Hi, I'm Molly John Fast and this is Fast Politics where we discussed the top political headlines with some of today's best minds. And Trump has frozen one billion dollars in food aid given to local schools and food banks to help low income families. We have such a great show for you today. On the tapes, Dan Nathan stops by to talk to us about the stock markets very very very bad reaction to Donald Trump's policies.
Oh, Molly, we also have an extra special bonus from our YouTube channel where we talk to Harvard professor Lawrence Lessig about his thoughts on how the Democrats can make a doge that actually works well in the future. Then we'll talk to the New York Times David Enrich about his new book, The Murder of Truth, Fear the First Amendment in a secret campaign to protect the powerful.
But first the news.
So, Molly, Elon Musk has officially become part of Maggo because he's always saying the quiet part out loud, and he has done just that about social security. Let's listen to him say the truth about how it feels about it.
So, I mean the Waste report in entitlement spending, which is all of the most of the federal spendings entitlements. So that's that's like the big one to eliminate is that's the sort of half trillion, maybe six seven hundred billion a year.
Waste fraud and abuse. But it's not actually waste, fraud and abuse. It's just things Elon doesn't like. So here's the thing I want to talk about when it comes to what Elon is doing. We saw this Republican House pass a reconciliation bill which had an eight hundred and eighty billion dollar cut to medicaid over ten years. We don't need to hear Elon say it. The Congress has said it. They are going after Medicaid and Medicare, and just because they know it's unpopular and they don't want
to say it out loud. One of the very few good things to come from Elon Musk's stint in the ruling us like a god king has been that he doesn't have the energy to lie, so he just I mean, he still lies, but he is slightly addicted to telling us what he's what he's actually going to do, and in this case, he's actually going to try They're going to try to cut medicaid and we saw this coming.
I mean, they're cutting the Oceanic, the national They're doing everything they said they were going to do in Project twenty twenty five. And you're going to be shocked to hear that even though Trump said he wasn't going to do it, He's actually going to do it. It's shocking. And Musk has got a lot of lies going. You know, why are there twenty million people who are definitely dead marked as alive in the Social Security database? This has
been debunked a bunch of times. The way the code is written, it makes people seem older than they are because of the way of the old fashioned code which adds, you know whatever.
Forty years or fifty years to your birthday.
So it's actually people over eighty seven or ninety seven or one hundred and seven, but not over two hundred, you know, over one hundred and forty.
So the numbers actually.
This is just a continued debunk lie, just like when we interview David Fahrenhold and he talks about how DOGE is using a lot of debunked lies to make what they're doing seem more legitimate.
Weight. You can watch on our YouTube on Wednesday afternoon.
Yes, fast Politics. Go into YouTube search fast Politics with Molly John Fast. You won't regret it, or maybe you will, but it will be too late.
So when Elon Musk is an erasing the government buying Tesla's from and all his bs, Elon is losing lots of money in the stock market, and Trump is now crying tears for him.
So it turns out that one of the reasons why I see don't go into the federal government and cut things when they're not elected is because it makes.
People not want to buy their products.
Right, Elon has espoused all these very very very right wing, very very very controversial views on Twitter. He has sort of gone to war with diversity, equity and inclusion. He has done a lot of very controversial things, and perhaps he should not be surprised.
That now people don't want to buy his cars.
Look, capitalism is about a free market, and this happened in Donald Trump one point zero two, where he would get really mad if people wouldn't buy things that were right wing.
Right.
So remember when he had those goiabans that he had, they were he was celebrating goiabins because they were Trump donors, or they were they supported.
Some aspect of trump Ism.
You know, Trump gets very mad about protests, and he gets very mad about boys. But the thing is, like capitalism is based on the idea that you is a free market, so you can buy what you want to buy.
Now, Donald Trump considers himself to be a king.
So this is very problematic for him, right because he doesn't totally understand it. So as the Tesla stock falls, Donald Trump realizes that the biggest donor to Donald Trump's re election campaign ended up being Elon mush so he really needs that Tesla stock to stay up there, and it's lost quite a lot of value. Remember when Trump got into office, Elon stock went up by a huge magnitude on the thinking that Elon would be able to
practice prony capitalism, which Donald Trump also hoped. But Elon has just been so incredibly strident and loud about his views he has alienated potential buyers. And remember, Tesla's are electric cars, so the people who tend to buy electric cars are people who believe in climate change, and the people who believe in climate change tend to not want to support someone who espouses far right wing views and does things like these straight arms salute you will remember.
This has gotten Trump very upset. He truthed on truth social we're using truth with scare quotes that radical left lunatics, as they often do, are trying to illegally and collusively boycott Tesla, one of the world's great automakers and Elon's baby, in order to By the way, not buying things is not illegal, at least not yet.
I don't know he wants to make not advertising on Twitter illegal.
So yeah, I'm going to buy a brand new Tesla tomorrow morning as a show of confidence and support for Elon Musk, a truly great American President, Trump said, why should he be punished for putting his tremendous skills in order to help make America great again?
Why?
Indeed, Trump and must have taken the unprecedented control of the federal government's tripping Congress.
Of almost all of its power.
But you know it's all our fault for not buying Tesla's The power couple has tried to support their actions by pushing a steady stream of misinformation about waste and fraud. We now know that fraud is anything Elon doesn't like, and waste is anything that doesn't go to him. There is, of course no evidence that liberal agitators have anything to do with Tesla's punging share price. It is, of course a consumer based business. I don't think it's illegal to boycott that.
So another bad news for you. On A US judge says his doge must release records on operations run in secrecy.
