Welcome to Crash Course, a podcast about business, political, and social disruption and what we can learn from it. I'm Tim O'Brien. Today's Crash Course Latinos versus the twenty twenty four election. Consider the numbers. Latinos represent the US electorate's second fastest growing voting group after Asian Americans. About thirty six point two million Latinos are expected to vote in the twenty twenty four presidential election, four million more voters
than in the twenty twenty election. According to the Pew Research Center, Latino voters have tended to have low turnout rates and elections, but this hefty increase in that electoral pool is due to the mobilization of enthusiastic and engaged, younger US born Latino voters, and you'll find that growth concentrated in swing states in the Western US like Nevada
and Arizona. Forty five percent of all eligible voters in New Mexico are Latina knows, and California is home to about twenty five percent of all eligible Latino voters in the entire US. Latino voters have strong regional differences in their cultures and values, and this plays out around what they care about entrepreneurial opportunities, abortion, voting rights, citizenship, immigration,
and other issues are front and center. Latino voters played a pivotal role in Joe Biden's twenty twenty victory, and they will figure prominently in a twenty twenty four presidential race in which Donald Trump can leverage strides he's made courting them. The both work hard to woo Latinos, and the race could be decided in part by who's the most successful. I'm happy to tell you that Maria Teresa Kumar joins me today to dig into all of this.
Maria Theresa is the CEO of Voto Latino, an influential advocacy group that mobilizes Latino voters around a range of issues. It's been so successful that is now the largest voter registration group in the ipocket community and among youth voters. Greetings Maria Theresa.
Tim, I'm thrilled to be here.
I just wanted to tee this off by asking you, in the most general of ways, what's at stake for Latino voters in the twenty twenty four election.
That is such an all encompassing question, because I would say, Tim, that it is no different than that of our neighbors as American citizens. And one of the things that we saw under the Donald Trump reign was that he put Latino's front and center as the experiment of what he'd like to do with the rest of Americans. And I'd say this not lightly. We were absolutely the canaries in the coal mine when he descended that escalator and basically
said that we were criminals and rapists. He tried to be too smart by half saying that it was the person crossing the border from Mexico. But there was not a Latino in America who understood that he meant us. And then he denigrated every single institution. When he went first after a Latino reporter of hore Ramos, that was his indication that he was going to go after the press as a whole, and we saw that when he
was in office. Then we saw him go after a Mexican judge, and we saw his playbook that he was intending to do that for all of the judicial branch. And if we were to take his word of what he has now claimed in the New York Times, he intends to concentrate power and make America a democracy on paper only, and so while we have absolutely the Latino community been at his cross hairs. First, we are the litmus test of what he intends to do with our
democratic institutions as a whole. And so when he speaks, you and I both took him seriously. From the onset. We saw many colleagues kind of shrike him off as a joke. But if someone tells you who you are, you believe him the first time. And boy, has he fulfilled everything he said he was.
Yeah, there should be a little question in people's mind about who Donald Trump is and what he intends to do. There's enough evidence now. People might have skated on that in twenty sixteen, if they didn't read or listen, they might have gotten away with that. But you know no longer and you know. And why should other voting groups be concerned about all of this, whether they're Asian America
voters or black voters or white voters. What is the common thread or the commonalty here that each group should pay attention to.
I would say that one of the reasons that immigrants fled and are here because they recognized that they had a deep entrepreneurial spirit, but perhaps no connections. And in America, if you have a good, fine idea, it has a shot.
