Videlino Morales is in her fifties. She's soft spoken and welcoming. She is the last person you'd expect would need to say the words we are not terrorists. Bavidelina is a president of the Association Royo Economical Associate or adis a community based organization in Salor that carries out educational, environmental and cultural projects. The group became nationally famous for sunning the alarm over mining projects that threatened reverse. In twenty seventeen,
the years of organizing helped secure a huge win. The government of Asaur became the first country in the world to ban mining. Today, Naibukeli, a man who likes to call himself the coolest dictator in the world, wants to reverse that ban, but first he needs to discredit the activists who fought for it, and he's gone about it in a strange way, accusing five leaders an adis of
a decade's old murder. Over the past year, Videlina has been fighting on their behalf, touring radio stations and TV channels to explain that these accusations are part of a smear campaign meant to weaken the environmental movement.
A stay.
Organization all along We have fought this fight as communities, as organizations that believe in our efforts, that believe in the innocence of our comrades, and that know that first of all God and then this Salvadoran justice system will set them free. Because this case is manufactured. You can see it is a case with so many irregularities.
The charges go back to ol Salvador's bloody civil war, when violence toured through the country and experienced. Videlina remembers well. She was born and raised on the border between Hoduras and Salor. In nineteen eighty, war broke out in between the US back to military dictatorship and the Frente Ferround Marti Praira the fm elen, a Marxist gorilla group. To crush the insurgency, the army launched a terror campaign in the north of the country where the guerrilla forces had
their camps. Civilians were considered gorilla collaborators and became targets for the army and paramilitary groups. A series of massacres occurred in the Caabayas region, killing hundreds of unarmed men, women and children. Several thousand survivors crossed the Lampa River and took refuge in Honduras yegarum Los.
I witnessed refugees arriving at Los Hernandez naked because they were fleeing.
With Allina was fourteen when she saw the refugees crossing the river Cerca and ferente la casa mi padres installarum campamento parasanar.
Near my parents' house. They set up a camp to treat the wounded. So I also saw how many people arrived wounded. Some had gotten lost in the mountains because from the Rio Olympa to Los Rnandez it's not an hour's walk, and people got lost. The Anduran army also participated in the massacre. The Limpa River massacre was supported by both the Duran and Salvadoran armies.
As part of a local Catholic group, she helped assist the refugees as they settled in a camp called.
One of the things I did was run errands. They would send us to the town to buy food, bread, any kind of food we could get for the people there, and I helped.
That's how she got in contact with one of the insurgency groups that had a strong presence in the camp.
This is how my awareness began to grow. During those years eighty one to eighty eight, I went from being a young girl to my life taking a turn. Got together with the father of my children. He was a friend and he was part of the Gorilla Army. I was eighteen when I got together with.
In a c.
In nineteen eighty seven, groups of refugees started moving back to as. Many of them resettled in Santa Marta, one of the communities that had abandoned when they fled to Honduras. Although the military scorched earth campaigns were mostly over by then, the war was still raging and the refugees still feared the army's operations. It made people paranoid about infiltrators and spies. That's when a murder took place in Santa Marta. The rumor spread that a woman named Maria inz Obarenga was
an army informant. One night, goerrilla fighters dragged her out of her house in front of her children and took her to an unknown place where she was shot and buried. Her body was never found. Three decades later, that murder would be used by prosecutors to target anti mining activists and the organization Videlia represents. As land defenders around the world know very well, an unsolved criminal case can easily become a tool for repressive government to attack its opponents
and destroy their reputations. When the state watched a crusher movement, it can make any accusation stick. That's our story today. After this quick break, Ami Senia Funez and this is drilled with Elna wasn't in Santa Marta when Maria Averrenga was murdered. She didn't move there until nineteen ninety six, but she still lives there today. Santa Marta is in the northern department of Gavagnas, about four hours from the
capital Sanslo. It's a town made of scattered houses in a deep valley along dirt roads that cars can barely get down in the raining season. At the center of the community, there's a small church, a soccer field, a basketball court, and a tiny pizza joint. On the hills surrounding Santa Marta, small farmers grow corn, beans, cassava, and vegetables, and the community keeps a conservation area covered by a
thick forest. During her first years there, Viderino was a stay at home mom, taking care of her five children, but as they grew older, she got restless. She felt she wasn't doing anything for her community. That's when she got in contact with Antonio Pacheco, also known as Chico, the director of ADDIS.