Yeah, you know, we are fifty one days into the Trump presidency. So when you listen to this, god willing will be fifty two days into the Trump presidency. We still don't know what Elon is doing in Doge besides having fun and wandering around with his kids. So a federal judge on Monday ordered the government downsizing team, created by Donald Trump and spearheaded by the richest man in the world, to make public records concerning its operations. Because technically,
when you work for the government, you're supposed to be transparent. Now, when you're running transparency and efficiency, Andre Elin Musk, you do everything in secret because of transparency Ergo Maga. US District Judge Christopher Cooper and Washington sided with the government watchshop groups Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington and finding that the Department of Government Efficiency was likely an
agency subject to the Freedom of Information Act. For this ruling, the first of a kind, marks an early victory for advocates seeking to have some accountability for the fucking government. Look, this is how government works in this country. We are not a Banana republic. We should have accountability.
Look. I don't know what happens. I don't know, you know, if Elon.
Declares whatever, But what he's doing right now is legal.
Right.
He is not a cabinet appointee. He is not cleared to cut things in the federal government. You know, it would be like if Biden brought in George Soros to run his government. It's the same thing, right, Like, this is not how any of this works.
So, speaking of notn how any of this works, Trump is trying to see how hard he can push his deportations. With the deportation of an activist named Mahmood Khalil. That seems pretty unlawful. And I know this is a hotbed subject because some people don't like what he was a part of. But the rule of law is the rule of law, Am I right, Molly or yeah?
Look, a lot of us didn't like the protests, even though we protect your right to protest.
Right.
This is the fundamental rule of American democracy, right, the First Amendment. We may not agree with them, but you have the right to protest. Here is a man who, first of all, is in the country legally, is married to an American citizen who is eight and a half months pregnant. He had a green card. He was the negotiator for the students who are protesting with the faculty. The faculty, that was how the Trump administration knew about him.
He is now he has been sent to a jail in Louisiana because the Trump administration thinks that this Louisiana jail will be more favorable to whatever they want to do to this person. This is the opening of the door of something real bad. Okay, you don't have to like these protests, you don't have to like Palestinian activists,
you don't even have to like anything. But you have to know that when the government starts deporting people who are in this country legally because they don't like what they're saying, this is the beginning of a real bad stuff. And you know, I had this grandfather, Howard Fast. I've talked about him at nauseum. Right, he was jailed by the House of an American Activities for his refusal to name names in the Communist Party, which he was a member.
He went to jail. He would then was denied a passport. This is that, right.
This is the idea that you can target people for their beliefs, that you can if you don't like what someone believes, if you don't like their ideology, you can kick them out of the country. This is not how any of this works. And you are opening the door here we are fifty two days into Donald Trump's presidency. You start opening the door to deporting people because you
don't like their views. This is going to be very, very, very problematic four years and hopefully I mean and this is just AOC is completely right, tyrannical and on American. This is if you look in the dictionary, this is the definition of un American. You cannot depour people because you don't.
Like what they believe.
Dan Nathan is the host of the On the Tape podcast and as c NBC Fast Money contributor.
Welcome, Hello, Dan Nathan.
Hey Molly, how are you great to be back on Fast at Politics.
I am delighted to have you. And what a moment, what a moment.
Yeah, well, politics has moved its way into the economy, into the markets, and in a very quick way. When you think about one of the reasons why, you know, Donald Trump was elected a second time, it was about his acumen as it relates to economic sort of issues. He was going to bring inflation down, he was going to bring a pro growth agenda.
You know.
Back to America, nine.
Out of ten voters said they were voting for Donald Trump on the economy.
Yeah.
Well, here, here's one thing that I've been talking about this a little bit on CNBC. They did this kind of ass backwards if you go back to Trump one dot oh, you know, Gary Cohene went in there. They really wanted to get these tax cuts down. What did they want to do. They wanted to get corporate tax down and then for very wealthy sort of folks, and they went after it and they got it. They got one and a half trillion dollars of tax cuts, which
juiced the economy, it juiced the stock market. And then in twenty and eighteen, then they went after trade and tariffs and the like here and so they had a bit of a buffer. So now they come in and rather than focusing on the sorts of things that you would think would help bring down prices to bring down inflation, which is the promises made, supposedly promises kept, they actually
did it the other way around. And so now you know, you have a market that is reacting to the potential of a recession that was not really priced in if you think about it three to six months ago. And so that's one of the reasons why we've just basically
had this downward volatility in the markets. And you know, when you have markets heading lower, that actually weighs on consumer confidence, right, and so consumer confidence if it starts to get worse, then consumers start pulling back from making purchases. And though that's one of the things that I think is happening right now.
Yeah, but I want to pause, because the reason that this downturn was not priced in was because this downturn did not need to happen, right. This downturn is a direct result of trade wars being good and easy to win.
But they're actually not good and easy to win, are they.
Well. I think part of it is is that you know, you go back to the playbook from the first administration, right, and we saw how he kept on going back and forth, back and forth.
So what I think about when I think about these trade wars was the last time he did tariffs, it actually worked out. And a lot of those tariffs not a lot of them, but some of them were kept on by Biden, Right, like the China tariffs.
Certain parts of the tariffs were smart.
The sense I'm getting now from what I read and what I understand in Trump world is that Trump things he can use tariffs the way that Biden world used chips right to boost the manufacturing sector. But I'm not convinced that you'll get there if you're going to kick the American economy into a recession before you even.
Get there, right.