In Latin America, you don't have a shot at all at your big dreams because you are immediately born into a class, whether you like it or not, and you're immediately born into a corrupt system that you may have a great idea, but you're going to have to grease the hands of someone as little as the cable guy to put in your internet connection so that you can go ahead and found your company. And so when folks say, well, what is Donald Trump? You know, why is he such
a threat to democracy? I also like to say we often talk about the rights that he has said that he's going to abdicate, whether it's a woman's rights and agencies over her body through abortion, whether it's condoning book banning so that we don't know our history. We can talk about those rights as fundamentals, but then we should also look at the rights of what makes America a thriving democracy, and it is because we believe in a capitalist,
just system. Do we actually achieve that every day? No? Are we aspirational? Absolutely? And when folks from business Tim and I say this because you're with Bloomberg, often say, well, Donald Trump or Biden doesn't really make a difference. I always counteract. Is like the reason that we were able to be the first people on the moon, the reason that we were able to have an iPhone in our pocket, the reason that we have been at the cutting edge of research is that the government has been out of
our business to think big as an individual. But the moment that you have in isocrasy that disrupts the ability for the little person with big ideas to break through because under the autocracy system, it depends on what favors you will do to your local government and to the top of the government and to part of the party. We can say that it's one of the reasons why Russia, being as large as it is, has not been able
to thrive because it is an oligarchy. The reason that communist China every time there's a big idea look at Ali Baba, it has dampened its ability to compete in commerce in large part. And why you have so many middle class Chinese fleeing right now is that they have now hit a level of what they can and cannot do in their country. And so in thriving democracy is dependent on a thriving middle class with the ability to think big as an entrepreneur.
I would add to the great point you made about how the US can excel spanned opportunities and take on challenges is because of our diversity. We have an innovative economy, and innovation comes from new ideas, and it comes from a plurality of ideas, and those ideas and that innovation are only as strong as the diversity of the population they represent, which is another reason why immigration is key to both US democracy and US opportunity and US economic growth.
Which anyone who really digs into this nos and anyone who denies it as in telling the truth. In the same way that Donald Trump said he'll be dictator on day one, and we know he might be dictator for thousands and thousands of days. Speaking of opportunity, you know your story I find inspiring and interesting. You were born in Colombia, then your family moved to California. You went to college at UC Davis and then graduate school at Harvard.
Along the way, you became a legislative aid before joining Voto Latino. So tell me a little bit about how do you think about all that looking back at it now?
So just to backup a few steps. My mother was a single mom in Colombia. She was Afro Colombian and had an eighth grade education. By all those metrics, tim I shouldn't be where I am today because I was born into a system that was already stacked against me for all of the legacy of what it means to
be black in Colombia. My mother met my father, who adopted me when I was one year old, shortly after he met my mother, and they got married, though he got really ill, and so my parents had to pack their bags and move from a very solidly middle class in Colombia to northern California, where I like to say prepared me for the moment of Donald Trump. And I say this because my grandparents did not have their wits
about them. That my father shows up with Latina and her daughter and their only interaction, quite frankly, with Latinos at the time were the migrant workers that worked their fields. And so while my father convalesced, I was three at the time, I navigated a household that was already trying to define who I was, but who loved us nonetheless,
and set my mother to work in the field. You can imagine how awkward that was for Thanksgiving, but it started informing me also of the possibility that America offered me. I will never forget. My proudest moment was when I was nine years old and I had just come back from city hall in San Francisco, and the teacher asked what we were thankful for, and I raised my hand very proudly saying that I was thankful that today I
was an American citizen. I believe that it meant so much for me to be able to unopen these possibilities that I knew at a very young age in Colombia were closed. My mother worked very hard to help make THENDS me But then I went to UC Davis and my world opened up.
And you took great advantage of those opportunities that came your.
Way, Oh Tim, I was hungry because I will tell you that I knew that it was through education and through access that I was going to be able to have a different life, not for myself, but for the family that I wanted in the future.
If that makes sense, it does make sense. And I also love your use of the word hungry because it's so evocative, right, It's you know, literal hunger for food. It's intellectual hunger for new ideas, it's hungry for new opportunities. And I think a lot of people can be hungry. Not every one of them feeds themselves in the way that you have and the other things that you talk about about your direct experience as an immigrant. You know,
I'm an Irish American, many generations removed. I think my relatives first came over in the eighteen thirties or the
eighteen forties. And I think recent waves of immigrant Americans, because we are an immigrant country by definition, forget that we have this commonality, because we've gotten ours, whether that's economic or cultural, or spiritual or political, the legacy migrants have put their stakes in the ground, and I find it troubling when they don't read their own history and look at actually the important bonds they share with newer generations of migrants.