Siko Yoaki San, I.
Feel like I'm doing nothing here. Is there a possibility you didn't involve me in any action?
Antonio Pacheco had been an area commander of the Gorilla forces. He wasn't from Santa Marta, but he decided to stay there at the end of the war when the insurgents handed over their weapons. He created ADIS because the community was getting almost no support from the state. The organization provide education for the children, built the town's water supply network, and ran agriculture programs. It also launched a community radio
station called Radio Victoria. Over the years, Alas got larger and started operating in other parts of the country too. The organization moved its offices closer to Sin Sun Depeke, the largest city in Gangs. Antonio Pacheco came to talk to with Elina.
He said, there's a problem here that is really worrying me.
And we have to tackle that.
A Canadian company called Pacific grim was prospecting for gold in the region. He asked her to investigate was it true that mining was a once in a lifetime opportunity to bring prosperity to Kwangas or was it a threat to the water resources and the environment as some people were saying.
Okay, I don't know anything about mining.
Viderina wasn't sure she had the background to address the issue, but she started learning about mining in the early two thousands. Are like a lot of other Central American countries, looking to attract multi national mining companies, set new laws that made it attractive to investors. They promised little environmental oversight,
cheap labor, and big tax breaks. Companies could pay royalties as low as one or two percent gold, silver, and nico companies, most of them Canadian, rushed in in two thousand. The San Martin mines are operating on Duras and in two thousand and five the Marlin mine opened in Guatemala. Here's a promotional video the Canadian mining company Gold Corps made about how great it is to mine and Guatemala.
Mister x tensumed territorial Meinos de luno forcino toorio nacional.
Vasodi Murvasa.
In Nicaraiwa. The autocratic government of Daniel Rodega became a major asset for transnational mining companies. Even the environmentally frontly Costa Rica was eager to dig into its mountains before backtracking and declaring a ban on open pit mining in twenty ten. Esalor was no exception. Pacific Grim purchased land and drilled for samples. They decided to start their gold operation on a thirteen square kilometers site in Sane Sidro.
The mayor and regional politicians were vocal supporters of the mine. Midelina met with environmental organizations in San Salvor. She talked with experts. She went with other community members of the Vaya Assyria in Honduras, where Gold Corp was running a large open pit gold mine.
Yes Endolo. That then don't safer.
And that's how we've been expanding since two thousand and six, creating a network across communities. We went to Syria Valley because of the water scarcity, noise and damaged homes there, people were shocked. They raised awareness and.
Mobilized via made uper Mind. Gold mines were a major threat to the whole region. Mining operations sucked up water resources in a place where access to clean water was already a problem. They used dangerous chemicals like cyanai to separate the gold from the rock. If a sinide spill occurred, it's a threatened the Lampa River, which provides sixty percent of the water resources of Alsalvador. Mining companies, as she would soon discover, were bad for communities too, dividing the
population and bringing in social unrest, violence and death. Opposition started to mount against specific rim A. This and other organizations mobilized people in cabanas. The organized forums where the company experts were asked tough questions by local people. Santa Marta and other communities came to Sant Salor to protest in the mining company pushed back.
We would station ourselves in san at different ministries, the Ministry of Environment in front of the President's house too, with a lot of fear because if they caught us, they would arrest us and throw us in prison.
A major tool of the resistance against mining companies was Radio Victoria, Santa MARTA's community radio station. Its mix of music, news and commentary, and it's a large network of local correspondence gave the radio station a large audience across going yes.
Depart, I mean oh yes.
Rodya Victoria was one of Alis's main projects at the end of the war.
That was nineteen ninety three when we first went on the air and when we moved up to Victoria.
This is Christina Starr. She's from Charlotte, North Carolina. Her real name is Wendy Wallace, but everyone in Santa Marta knows her as Christina, a name she has used since the war. In nineteen eighty eight, she came to a sab to work at a trade union federation in Santaelo. The war was raging, and a year later, a death squad detonated a bomb in the offices where she worked. The attack killed ten unionists and wounded forty others. Christina was lucky she had left the cafeteria where the bomb
exploded minutes earlier. Shortly after that experience, she joined the insurgency and became part of a propaganda unit, filming some of the gorilla's actions. In nineteen ninety one, she settled in Santa Marta, and at the end of the war she decided to stay. Because of her communications background. Others asked her to help create Drodia Victoria.