And again, so I think your point is a great one about the Chinese tariffs going back to twenty and eighteen, right, and so we had a lot of reasons why those made a lot of sense. And you just mentioned what Biden did with chips. Okay, so this is really an export band to China, so they don't have access to
our best technology. Okay. Taking another step here in twenty and twenty twenty five, rather than starting with China, they went after our biggest trading partners, which is the EU, it's Mexico and it's Canada, and so not only are their biggest trading partners, there are also three of our best allies if you're thinking of the EU as a block here. So there's another issue of just going asked
backwards about this rather than focusing on China. And really, you know, again, from a technology standpoint, this has been going on for you know, decades. Actually, this kind of forced technology transfer that the Chinese were doing on US companies who wanted access to it, But to kind of pick fights with our biggest trading partners who are also our allies, doesn't make a lot of sense. The other thing I'll just say is they're becoming more emboldened. And
it's not just from an economic standpoint. If you think about just kind of some of the threats about annexing Canada and you know, the stuff about Mexico, and then the EU just kind of not kind of leaning into the responsibilities that we have relating to NATO and kind of pulling back from Ukraine and the like. So if the our allies are starting to see US as a less reliable partner on multiple facets, then they have to get emboldened and they have to figure out how to
do some of this alone. And when you think about the Canadian elections, you know, the new prime minister is a former central banker, you know. So if there's anyone you know, really set up to kind of deal with this sort of trade war with a partner like the UA, yes, I think it's there. So again, I think you're going to continue to see if you know, our allies in Bolden, I think they also have a playbook from the first time.
They also know that if the markets keep going lower, then Trump's going to have to pivot a bit on this, and then it just gives less teeth to the threats of tariffs.
But I would also add, like the whole point of tariffs, I'm not sure Trump totally understands the whole point of tariffs, but the whole point of tariffs are to either punish right, to punish China, or to create a world where American goods are cheaper, which means raising the price of Chinese goods with tariffs. It makes a lot of sense, right, China is really as close as America has to an
adversary at this moment. Right, they have not respected a lot of the patent stuff they have our country completely hooked.
On to talk.
You know, there is quite a reason if you were going to go and teariff them, it makes sense Canada and Mexico do not have that, right. This is mostly Trump's own anxieties about Canada and Mexico and his own obsession with the border, right, I.
Mean the fentanyl.
You know, you had Kevin Hassett saying that Canadians were sneaking Fenton. You know, the fentanyl largely is coming from China more than it is from our two biggest allies in North America.
Yeah, and it's interesting someone mentioned to me the other night on Fox News. I certainly don't watch it that. You know, they're they're calling this a drug war, not a trade war. Right, So they're kind of squarely focused on fentanyl. And to your point, most of it does come from China, but we hear more about it on our borders. You know. The other thing I think is kind of interesting. I heard this. You know, they're saying that like terrafs are interesting to a guy like Trump
because he operates like a mob boss. Right, And if you think about how you know, all of these companies or these industries are going to come to him and they're going to grovel for some sort of carve out of their products. And he really likes that, right, So he loves to be able to say, Okay, Tim Cook came to me and they want exclusion of iPhones you know, coming into the US, that sort of thing, and.
So which happened at one point, Oh.
And it did, right. And so when you think about it, and this goes back to and I don't think you and I have talked about this at least on a podcast, is that when you think about how all of these major tech CEOs gave to the inauguration, they were all there on the dais at the inauguration, right, and all these folks are just jockeying for access to his ear. A lot of it I think has to do with trepidation about how close Elon Musk is to the president.
But they are thinking about their own prospects. They're thinking about their own products and their own services and how you know, essentially what's the sort of leeway they're going to have. But to be very frank, most of those companies don't do business in China. If you think about it, our digital companies, right, they're not going to be doing business in China, and the one that actually has most
at stake is actually Elon Musk with Tesla. Right, So, China remains like a huge issue for us because obviously our digital companies are not there for the most part. Are hardware companies are there, and a lot of the manufacturing goes on there, which actually creates lots of conflict of interest. And I know you've spent a lot of time talking about that as relates to Elon Musk.
I would love you to explain to us what's happening right now with the Tesla stock because obviously the market is very validile there's a lot of losses, especially in tech. But just sort of talk us through what's happening there.
Yeah, So, you know, Tesla for the last few years, going back to twenty twenty two, has been in a price war with basically Detroit, which you know, GM and Ford we're moving into evs for instance. They were losing a lot of money on it, but like that was putting pressure to some degree on Tesla and their margins. But Tesla also you know, makes about half of their cars in Shanghai. The cars that they don't sell in China,
they go to the EU. Well, the EU has had big tariffs on Chinese ev So if you are a US auto manufacturer and you are making the cars in China but selling them to the U, you're going to be subject to those tariffs. So they've been in a price war. The stock had been going down since the highs in two thouy and twenty one to the lows. Just last year it was down nearly forty some percent. Now, after the election, because of Musk helping the president get
electioned his proximity to the president, the stock doubled. It literally went from three quarters of a trillion dollars in market capitalization to one and a half trillion. But since late December the stock has given all of that back. As you and I are talking right now, the stock is trading at two hundred and twenty six dollars. It was trading as high as four hundred and ninety dollars a month and a half ago. So what's going on there? Well,
the fundamentals of this company are total crap. So the competition that they have in China is really bad. The price war that they have here in the US, they just keep going lower and lower. You obviously have the pushback of a lot of consumers here in the US, but also nationalistic tendencies in China, nationalistic tendencies in the EU, in France and Germany. The our sales last month were down fifty percent. Just think of that, right, And here's
the other point here in the US. I think this is almost a hilarious headline that Donald Trump said when he's out of office, he's going to buy a Tesla to support Elon Musk. Let me tell you another thing about MAGA voters. They don't believe in climate change. They're less inclined to buy electric vehicles. And I think all of this is kind of weighing on the brand of Elon Musk, the brand of Tesla, and basically the fundamentals the company are really shit.