Well, I think you spark something oftentimes people like to And this was really very much unleashed by Donald Trump, but I would say Sarah Palin had a hand in
it as well. This idea of how immigrants are the challenge in America, and in fact, what we've been able to demonstrate throughout history, whether we're talking about Irish Americans, whether we're talking about Chinese Americans, and the list goes on that, in fact, what we've been able to do so differently than the rest of the world is bring
in the most innovative entrepreneurs. And they may not be entrepreneurs in our sense, but they're entrepreneurs in that they've recognized that they're fleeing something that is in just or so stacked that they come to the United States because they think that here they could become the best versions of themselves. And as a result, in a multicultural America, we all profit from it. And I often say Tim that you don't have to take my word for it.
You don't have to take my word that multicultural America is our superpower in an increasingly global world. You just have to take nefarious activities of foreign actors who tried to divide us in elections through race. There's well documented that the Russians did massive interference in our twenty sixteen election,
and it was all around race. And it's because they recognize that a divide in America is a weakened America, but a collective, strong, multicultural America is the one that we'll be able to actually map the next hundred years, not just for the United States, but for the globe.
And while we may not be completely satisfied in attaining what our founding fathers saw through the Constitution, we are well ahead of everybody else, and a multicultural America will demand collectively that we continue trying to achieve that perfect document.
So how did you come to vote Latino? How did that happen for you?
So we're on the this is our twentieth year anniversary.
So I like to say we're twenty years young. And if I were to be completely transparent, I was tragically in New York when September eleventh happened, and I was on the path of going into corporate America like so many young people at the time, and I had this realization that while I was the first person in my family to graduate get my masters, and I was about to engage in living the immigrant dream of every parent for their child, that is different was that really my
dream was also acknowledging that my cousins who were younger than I were not okay. And at the time tim I did not have the language of institutional racism, but there was something very clear that the women in my family were thriving, and the young men in my family were not. And we grew up in Sonoma, the liberal bastion was as segregated as you could possibly imagine. And I stepped back and I realized, I'm about to go into corporate America to give people who have access in
information more access and information. And anyone can do that. But at this point I had a set of values that I felt that if we can enfranchise and start talking to young people about the importance of their democracy and how they fit into it and how they can help self define themselves and their family by participating, that we could have a revolution for good and it can
be transformative. And about a year later, I was talking to a mentor of mine and he introduced me to Rosario Dawson, who had just launched a campaign called Voda Latino with MTV. And that's all it was supposed to be, tim it wasn't supposed to be anything more. And I saw this ad and granted I had worked in Congress, I'd gone to the Kennedy School, I had been interning the sacrament of State Legislature when I was in college.
I would consider myself highly political, but it wasn't until I was twenty eight years old when I saw one of the PSAs where one of the actors was looking straight to the camera say registered to vote because I can't that I finally felt seen that, I finally felt someone say you are Latina and American and what a beautiful thing, and what's the power. And it was that advocacy that I realized that this is where I wanted to spend my time, and so, believe it or not,
I quit my job. I moved back home to my mom on the eve of my thirtieth birthday, and I funded an underwrite vit Latino for the first three years on my credit card. Whoever's hearing this, don't ever do that this is a terrible idea. But it was this deep understanding that I had navigated America for my mom since I was nine years old, and there were millions of other young people doing the same thing. And while Latinos are the second fastest group of growing Americans, we're
also the second largest of Americans. And for the last two census tim it's been because of the Latino growth. Fifty two percent of the US population growth has been attributed to Latinos, not immigration, but the birth of American Latinos.
If you can, in a kind of a direct and succinct way, tell me a little bit about what your involvement in Voda Latino meant to you as an activist and someone who was deeply politicized.
So when I inherited Vota Latino, it was just an idea in PSAs, and it was the first organization to speak to me as an American, and I fell in love with its possibility because I knew that when I was underage, I was navigating this country for my mother, for my grandmother by translating everywhere, and I knew that millions of other Latino youths were doing the exact same thing, and they didn't realize that at the time that when they turned eighteen, all of a sudden, they would have
greater agency to impact their families than through simple translation, by really navigating the country, by basically registering to vote, registering their families and changing dynamics in this country.
And understanding the tools that they needed to use to empower themselves.
That's exactly the vote.
Alone, although it's an important one, but you brought many other organizing principles to bear on that effort.