Mostly my role has been to look for support for the.
Projects that we have.
I was never at the radio full time, but as part of the coordinating team, so we had a collective that ran the radio and basically accompanying. You know, I never wanted to be two hands on because I didn't want to be the green that runs the radio.
From the beginning, Rodia Victoria became the voice of the anti mining front. Rodia Victoria explained the dangers of mining to his listeners by pointing to the environmental and social costs of the industry. It disrupted Pacific Rome's communication campaign.
It's that condition de terminian he induststructivatales, brecio, simbia, bles economica, so emb and talmente.
Public opinion turned against mining. But soon enough the threats began. The radio hosts received warning calls and their cell phones.
The language was very much like gang members, you know, some of the terms they used and they were very vulgar. So the assumption was that they were getting money channels to them to carry out these threats.
This wasn't a small thing since the gangs in a Cubode were known for their cruelty. Then the killing started. First there was Marcello Rivera, a teacher, community leader and environmentalist. He had been one of the first to sound the alarm bell when Pacific Rim began prospecting in the region.
You know, he was a performer and he would come to our We would have these community arts festivals for our anniversary and he would always come, and he was pretty close to us.
Riveta was tortured before he was killed, and his body was thrown into a well. This had a huge impact on those who were opposing the mining project.
And then the death threats said you know you better shut up. Are the same thing that happened to Marcella will happened to you.
Later that year, two other activists, Ramiro Riverra and Dora Soortor gunn down.
We begin today with Elsalvador, where, for the second time in a week of prominent anti gold mining activists has been assassinated. On Saturday, thirty two year old Dora Alicia Esino Soorto was shot dead near her home. She was eight months pregnant carrying her two year old son. Soorto and her husband were both active members of the Cabanas Environment Committee, which is campaigned against the reopening of a gold mine owned by the Vancouver based Pacific Rim Mining Company.
Last week, Ramiro Rivera Gomez, the vice president of the Cabanas Environment Committee, was shot dead by heavily armed men despite having been under twenty four hour police protection.
Meanwhile, the death threats against Radio Victoria staff kept coming. People would bang the doors at their homes at night and caught guns, and I was scared.
I was really scared, and you know, I didn't know if we should shut down the radio or what we should do. But you know, people at the radio said, this is our only weapon.
For us.
To stay on the air is the only way we can resist this, and that's what we're going to do.
One day, Christina talked to one of the radio hosts, a young man called Oscar.
And I said, Oscar, aren't you afraid? Aren't you scared? And he went yeah. But you know, once you dedicate so much of your life to something, it's your life, and to not do that is to kind of lose your life. So you know, this is what's important, and this is what we have to do.
The three murders were never thoroughly investigated, but for the activists, there was no doubt that they were the result of the anti mining protests. Despite the threats and the killings, the environmental defenders kept going. They brought on board new allies, including Ancelo's archbishop, prominent churchmen. Monseigneur Sin Sakaye was also a chemist, and he worried that the use of cyanide
by mining companies could cause a major environmental disaster. They also convinced both right wing and left wing politicians to join them. In two thousand and eight, the government decided to stop approving permits for new mines. It wasn't a ban yet, but President Andonio Saka said he wanted to better understand the impact gold mining was having on the country's water sources before proving any more permits. Pacific RIM followed a complaint against also using a legal tool known
as investors State dispute settlement. We've covered this many times and drilled but it's a quasi legal system that is meant to protect companies from governments and enforce free trade agreements. In practice, what it does is help companies scare governments away from a environmental and human rights legislation and push forward harmful projects. Even activist pressure works and governments reject them.
The Pacific Room claimed that in Salor, by not allowing it to move forward with its gold mine, had violated its rights. The company asked for three hundred and fifty million dollars to cover the revenue it was losing as a result of the government's refusal to grant its permits. This, of course, did nothing for Pacific Room's popularity in Ossalo. In twenty sixteen, the tribunal made a rare ruling against the company, and Esalor won the dispute, but not before
spending millions fighting it. Twenty seventeen marked the end of the struggle an unprecedented decision, Esalor's government approved a law that banned all mining for medals in Essalor well via historico hiero.
Derobizio metali normlo exploras.
Ter The decision was unanimous. Midelina still can't believe it.
The wameuerdo.
