatever, they are also not focused on energy issues and climate issues in the way that they were absolutely
focused on healthcare in the aftermath of Obamacare. And you have a massive bill that passed by the narrowest of margins last fall for the IRA, a huge bill, probably three or four times the size that the CBO estimated, because the legislators kind of tricked the CBO into making it seem like a smaller bill was And like the Republican response has been basically silenced, I mean, you know,
not totally silenced. There have been little burst protests here and there, but they're basically like, okay, fine, like let that become law. Let that become the law of the land. We're going to argue with you about all these totally trivial kind of virtual reality combats kinds of politics, and that's where that party is now. That's depressed. It's distressing,
it's horrible for the country in a million ways. But I think it also leaves whole areas of policy to be directed by those people who really care about making a difference, which is to say, primarily people on the left. It's not just climate policy, but climate is the best illustration of that right.
No, no, for sure, and it is quite interesting. One last question. The countries with the worst pro fuel propaganda America, Saudi Arabia. How much of what we're thinking is influenced by fossil fuels and how we experience the world is influenced by successful fossil fuel propaganda.
I think it's really hard to untangle a lot of that stuff and say, you know, it's like Exon's mind tricks, as opposed to American culture, which has been shaped over decades by our love affair with cars in the open road, which is in part because of what fossil fuel companies we're doing, but also has a lot of other stuff
going on. It's absolutely true that there has been a propaganda campaign around the world, but maybe most conspicuously in the US, and it has had some effect on keeping us invested in connected in a way of life that is totally unsustainable. And this is not you know, we often think of this as a really long standing dynamic. As recently as twenty sixteen, the US was not exporting a single molecule of oil or gas. By twenty twenty two, the US was the largest exporter of each of those
in the entire world. So, you know, it's not just a matter of companies slowing action, although they do that too in certain areas. We've been dramatically expanding our footprint here, which is total indictment of US, and I think even more than the fossil fuel companies themselves, it's an indictment of the sort of the politicians who have enabled that to happen. You know, I think a lot about that famous appearance that Obama made towards the end of his presidency.
Maybe it was in the immediate aftermath when he left office in Texas, where he was bragging about making the US the world's largest producer of oil and gas and then instructed the audience, who are like all to soil
and gas men, to thank him in applot. And you know, I'm a fan of Obama's I have supported him as a president, But there's just a way in which we tell ourselves that we're on the right side of history and make such large compromises with the forces of the fossil fuel industry that we end up on the wrong side.
Yeah, thank you, David. I hope you'll come back.
Thanks for having me.
Great stuck.
That's it for this episode of Fast Politics. Tune in every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday to hear the best minds in politics makes sense of all this chaos. If you enjoyed what you've heard, please send it to a friend and keep the conversation going. And again, thanks for listening.