That's exactly right. One of the things that if you were to ask what makes us principally so different from other voter registrations, I would define us more as a civic education and advocacy organization, because not only do we register you to vote, but then we inform you about the issues that matter to you, and then we teach you how to take action. We don't leave you the
next day, but we really create a community. And what's neat is that if you were to go into Texas and ask a seventeen year old if they know Little Latino, almost seven out of ten will say that they do. We've been able to say see how young people, once they recognize that the levers of power really lie in their hands, they participate and they start changing the direction of their states.
So on that happy note of both brand recognition among voters and your great organizing effort, I want to take a quick break so we can hear from a sponsor, and then we'll come right back. I'm back with Maria Theresa Kumar, CEO of vot Latino, and we're talking about the power and promise of Latino voters in the US.
You've just been regaling me with both your poignant and powerful personal story of how you became a voter organizer within the Latino community, and then Voto Latino's own strides in both the depth of its representation across a number of states and the variety of issues that it embraces
and advocates for. On that note, can we talk a little bit about demographic You know, I think many Americans, particularly white Americans, think of Latinos as this big homogeneous block of people doing something here there, And it's a richly diverse, geographically dispersed community. And that's important, I think in understanding that communities interests as voters and its needs as citizens.
Right absolutely. And I think one of the things is tim that most fellow Americans don't know is how young the population is. So according to a Peuce study that came out a few years ago, the most common age among whites is fifty eight, the most common age among African Americans is thirty three, But the most common age among Latinos. I'll give you a guess.
Well, I'm well, since you've set me up, I'm going to say twenty.
Two, eleven years old.
Oh my gosh, I wasn't even close, and.
Most folks aren't, right. I mean, I asked the same question in Little Rock with a conversation we were having with Hillary Clinton and her crowd, and I have to tell you that when I said eleven years old, she included gasped. But it also speaks to the moment we're in. It speaks to the moment where you have voter suppression laws that are trying to beat back not the voter today, but the voter that's coming. It wasn't until twenty eighteen
that Latinas became the second largest demographic of voters. We have a Latino voter turning eighteen every thirty seconds in this country. And they are not on the coasts, but they're in the eight states where we have focused on. They are in Georgia, North Carolina, Nevada, Arizona, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Texas. We can park Florida there for a second, but this
is what's really interesting. In a place like Arizona, where the Latino vote is close to forty percent of the vote, what's just as interesting is that thirty five percent of them are young people under the age of twenty nine. In twenty twenty, vote Latino proudly registered and turned out thirty two thousand Arizonans. Nineteen thousand were first time voters. Biden won by less than twelve thousand votes. But guess
what the opportunity is in Arizona alone. We're expecting one hundred and sixty three thousand young people to have turned eighteen in the last four years, so more than ten times the margin of victory that Biden squeaked by.
And tell me, they also tend to be more engaged with the process than their parents or their grandparents, right, Like, they're less extisent about expressing themselves politically, about registering to vote, about actually voting, which is a huge cultural and democratic change that's fundamental.
Right Well, and this is where people like to say, well, we see that Latinos are turning to the right, and that's not the case, because the older Latinos, even they sixty percent of them voted for Biden. They did. Seventy percent of young people voted for Biden in the last election.
But what we find is that people don't talk to young people because they don't recognize how engaged they are on the issues of gun safety, the environment, student loans, abortion, abortion, right abortion, and so when people say, well, Latinos don't care about abortion, said, the majority of Latinos are thirty year old women. They don't want the government deciding what their trajectory should right. They care because that eleven year old is their kid, right, the one that I was
talking to you about. Right. And this is where I think media and people in power really need to check their biases at the door, because for so many years we keep hearing that Latinos are deeply Catholic and therefore anti abortion. But even though we're deeply Catholic, we are Pope Francis Catholic who has been a leader and a champion for social justice, for environmental movements, and yes for recognizing that you should not shame a woman if they
have an abortion. And so I think that that's oftentimes the disconnect when it comes to how people perceive Latino's in our Catholicism. And I say this because I think it's very important for us to understand how Latinos view themselves when it comes to their politics.
Well, and it's you know, it's also sorry to interrupt, but I you know what you just said about the church and then media biases. One step is for the media to think about their biases. Of course, the other thing is to do the hard work of not being lazy in terms of who they're speaking to when they're drawing conclusions about what voters want. Because there is an active group of older, more traditional Latinos who are more accessible many times for the media, and it's the younger voters.