This was such a marvelous thing that when I remember it for me and sina la piel, as we say in Salvo in English, we might say it gives me chills.
But if mining companies have learned anything in their dealings with Latin American countries, it's patient If political circumstances are not in your favor at first, don't worry. That might change sooner than you think. In Esalor, it took only two years.
Thirty seven year old Naibu Kelly entered San Salvador's Convention Center, a main voting station, a few hours later than planned to cast his ballot. He brought all the confidence, swagger, and even the black leather jack backet of a rock star.
In twenty nineteen, an outsider candidate called Naib Bukeley won the elections with an absolute majority. He rocked the country as no one had done since the war. He assumed leadership in a country dominated by two violent gangs, the Marasoba Rucha and Barrio Yaesiocho, controlled entire neighborhoods in rural communities. For years, they made us one of the most dangerous countries in the world. Ordinary Salvadorians lived in fear of
leaving their homes every day. Hundreds were killed every year for the crime of coming from a neighborhood controlled by a rival gang. Every business, no matter the size, was burdened with huge protection payments to the gangs. In twenty fifteen, the most violent year, more than six thousand people were murdered, more than any year during the civil war. In the beginning, Naibukeli did what his predecessors had tried before him, sided
the gangs in return for prison privileges. The gangs agreed to decrease the murder rate, but they soon started asking for more. To pressure the government, one of the two main gangs went on a killing spree, assassinating close to one hundred innocent people in three days. Bokley changed his strategy immediately.
Tonight.
The crackdown on gangs intensifies in El Salvador. As these images of mass arrests and police searching through homes and families belongings at neighborhood checkpoints fuel concerns that human rights are being violated.
He declared a state of emergency, suspending constitutional rights. He empowered the authorities to arrest anyone suspected of being a gang member. He even went on national TV and threatened to star the detainees if the gangs tried to retaliate.
Oh, no, do that, and there will be no meal time in the prisons.
One.
Let's see how long their home boys last in there.
Since then, more than seventy five thousand people have been put in overcrowded jails. Among them are thousands of innocent people, mostly young men from poor neighborhoods, with no ties to the gangs. Official dulciers obtained by the newspaper at Farro showed that the reason for an arrest can be as flimsy as he looked like a gang member or he was nervous when the police showed up. But the results of this policy have been spectacular. Extortion and murders decreased dramatically.
The homicide rate is now one of the lowest in Latin America, even lower than in the United States. Now, small businesses bloom everywhere, and ordinary Salvadorians have reclaimed their streets.
Nor is this sense of security more obvious than in the center of Santa l What was a maze of street stamp under the tight control of the gangs has become a pleasant district with walkepp plazas, fountains and street performers on the Plaza Hirado Barrios in front of the Metropolitan Cathedral and at the side of the National Palace. A brand new library, a gift from China. Solsa is now one of the landmarks of Sansabel. But in Saloo's democracy has paid the price for this piece. As Naebuchill's
popularity skyrocketed, he took control of all the institutions. To rein in the judicial system. He hand picked the Supreme Court magistrates and sent a third of Osavor's judges to retirement by decree.
There is talk of an authoritarian populism and a hybrid regime that is losing the guardrails of democracy. We have all governmental powers concentrated in the executive branch and specifically in the president, and this makes it so that the system of checks and balances doesn't work.
Luis Consalez is a lawyer and activist at the Salvadorian Ecological Unit. This environmental organization has been at the site of Idelina and Alis in the fight against mining and joined various other environmental fights, including the expansion of sugarcane plantations, the destruction of mangroves, and deforestation. It has also denounced
attacks against indigenous leaders. Louis has seen firsthand how the state of emergency, which was meant to fight gangs, has been used to attack environmental activists and community.
Leaders o Costria.
Without a doubt, and I'll give you a couple of examples. Under the state of emergency, they wanted to build a prison in Teotepek. There were people there working the land and they expropriated it and the approach was either sell it or the state will take it. And if you object, remember that we are a regime. The same sort of rhetoric was used against people who were organized in a labor union where they were building a new airport. Remember that we are a regime. They took the vendors off
the street with that too. Remember we are a regime.
Ila comuniaes Bisto an Asako.
The communities that want to say anything have been threatened with putting people in prison. Indigenous leaders we work with in Sonsnate the case of a father who was taken to prison. They let him go after some time, but it was if you keep talking. We have other leaders where they've captured their family members.