Right now, you know, he would have been better off going with Harris because those voters believe in climate change.
But you know what, though, this is an own goal.
I mean, obviously Harris would never have gone along with this.
Yeah, but this is an own goal. Going back to early in the Biden administration, remember they held this kind of ev confab at the White House, and GM was there, Ford was there. There's a couple others there, Tesla was not invited. This is kind of ground zero for Elon Musk, kind of being red pilled. Throw in a bunch of the stuff from the pandemic, throw in the woke mind virus that he can't stand and everything like that. And you can see the through line to this and it
really did start there. And you know, we think about this sort of stuff all the time. I mean, like, how do we be inclusive in an economy like this? How do we take a guy who's obviously a very excellent entrepreneur and make him feel welcome and bring him into the fold because he's always been treated like an outsider and now he's kind of flexing a little bit. Now your question about Tesla. Here's a guy who is not particularly liquid. He has a big steak in SpaceX
that is a private company. He has a big steak in x Twitter and XAI. It's not particularly liquid, right, So the more that Tesla goes lower the potential that he has to actually have to sell stock. Because he lends the stock out to banks like Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley as collateral for capital that they give him. Right so, at some point if the stock continues to go lower, he will have margin calls and the banks
will have to sell his stock. So again, who knows if we're close to that, But at the end of the day, he's going to have a fallout sooner or later. With Trump. Trump wants to kill EV tax credits. The most profitable business that Elon Musk has at Tesla is selling tax credits to his competitors, right, and that's pure margin, right, So if you get rid of the EV tax credits, that's a huge problem for him. And there's a whole host of other things that like basically the government wants
to do. They want to kill these charging stations. That would be very bad. If you're a new buyer, one of the issues that you have is charging anxiety. You have to figure out how to kind of go and just adopt this new behavior with an EV after you know, decades, if you're someone like me of using a car that you fill up with gas. So there's a whole host of issues that are really massive headwinds to his business.
Right now, would it ultimately be a short squeeze.
Then well, it actually could be the other way around rather than a short squeeze. So if he has to basically put up more collateral with the stock, and the stock continues to go down based on fundamentals, based on his political activities. I mean, they could be a self fulfilling prophecy, right, And so who are the net buyers
of the stock? If you think about all the bros that bought the stock, you know, starting the day after the election, you know, somewhere around two hundred and fifty dollars, and they were buying it all the way up to basically four hundred and ninety dollars. With the stock down here at two twenty seven, every single person who has bought this stock since the election has lost money. And the same goes for all the grift that went on with the Trump coins and all that sort of stuff.
Then would trump coin well, I.
Mean they basically were the same sort of trade in a way, like you were basically buying into something that you thought had proximity to, you know, the administration that would be as far as the crypto is concerned, and the ones that were specifically kind of tied to the Trump family. I mean, the idea was that you were going to have the benefit of these things being attached to the folks Ultimately, when it comes to money, when it comes to investing, you know, gravity wins out. It's
just that simple. If you can't demonstrate the utility or the value for an asset, it could be a stock, it could be a crypto currency or something like that, ultimately it will fail. And all you have to do is look at the DJT. They're losing tens of millions of dollars on a few million dollars in revenue, and there's no reason for that thing to go up. It is not a going concern as a business.
But crypto itself is down since Trump took office, even though he was meant to be the crypto president.
Explain that.
Yeah, so all of these sorts of trades, like bitcoin, they were called the Trump trades, right. The US dollar rallied a lot after the election. Banks, you know, the idea that you would get deregulation after four years, you know what I mean, even like the big tech stocks which have been investigated by the DOJ and the FTC you know for years now under the Bide administration, all
of these things rallied a great deal. So Bitcoin in particular, the whole idea that the un and this is what was floated was going to set up a strategic reserve to buy bitcoin and hold it, and a lot of folks thought that would be very good for the price. Ultimately, because there is a finite amount of bitcoin, Well, basically they're not going to do that, all right, and then regulation is going to continue to be a bit opaque. So investors are folks that bought it because of all
that have been selling out. So essentially you've seen a round trip of a lot of these trades that were meant to be pro growth because of this administration, or it was going to be pro regulation where there was going to be better to find regulation and these risk assets should go higher. So a lot of those things have come unwound over the last month or two.
So my last question for you is this.
It seems like the markets were very excited about Trump, but ultimately it feels like, and I say this because the market's lost two percent this week and five percent total, it seems like the markets are very disappointed with Trump.
So why Yeah, So it goes back to a trade war.
Right.
So, if you are a company, if you are a CEO, and part of your business or part of your agenda is to grow your business right is to find new markets. Has come up with that our products and services. To do that, you need to invest in the company, You need to hire, You need to spend on capital expenditures.