I think that it's harder for the media to access and pay attention to in the Latino community, and it takes a little bit of work, but I think you'd see more of these diverse views reflected in the media if the media did a better job of extending the range of the interviews it does.
That's absolutely right, and I think that unlike in the older white community, where the majority of voters are older whites, in the Latino community it's completely inverse. The biggest pool of eligible voters are under the age of thirty three. If you do not know how they're feeling, then you actually don't know the course the country is going to take.
In a place like Florida, Florida is the only state in America where young Latino voters will not eclipse older voters, and so a lot of the media takes their clues of what's happening in Florida, but they do not have the pulse of what's happening in the rest of the country. When you said that Latinos are of different backgrounds, it's absolutely true. But what we have found at Vote Latino is that the biggest commonality is not the country your family came from. It's the state that you grew up in.
So if you grew up under our Pio's watch, it actually doesn't matter what country your family came from, because the moment.
You see you're referencing the Maricopa County, Yes sheriff in Arizona who led basically with the club.
That's exactly right. And so the moment that young person walked out of that house, they were subjected to terrifying racial profiling, in some cases witnessing their parents being locked away. And so one of the things that we did at Bode Latino is that we identified the eight states, and I'm proud to say that we have never left those states, and in that bandwidth of ten years in twenty twenty, we have helped flip five of them. And if you were to look at the only organization that has been
consistently there. It has been Vote Latino because in some cases, some of these states don't have unions, in some cases they don't have active plant Parenthood chapters, in some cases they don't have a lot of national presence. But we went into Georgia and we worked with Stacy Abrams long before people told us it was a possibility. But it was because while Latita's were only two percent of the populace, when we started working there to vote, they were sixteen
percent of the classrooms. We knew that they were going to eventually graduate to become voters. We took big bets tim they faded off.
At least I think seven of the eight states you mentioned to our swing states, at least six. I guess I would say, I don't think of Texas and Florida's swing states.
Texas is the biggest possibility. Can I tell you Texas is where California what. I'm bullish on Texas because Texas, actually, you don't even have to take my word for it.
I'll take your word.
Twenty eighteen. In twenty eighteen, Latino youth actually increased their participation by twenty three percent. In twenty twenty, they came out by twenty one percent.
Well, now that you've convinced me that Texas is in play, which I did not think it could be in play, and maybe you're saying it's going to be in play one day. We can come back to that. But on that note, I want to take a break and hear from one of our sponsors, and then we'll continue this very interesting conversation. I'm back and having a great conversation with Maria Teresa Kumar, CEO of Voto Latino, and we
are talking about the twenty twenty four presidential race. And right before we took this break, Marie Theresa, we were talking about activating the Latino vote in different states and what that might look like. We touched on Texas, and I wanted to step back from that in a big picture way and hear you out about how you think the Republicans slash Donald Trump and the Democrats slash Joe Biden are positioning themselves around the vote, and why don't we start with Trump and the GOP.
So the biggest opportunity for the Latino vote is going to be among young people, because that's really where the vote is growing. And if you see where the vote is growing, where they will make significant impact, whether we're talking about Georgia or North Carolina or Arizona, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin,
even Texas. The thing that makes me pause about the Republican's commitment to courting this increasingly powerful cohort in increasingly important swing states is that every chance they get, they try to put a hurdle to their participation at the voting booth. And I think that's all we really kind
of need to know about what their priorities are. And then you have in these same states very Strongmann type of leadership that tries to escape the responsibility of legislating for the whole of their population by trying to put
the onus on the boogheman of the immigrant communities. And one thing that I've been able to learn from experience is that when you do that, whether it is a shriff our PIO, a shared at Angle, Thompton Crado back in Colorado, when we help flip that state, what you do, in fact is actually activate a community that's been a political up to that moment, and they start participate aggressively in elections because that voting booth becomes an SOS and
it becomes their pathway to sovereignty from people who are being so cruel to their families and the pressures of disenfranchisement. And so when people talk about the Latino vote and they try to say, well, Latinos are going Republican, while the pulling may say that, their actions at the voting
booth say something else. And I pointed most recently in the special election in Ohio around abortion access, where in fact, if you were to dust off of who voted for that bill, overwhelmingly it was the black and Latino vote, and the vote that was evenly split among men and women were white voters. And so when folks again tried to believe that Latinos are going right, I would like to say, well, just like there was never a red wave during the mid term, there is not a Latino
defection from the Democratic Party. If anything, it might be disillusionment because change isn't happening fast enough, but it doesn't mean that they're actually being right leading because the Party of Trump has vocally demonstrated through rhetoric and action that they don't believe in a multicultural America.