It is on a coincidence that this repressive trend happened at the same time that Bu began to look at the potential of various extractive industries to help ESA's economy.
Yamatartivista already in twenty twenty one, this extractivist agenda resumed, this very neoliberal agenda, let's say, extractive of environmental resources.
And it is within this framework that there are government positions against environmental issues and against defenders.
Environmental leaders like Pedrokasas from a Central American Alliance against Mining, say Bokilly's primary focus now that he's been re elected is the.
Economy an next momental principal interest, well, principal economia.
In this moment, the primary interest where the primary concern of the public is the economy. Lack of work, inflation, this lack of economic opportunities in the country, and more than sixty percent of the population is saying look, look, no, no, I'm not doing very well.
This is especially true after Bookeley's signature move to improve Aslo's economy backfired spectacularly. In twenty twenty one, he decided to make bitcoin a national currency. Then he gambled with the country's reserves by buying one hundred million dollars worth of bitcoins. Virtually no one has adopted the new currency. Now,
Bukilly is desperate to bring invast stris back an. Environmental activists are convinced that Buqueili burned by his bitcoin mining, wants to return to the old fashioned sort, and the activists are in his way. In the middle of the night, on the eleventh of January twenty twenty, three police patrols pulled up in front of three houses in Santa Marta. They arrested three men, Miguel Anghilgames, Pedro Rivas, and Alejandro Laynez.
All three were members of ADDIS. Police told them that they were accused of murdering Maria Ines Albarenga, the woman who was said to be an informant to the army thirty years ago during the Civil War. The three men were sent to Santalo to be charged by a judge. There, they learned that the director of ADDIS, Antonio Pacheco, and the organization's lawyer, Saul Riuas, had also been arrested for the same case. A sixth man, Piedel Rosinos, who isn't
a member of ADDIS, was also taken into custody. All of them fought within the ranks of the guerrillas in the eighties and nineties. All deny any involvement in out vetting as murder. These arrests were surprising for a lot of reasons. Very few cases related to the war have ever made their way to the courts. Except for a handful of high impact cases, no one has been charged for crime related to the war. Why was a prosecutor's office suddenly interested in this particular thirty year old murder
for with Deelina? The reason is clear. The Attorney General, close allied to Naiveokeley, is trying to cripple at this in preparation for Pucalli's move to bring mining back to us Ala. The defendants cannot talk openly to journalists as their trial is pending. We won't hear them in this podcast, but they've always claimed their innocence on their behalf. Videlina
launched a campaign to denounce the arrests. She participated in countless TV and radio shows and led protests in San Salvor in front of the prison where the six men were held in custody.
Ben and we've.
Come to ask that, in compliance with the judicial resolution, the release of our comrades from prison is not further delayed.
She organized an international campaign of solidarity that included Washington based organizations too. US congress persons wrote to Asavoora's government to ask for the liberation of Addess activists. The arrest fueled the belief that mining would soon make a comeback, but so did other recent actions by the government. For example, in May twenty one, ESAU join the Intergovernmental Form on Mining, Minerals, Metals and Sustainable Development, an initiative founded by the Canadian
government to help countries develop mining operations. Why would a country or mining as prohibited join such a club. That same year, the government created a new institution, the Oil, Energy and Mines Directorate, proving that the attraction of a Savadorian resources is a priority for the government. One of this institution's first missions was to evaluate the current legislation on mining. The government of as and various ministers declined
multiple requests for an interview. For months, the pressure from Videlina to freeer comrades seemed to be fruitless. The six men remained in custody. They couldn't see their families. Not even their lawyer, Denis Munios, was allowed to talk to them. They were moved from prison to prison, experiencing increasingly heroing conditions.
Well very little zero health care, in humane conditions in the sense that there was one toilet for two hundred people very little space to move around.
This is Denis Munos, their lawyer.
They could hardly bathe their clean themselves because there was not much water, zero drinking water in biologically unfavorable conditions. So the conditions were really a lot. And and then you have to watch out because that will really impact the health of an older person who already has chronic degenerative or other serious illnesses like diabetes or kidney failure or even high blood pressure.