You need to spend on R and D. So if you are a company that is going to face headwinds from a trade war, right, increase input prices, whether you're a manufacturer, a whole host of different things, then you all of a sudden now have to take a step back, right, You have to kind of weigh what's going to happen to the economy. Just this week, we have seen Delta
and American Airlines cut their earnings forecasts dramatically. We've seen this by a bunch of retailers over the last couple weeks, Walmart, costc. These are companies that are supposed to do well in high inflationary periods because you have consumers trading down to the lowest priced Retailers are not doing nearly as well as they were a year ago. So we're starting to
see some pressure waning on consumers. So again, if if you were a company and you are not spending right to grow your business, then ultimately that is going to
put downward pressure on the economy. The stock market is meant to sniff that out ahead of time, right, It's meant to take all the available data that we have, whether it be economic data, whether it be messaging from companies' earnings and the like here, and it's basically meant to process that, right and so right now, I guess the takeaway is that the uncertainty caused by a trade war
is likely to weigh on the US economy. And the last thing I'll just say about this is that you know, the Trump administration, by doing things asked backwards relative to the way they did it in seventeen and eighteen, they're really playing chicken with the US economy and then ultimately the global economy. And oftentimes when you see this sort of behavior when it relates to a massive economy like this,
that is literally the tail wagging the dog. In one way, shape or form, is that you can't change things on a dime. If companies start to slow down spending, if countries stop trading with each other because of these sorts of impediments, to turn that back on is really hard, So you could face the potential of a recession. And
what happens during recession, people get fired. People stop buying things, right, They stop investing in the stock market, they're not buying new homes, they're not actually upgrading, you know, like making additions to their home and that sort of thing, and all of this activity slows down. And then you have a situation where what does the government do to restimulate demand. They have the lower interest rates, they have to do more fiscal spending. And that's the very stuff over the
last few years that caused inflation. So one of the issues right now is that you have slower growth, but you have inflation that sticks around, and that's something they call stagflation. You and I have talked about that before. And in that environment, prices of risk assets and homes will not do particularly well. Hiring will not do particularly well either.
Yes, stagulation is the night Meer scenario. Thank you, Thank you, Dan Nathan.
Thanks Molli. Thanks for having me.
David is an investigative reporter at The New York Times and the author of Murder the Truth Fear, the first of it, an s secret campaign to protect the powerful.
Welcome back to Fast Politics, David.
Thanks for having me.
I'm excited to have you.
I think We've had you on for every book you've done because we did the Deutsche Bank too, or every book you've done since we've existed, But this book murdered the truth.
Tell us how did you get to this book?
I managed a small team of investigative reporters at The New York Times and is it back in maybe twenty twenty two. I got the feeling that every time we were writing a piece or investigating a piece about a powerful person or a rich person, we were getting inundated with threatening letters from lawyers and odd curious Not a great feeling, but you know, The Times has, for all its flaws, which they're plenty, one of the many amazing things here is that we have a great team of
in house lawyers. We're really experienced dealing with these things and it's okay, we deal with it. It got me thinking that what this would be like to be on the receiving end of letters like this and trits like this if I worked at a smaller news outlet, or if I was an independent publisher.
Let me rephrase it anywhere else?
Yeah, truly, I mean there's a small handful of places that I think are pretty well equipped to deal all this kind of stuff, but it's a very small handful.
It's two or maybe three.
Yeah, I mean, I don't know how you're quite kind of it, but in any case, it's a very very small, select,
kind of privileged group. So I sort of fanning out to just journalists all over the country at anything from like community newspapers or local newspapers, to independent bloggers or people with a substack, or podcast hosts and things like that, and I just started hearing these horror stories about how and it ranged from people who were writing pieces about Russian oligarchs and trying to expose their secrets to much kind of more prosaic things like writing a piece about
a local real estate developer who is doing something kind of sketchy, or even like a local politician or a local business owner. And the threats sometimes we're just letters,
other times they were actually litigation. In some cases people were encountered physical threats, and the situation really it became really clear to me that this was casting a pall over the entire journalism industry in the US in ways that was leading many many journalists to either censor themselves and avoid kind of sensitive controversial topics or writing about religious people, or they were not censoring themselves and were
with some frequency encountering ruinous litigation and really serious threats that were taking a severe business toll or psychological toll. And I also realized that some of the same people who were making these threats and filing these lawsuits, the lawyers behind this, were some of the same lawyers who on a national level were becoming increasingly outspoken advocating to overturn decades of Supreme Court president that basically protected journalists
and others from this type of weaponized lawsuit. And that's Soliman, Yeah, that's New York Times versus Sullivan. One of the things that I found really interesting in reporting this book, by the way, is that like New York Times versus Sullivan in I guess maybe constitutional law, NERD Circles is like really famous, but virtually no one else knows about it. It's not like one of those decisions like Roe v.
Wade or something browny Board that is famous. So the short version of this is that in nineteen sixty supporters of Martin Luther King ran a full page ad in the New York Times. The ad list it kind of rattled off a whole list of nasty things that Southern officials were doing to preserve white supremacy, and there were a couple of facts frown. The gist was completely right, but some of the facts were they're wrong or exaggerated.
And the guy who was in charge of the Montgomery, Alabama Police Department sued The New York Times for defamation, even though he wasn't even named in the ad, the ad did say some things about the Montgomery police force. He won his lawsuit. It was tried in a courtroom by another white supremacist, a judge who happened to be
a pedophile. The Times appealed. They lost their appeal to state Supreme Court, and so their final effort was to appear to the US Supreme Court, and the Supreme Court in nineteen sixty four heard the case, and their decision became really important because what they ruled was that the way Alabama's court system had interpreted the First Amendment as allowing libel lawsits like this to go forward was it basically meant that news outlets were not going to be
able to cover the civil rights movement, which by the way,
was by design. That was the entire purpose of this lawsuit, the Supreme Court established a standard that's become known as the actual Male standard, but said that if you're a journalist or a member of the public writing about a public official or a public figure and you get a fact wrong, as long as you aren't lying, like deliberately gaining the fact wrong, or as long as you are not acting with reckless disregard for the accuracy of the statement,
you cannot be successfully sued for damages. And so the idea was basically that journalists and others need breathing room to be able to kind of have Vetero's discourse about people that wield a lot of power in society. And if there's ruinous litigation hanging over your head every time you do that, you're going to self sense. And so the standard that is created basically ushered in a golden era of journalism.