And on the GOP positioning towards DHACA, the dreamers and citizenship for migrants who are born here and grew up here, and now our adults they have been tone deaf and heartless around that issue as well, in lots of ways, in addition to the voting booth issues you've brought up. When you say you know that the vote isn't fraying,
what do you make of in twenty twenty? You know this phenomenon where it was repeatedly run up the flag that cultural conservatism and sort of a pro business positioning within certain segments of the Latin vote made Trump an appealing candidate, and that in fact, a lot of sensationalism around socialism and creeping socialism, et cetera, et cetera was used effectively to change the cohort and provide Trump with inroads he hadn't enjoyed before in the party, hadn't enjoyed before.
Do you think that's just a false narrative or isn't statistically significant?
Yeah? So I think that is. It's learning where that socialism message played well and where the Democrats ignored, and that was Florida. And that is because the Democrats were saying, well, how can possibly anyone believe that we're going in a socialist direction? That doesn't make any sense where America. What they failed were having cultural sensitivities that there were people in Florida who fled socialism and we're.
Having particularly Cuban particularly.
Cubans right and now the new wave of Venezuelans, and so we along with others, were flagging that this was going to be a particular issue in Florida. When the Republicans tried to take that message to Texas and to other states, it didn't bode well because most of the folks that their families fled Latin America was not for socialists regimes. They were here for economic reasons. So it
didn't mash up, it didn't align. And when we did a lot of our polling post the election, we found that the folks that did vote for Trump, outside of the socialist message, the number one reason was because he was a businessman and number two because he signed their COVID checks. And so you can say what you want, but they could say, well, I don't know what the Democrats are going to offer me, but this person can be a racist, but at least he provided me some
sort of relief. Right. There is a lot of learning that needs to happen in the Latino community. Is there mostly first generation that a president's name on a check is actually not his cash but their cash.
Right, Which is actually the story of Thenald Trump's life as a businessman too, is every check he signed has been someone else's money.
Who else is money? At least he's consistent. I mean, I don't know what you heard. That's good. So anyway, So one of the things that we learned in twenty twenty two, if you were to see what happened, for example, because everybody kept outing Southern Texas, if you saw what happened in Southern Texas was that everybody that voted for a Democrat in twenty sixteen was back aligned with Beto Urke. So there was one district that flipped, but that was
the only district in Texas that became Republican gerrymandered. So anything that was a Republican stripe was meant to win that seat District fifteen. What they did well was that they identified Magalatina to communicate what they do so well of using her as an example that they were making
in roads. But what our data shows, and again what Pew Charitable Trust recently was able to demonstrate too that in twenty twenty two, the lack of investment in Latino turnout by the Democratic Party had the Latino's participating by thirty seven percent less than they did in twenty eighteen. So the headlines that Latino's were turning right did exactly
what it was meant to do. It cost investment in the Latino community that could have favored the Democrats in Central California, in Upstate New York, in certain places where racist should not have been this close.
And so you would argue that there is no defection taking place. It's on the edges. And what's really happening is that the Democrats aren't committing as fully as they should to actually grow this beautiful pie sitting right in front of them, right.
It is the most let's say, you know, oftentimes if you people ask what is it that you do, Maria Tresa, I say, I market democracy every single day. So if you take the best practices of Nike, Nike understands that the way they grow their market share is by talking and advertising and explaining why Nikes are better than Adidas and they're winning. If you talk to any corporate head that does direct to consumer, if you ask them what's
your number one market that you're trying to attract. It's going to be Latino youth because they have the youngest, fastest, great demographic of disposable in full stop. The fact that the Democrats don't seem to completely own this opportunity is
really beside myself. I mean there are places like I mentioned earlier, Arizona, where Biden won that state by less than twelve thousand votes, but waiting in the wings are one hundred and sixty three thousand Latino youth to be registered to vote, who when you pull them, are seventy percent aligned with progressive values. That's a marketplace miscalculation of wasted opportunity.