In something on his prison they spent their nights in large cells with two hundred people, sometimes sleeping on the bare floor with all the lights on. During the day, they stayed in a courtyard so packed they couldn't even sit. The meals consisted of eight spoonfuls of rice and a few black beans. They all lost weight and developed chronic illnesses due to malnourishment. On top of that, every day someone would be dragged out of the cells and beaten
by the guards. Some mornings a prisoner wouldn't wake up, his body was wrapped in its sheets and taken out. Most of the prisoners, like the activists from Santa Marta, were in temporary custody awaiting their trial.
So one of them for example, told me that he still has nightmares about what he experienced in that place.
And then Inela received a tremendous blow. Her son was detained. The police told her that it was because they suspected he was a member of a gang.
She knew what that meant, and.
They will mess with the very, very very private, intimate interests of a family member. I said, no, no, I will not allow my son to be incarcerated because I know my son, and everyone in the community knows my son. He's never been involved with any gang, but he's being accused of being a gang member. When they arrested him, I immediately went to the police station. That's the first place I went. What I want to tell you is what the chief of the Santa Marta police station said
to me. Look, he said, here, we have a very good list of people to arrest.
For Vida. There was no doubt they were attacking her through her son. She was desperate. She thought she wouldn't see him for years. She knew of the detention conditions and couldn't imagine her son in a cell with hundreds of actual gang members. Immediately went to social media to denounce the arrest. She contacted on Budsman. She activated her network of national and international allies.
But this is the moment when my lions clause came out because he's my son. So I don't know helplessness. I mean, I don't know how to explain it. But I said, this is the time to fight for my son to be released. And of course I also thought about all the effort I've put into this cause for so long. It can't be in vain.
This time the pressure worked. About forty hours later, her son was released. They just kicked him out of since with the Beca's jail, no charges were brought against him and no explanation was given. Midelina was lucky. Dozens of families have been without news of their incarcerated relatives for years. They often don't know where they are jailed or even if they are still alive. That's why environmental activists are so scared of the state of exception, Bokeley declared two
years ago. It means anyone can be tagged as a gang member and disappear into the nightmarish prison system. The government wasn't done trying to intimidate Adis. In August twenty twenty three, Bokeley declared the militarization of the whole going S region. Eight thousand soldiers were sent there officially to fight against the gangs. For the first time since the war, armored vehicles entered Santa Marta.
Salang, Victoria and.
And of course a good sized group of them settled in Victoria around Santa Marta and it was terrifying.
For those who survived the war, seeing the army patrolling in front of their houses was a traumatic flash back. Buchilles regime is characterized by its opacity. Many of its actions come with no explanation. The militarization of Cabaygas could be part of buchilles cracked on gangs. It could also be a warning to activists in the area who might oppose any of his plans. The uncertainty is just another
burden on community organizers and environmental defenders. Finally, on September fifth, twenty twenty three, the five BYUS activists were sent back home after a judge granted them house arrest. Videlina thinks the international pressure on the government paid off. The men are still recovering from the horrendous experience in prison. Their trials had to start this month. Last February, naib Bulkelly ran for reelection, even though the constitution clearly says that
no one can hold office twice. Boosted by his crackdown on gangs, he won with more than eighty percent of the vote. In his new term, he faces no political opposition. His party also won fifty four of the sixty seats at the National Assembly. For the activists, Luis Gonsalez, the future under an increasingly powerful Bochille looks grim. Still, he has a lot of faith in community organizers.
Cambius, Are we going to have an environmental policy that only changes with special interests, where the economic issue, the security issue is the only thing the government discusses with all of the impacts that has on the poorest and most vulnerable communities.
Let's hope not.
And I still believe that hope lies in the communities that are resisting. I believe that now more than ever, we have to resist. We have to resist to be able to face these anti activists attacks, and hopefully the resistance and life will win out over these other interests.
Drilled is an original Critical Frequency production. This episode was reported and written by Sebastian Escalon. The episode was narrated by Yesienne Funess and edited by me Amy westervelts I also read the English translations for Videlina. Our senior editor for this series is Alan Brown. Peter Duff, our audio engineer, read the male English translation parts in this episode, and sound design and engineered it. Because we're a small shop
here at Drilled, all hands on deck. You can get a transcript of this episode, plus lots more information from this series, including other episodes and related articles and documents, on our website at Drilled dot media. You can also sign up for our weekly newsletter there. People tell us it helps them cut through the overwhelming fire hose of information about climate. It's never more than ten minutes to read every week, and you can follow us on Instagram
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