So the difference between say, tweeting that someone is a pedophile and making a mistake in an article so like it gives you a little room for a mistake versus maligning.
Yeah, And with the pedophile thing, I mean, it depends if the person is a pedophile or not. If the
person is a pedophile, that's fine. If you have reason to believe the person is a pedophile, that's fine, but it's really I mean, the way that this has become i think essential to modern day journalism and modern day just public advocacy in public speaking is that if you have reason to believe something, and you've done a little bit of due diligence and you believe that what you're writing is okay, and this is a public figure or a public official that you're writing about, you cannot be
sued for defamation. And this is a standard that it protects people across the political spectrum and has four decades and until really quite recently, there's a very broad bipartisan consensus that these were important safeguards the protected free speech and the freedom of the press.
Right.
So what happened Trump.
Is so explained in twenty sixteen, Trump, when as his candidacy was gaining momentum, obviously kind of the parts of his platform was bashing the media in really incendiary, ambitious personal terms. And one of the things he started talking about was opening up the libel laws. And that was kind of nonsense. It was pretty easy to dismiss because it's not up to a president or even Congress to open up the libel laws a question of the Supreme
Court's interpretation of the First Amendment. But he kept going on and on and on about this, and it really took hold, and I think it inspired a lot of right wing activists and lawyers and judges to take it kind of a closer look at the ways that Sullivan and some subsequent cases were allowing the modern day media to vigorously report about him. And his rhetoric also kind of inspired legions of copycats all over the country who were filing lawsuits or threatening to file lawsuits against media
outlets and journalists large and small. And that, by the way, is the trend that I was picking up on several years later when I started working on this book. And Trump's rhetoric and his allies rhetoric coincided with a couple of very successful lawsuits against major media outlets, most notably the one against Gawker. It was financed by Peter Teel
that literally destroyed Gawker. And so that the accommindation of a lawsuit that took down a media outlet, plus Trump on the campaign trail kind of successfully bashing the media and arguing that the media was so reckless and so irresponsible that we need to be able to sue them
more easily. That it really created a movement in essence, and all of a sudden you had some very prominent lawyers, activists, and judges leaping on this Trump bandwagon with the very clear stated goal that they want to make it easier to sue the media because they view the media as biased against Republicans and conservatives, and therefore the solution to that is to subject them to waves of litigation that will either make them no longer exist or it'll make
them think twice before deeply investigating or criticizing powerful people.
I see this as something that we see a lot in Trump world, where Trump cooks up an idea and it sort of keeps going, Like we've seen him sort of shop stuff like this before and then create cottage industries. He doesn't create the cottage industries. The cottage industries sort of rise up around him. Can you think of other situations where he's sort of floated an idea and the kind of brain trust has continued.
On with it.
Yeah, Well, I mean this is just a classic example of that, right, because he says something on the campaign drill that just doesn't make sense and it's not logical. It's not up to the president to make the decision
to open up the libel laws. But then a bunch of people who are very smart and savvy and importantly have a lot of money behind them kind of I guess like professionalize that idea essentially and turn it into something that, while you might disagree with it strongly, is not insane and has a plausible kind of path to
being realized. So in this case, that took a few different forms, and this coincided with the rise of this cottage industry of small law firms, small but well financed law firms that whose entire business revolved around suing media companies and threatening media companies and journalists. And a couple of those lawyers, as they were successful in a small number of these cases, developed a national profile. I mean that the most obvious one to me is a lawyer
named Libby Locke. What a great name, and she became a favorite of Tucker Carlson and Fox News. And so basically every time the media was accused of doing something wrong that's a slight excentation. Often when the media did something wrong, she was called on to Tucker Carlson, and she would use that platform to advocate for not just the media behaving better or being held accountable, but for
basically loosing, well not loose. Every time she was on TV, she would say things like we need to overturn new conference Slivan and that sort of kept to God. And the more she said that, and the more other people like her said that, activists at groups like the Heritage Foundation and the Claremont Institute and the Federalist Society started organizing conferences around this idea, and so they kind of got the bringing juices of the conservative legal movement flowing.
And by twenty nineteen, Clarence Thomas had jumped on this bandwagon in an opinion where he called for overturning Sullivan, and that in some way was kind of the most important moment.
And you knew they had the vote, or at least some of the votes.
Right, well, they had one vote, right, but having Thomas, who is in conservative legal circles, one of the if not the most influential thinker, and he's a folk hero on the right, so a having him kind of take up this mantle was a huge breakthrough, and it immediately inspired other federal judges to take up this mantle and take up this argument. And one of Thomas his closest friends and longest allies, was a federal judge on the DC Appeals Court, which is kind of the second most
powerful court in the country. And this is a guy who had known Thomas, had been friends with Thomas back dating back to before he was a judge, back when he was at the EEOC in Washington. And his name is Larry Silverman, and he issued a year after Thomas initially made this argument, he issued a scathing opinion that said Sullivan should be overturned. And the entirety of his argument was that it should be overturned because the media is supposedly liberal and therefore should be punished. It was
really an extraordinary argument. It was. Look, obviously, that is a large part of what the First Amendment is meant to protect, not having judges or other government officials discriminating against people's ability to speak based on their viewpoints. But really that was the moment that it has really started getting tremendous momentum, and it has not stopped since then.
Is there sort of a historical precedent for a member of the Supreme Court being involved in an idea that then goes to the Supreme Court.
Yeah, that's a good question. I'm not sure I know the answer to that. That's very much what happened here.
Yeah, I mean that seems kind of shocking to me. I mean, obviously Thomas is so in it that it's not surprising, but it is a little bit shocking, isn't it.
Yeah, well it is. And one of the things that I really enjoyed doing in this book was kind of tracing the evolution of Thomas's thinking on this and trying to understand the reasons. And he's back in nineteen ninety one during his confirmation hearings. You know, most of his confirmation hearings were spent with him doing what most judicial nominees do, which is basically doing the best not to answer clearly senator's questions about what they think about particular cases.
And on the fifth and final day, Thomas was asked about the Sullivan decision and actually gave what was probably the most direct answer he'd given during the entirety of its hearings, and he was very supportive of Sulivan and he said that even though it's uncomfortable for public officials like him to be in the media spotlight. It's really important that we have those rates, and it's important for
democracy and it's important for accountability. And that was the day before the Anita Hill allegations surface, where Thomas was obviously and rightfully dragged through this uncomfortable spotlight, and his views on the media at that point really started to
shift radically. I narrated this in the book, but he basically had complete mental health breakdown at that time and was really incapacitated for a while because he was so upset about this, and I think he came to view the media as the cause of his suffering, not his
own actions. That began this period where over the next twenty or thirty years where Thomas clearly stopped thinking about First amend of Protections for Journalists being important to democracy and started feeling that First Ament of Protections for journalists were basically enabling the media fair to him, right, yeah, unfair to him and to like pursue of INNDBTA against him.
You can kind of understand that, right for someone like him, And certainly by the time twenty nineteen rolls around and Trump is in the office, his hatred towards the media was really it was kind of overflowing, and he has had some allies not just activists and politicians, but judges as well who were It was like this has been kind of festering for a long time and finally.
Exploded, I mean completely insane.
Talk me through where we are now with this, because this will go to the core.
Well, we'll see there are at least two justices who have signaled their willingness to overturn self and Thomas and Justice Gorsic.
Yeah, it's always the two you most expect, though I actually would have thought Alito would be.
Alita is interesting on this, and I don't quite know where he stands. I mean, he actually historically had been pretty good on First Amendment. It is he also obviously has like a real issue with the media right now and has shown a willingness to really seemingly happily align himself with people like Thomas and Trump part warming. Yeah, so I heave a bit of a wild card to me, But it's unclear to me whether there are enough votes
on the super Court to outright overturned Sullivan. I think what's probably more likely to happen, and I Shad caveat this by saying, I have a terrible track record making right.
No, I thought Aris would win.
Well, my track record of bad predictions goes back way
further than that. So at the risk of like making a fool of myself, I mean, I think what is more likely than Sullivan being overturned out rays there are a bunch of kind of subsequent cases that basically prevented lower rungs of public figures from suing the media, So like you're like run of the mill billionaire, for example, And I think it's more likely that the Supreme Court would kind of ship away or maybe reverse some of those subsequent precedents, which, by the way, would have a
huge impact, and it would mean that it was all of a sudden, like a real risk to write critical things or investigate like the richest person in your town or your city, or someone like Elon Musk potentially before he was in the government.
Though is he in the government? We're not sure, right, he might he might not be.
Well, I've seen he has a government email address. Yes, yes, but he is maybe not even they will be he is, So I mean, he's the richest person in the world. He obviously is playing a very influential role in the White Ash. But there are thousands and thousands of people in the US and all over the world who are not nearly as rich or powerful Asim, but are still really rich and powerful. And the means to pursue basically infinite means for all intents and purposes to litigate against
the media and threaten the media. And by the way, if not just the mainstream media, or this is something that's already happening even with Sullivan still in place. It's having across the country and creating hazardous conditions for anyone, whether it is someone with a subsec newsletter or someone who wants to leave a nasty restaurant review online or
start a petition about something in their community. All of that type of activity is protected by SELIV and these subsequent decisions and all of those things are already those types of actions can face and do face litigation and legal threats that are deliberately designed to get people to shut up. And I think, obviously, if these Supreme Court presidents that we can, we're going to see a whole lot more of that.
Jesus Christ, Thank you, David, thank you, thank you, thank you.
I was much are present enough, so this is perfect.
Well, you're welcome.
Lawrence Lussig is a Harvard professor and a former presidential candidate.
Welcome Lawrence him Molly, great to see you.
Great to see you. I was so so you have a really interesting piece that you wrote a medium that I want to talk about. But first I want to start by talking about how because I think it's important that this is couched in all the work you've done in the legal world, in the academic world about regulation, your legal scholar.
Very brilliant future Princeton.
You've done lots of models for what the future should look like with some regulation.
Is that fair?
Everything except the Princeton part. I wish I had t I.
Mean Harvard, Sorry, Harvard at Harvard, Princeton's on my brain, but anyway, but yes, Harvard. But you've spent a lot of time thinking about what regulation could look like in this sort of ideal world where we have capitalism, but we have a kind of capitalism that has some constraints.
Right.
Is that fair?
That's totally fair? Right? And that's what we should be thinking about. How to build a capitalism that's regulated in a way that makes it so the capitalism doesn't control regulation. This is the like. On the right, they call this crony capitalism. On the left, I think we just call this corruption. But the most striking feature of the world we've found ourselves in right now is that it's an overwhelmingly corrupt system of government. And it's kind of astonishing.
We got here, but we've got to find a way out.
Yes, now we got here.
What I think is so interesting about your writing it, and I think it's correct, and I think that on the liberal side we're not attuned enough to this. The reason why Trump was able to successfully and I might add bafflingly running for president and win twice, was populism.
Yeah, and I think that we mistake what populism is. People think about populism as either on the right of the left. It's actually the inside versus the outside. And what he could do for weird, bizarre reasons, but he could convince people that he was on the outside ends, that he was taking on this deeply corrupted, broken government, he was going to shake it up and make it work for ordinary people. And so at the surface level, what he says is quite attractive. If you're like an
average American recognizing just how screwed you are. You know, we've been now celebrating fifty years where the average income for ordinary workers has not gone up at all, literally not at all, and so you can imagine in that world the frustration that leads people to say, just break it down and let's start all over again. And he appear to that. Now, you know, the reality is it's just a con game and its actual strategy is to empower entrench the wealthiest, and that's in fact what he's
executing on right now. And so the only question is whether that eventually breaks through people realize the populism that they are celebrating that I celebrate. I totally idea. I totally identify with the populist message here, but it's got to be a populist message. It's actually helping ordinary people as opposed to just more help for the billionaires.
Right, And this is why what you wrote about Doge is so important. So Doge what it really is, we're not even going to talk about right now. But the idea of it was to sort of embra to give a sort of populist vein to government.
Correct.
Yes, absolutely, and it's it's a great idea Let's make government efficient. Let's make it deliver its services at the same or better services at the same or lower cost. That's what efficiency is, and who could be against it? And that should be its measure. You know, I think that Reagan like famously said in nineteen eighty four, not that you would remember, Molly, but in nineteen eighty four
Reagan said, are you better off today? I mean nineteen eighties that are you better off than you were four years ago? I think we should start saying is your government working better today than it was four years ago? Because what's absolutely clear is that this Doge strategy of taking a chainsaw to everything is going to break government. Government is not going to be able to function. So the clearest thing that's going to come out of all of this is like, no real savings and just make
the government so it doesn't work anymore. And like nobody can celebrate that. Nobody should celebrate that except the crazy libertarian Peter Thiel types who just want to get rid of government and just live in their little I rand island somewhere and do whatever else they do.
During the summer, spent all all this time interviewing really smart academics talking about what Project twenty twenty five would look like, wildly unpopular. Donald Trump disavowed it, so mainstream media was like, well, obviously he's not going to do it because he said he wasn't going to do it, which of course obviously he was totally going to do it.
And the ethos of it is the sort of dream of all Republican donors, right strip the government to the studs and all the FDR stuff and all the Carter stuff go in there and just you know, have taxes and that's pretty much it, you know what I mean, like ultimately, and so as we watch that happen, there are definitely a percentage of Trump's people who are just delighted to see the organization fail.
Yes, they want to see government fail because it just doubles down their argument that we can't rely on government to do anything. So let's just dismantle more and more of it, Like why are you paying taxes to a system that doesn't work? The game is like just a numbers game here though, because yes, there's a certain number of Trump's supporters who are wealthy enough to live with
out the support of the state. But the rest of us, you know, we depend upon like services, security, infrastructure, all the things that makes it possible to function. So the point is like to the extent those people's lives become worse because of this chaos, they'll begin to wake up to it. And I think that's the question. That's the opportunity. Well, I mean, that's the chat, that's the that's the opportunity that we've got to find a way to act on.
We've got to find a way to channel people's attention to not this perpetual anti Trump rheteric, right, but the but the rhetoric around populism, like let's celebrate the idea of a government that actually is efficient and working for people and delivering you know, and that terrible ad that they did where they're trashing the trans support that Harris did and that ends with she's for they them, he's for you. Well, okay, who is who's the you in
that statement? Like it turns out it's just the super wealthy and it's again any he plays this game and again and again it gets away with it. We finally got away got to get away to like focus people enough so that they can see it, because they're gonna feel I mean, unlike the first Trump administration, Like you know, he came in and he promised the same tax cut, saying like middle class task cut. And of course by the time the dealing was done, all the middle class
stuff was taken out. It was only a tax cut for the super wealthy and corporations. The same thing's gonna happen this time, but that wasn't as noticeable to ordinary people as this breaking government will be. Like when the government's just broken, people are gonna be like, what shiites this ridiculous. I don't get my chat, my my social Security check or Medicare is being cut or whatever.
You keep our social Security for your social Security number for your baby in mace right the right, like the root. Yeah, that was reporting I saw today. I mean again, maybe it's.
To hear the rest of the interview. Head over to YouTube and search from Fast Politics with Molly Jung Fast.
No Full Jesse Cannon mollye.
So you know what I think of who I want in a senior advisor to the State Department nineteen years old, maybe a nickname like big Balls and somebody who previously leaked confidential information to a competitor. That sounds like a great resume to me.
Yeah, Big Balls.
You'll remember Big Balls as a guy you want as a senior advisor in the State Department. Again, these are yet another member of Elon Mush's cabinet of deplorables. They are young, they are intach and they are running your federal government right now. He is a minion.
He has the broccoli haircut. He is in it al paca bro.
That the preferred term, Molly.
Yeah, and a paca bro. Big Ball's significant role in the State Department. It makes sense because he's really smart. He's a senior advisor in the Bureau of Diplomatic Technology. The Washington Reports is a data hub that serves in an IT. I mean, you know this guy, We're so fucked. I mean, this is my moment of fuckery and Jesus, it's bad.
That's it for.
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