The Rio Grande Valley.
Yeah in Texas, Yeah, No, it's no, and it really is. And it's not just the population in waiting on the sidelines trying to learn a system, but it's also they have incredible leadership in Texas, Arizona, and Nevada. The Nevada State House for a while the leadership was all Latina women. That's powerful. That should signal to the Democrats that people are eager for leadership and eager to be talked to. And oftentimes ten people say we why do Latinos need
to be talked to. One is, oftentimes they come from families who have fled governments that democracy can get you hurt, so you don't participate in those countries' governments. So there's not a history of participation in this country. Number one. But then number two, if you look at the school systems in the US, only eight states require a year of civic education out of fifty states to graduate from
high school, only eight out of fifty. If we know in certain states like Texas, we're fifty two percent of your kids K through twelve are Latino, seventy five percent of them are close to being people of color. Where is this new generation of Americans learning how democracy works.
Well in that context? How do we educate people properly? And how do we get good information to people that they can act upon. And one of the other things I've been curious and concerned about is young Latinos, like many young people everywhere, rely on social media as a primary conduit for engagement with the world around them and
for acquiring and digesting information. And disinformation and misinformation are long standing problems now on social and I was wondering how you felt about the role it might play in this election in terms of being a factor that people need to be aware of within the Latino community.
I think as a whole, my biggest concern going into this election is that we are not ready, whether we're talking about through government regulation, through politicians, through the media, through organizations, we are not ready to prepare our country and its citizens for the deep fakes that are going to be waiting in line. And we do need a
quick way of teaching literacy on media consumption. And one of the ways that people are going to trust more than governments and more than traditional institutions and even media, sadly, are the people they know and influencers and corporations. When you look at where people lay their trust, even though people like to browbeat corporations, there's also a level of trust in them that government entities sadly are not enjoying because of the erosion of trust that disinformation has led to.
And so one of the things that vote works on every year. We're one of the co founders of National Voter Registration Day, and during that time we were actively work with Walmart and Steve Madden, Zoomies and dozens of organizations Universal music and such, and we provide them with toolkits that they could share with their employees and with their customers on basic information on where to vote, how to vote. If they need a ride, we partner with Uber so Uber can give them a ride to the polls.
But at the end of the day, it's going to be everyday citizens, because you have flagged my deepest concern for this election. Are people going to be able to properly cast a ballot on the day that they're supposed to in the form that they're supposed to do with the idea that they need because someone else has not
gotten into their ear and told them otherwise. One of the things that we just saw in New Hampshire, for example, was the fact that there was a deep fake robocall telling Biden supporters not to go vote.
It was actually even a little worse than that. It was an artificial Joe Biden voice exactly right, that was well developed enough that recipients of the call believed it was Biden on the line. And I think this is probably like the first inning of all of this, because it will get combined with video and deep faked videos, and it's going to be a whole new era of propagame.
I know we've talked a lot about a lot of things today, but I always like to ask guests what they've learned as they've struggled through, or adapted or solved problems along the way. Watching the Biden administration coming on top of the Trump administration and now both of these men are going to be butting heads to try to take the White House back. What have you learned watching that dynamic and how it will affect the Latino community that you didn't know several years ago.
So for a long time tim when I started this journey of Litte Latino twenty years ago, I had to tell people that they had to trust that when they voted,
that their vote would work. With very little to show for the transition of the House in twenty eighteen, with the most diverse group of Americans occupying the US House of Representatives, they collectively passed over four hundred pieces of legislation that was really a blueprint of how America should lead in the twenty first century, everything from gun reform to investing in the environment, to Women's Agency, to immigration and a whole host of stuff. And so I was
able to tell folks look your vote works. Now we have to finish the job in twenty twenty. And if you were to tell me that Joe Biden was going to be such a consequential president when it comes to policy that I think is going to eclipse even FDR. I was not ready for that. But it was because of the collective power of a multicultural America, a multicultural group of coalitions coming together and putting pressure with the White House, the Senate, and the House of how they
expect their government to function and work. And so before I had nothing. Now I have so much to show that voting does work. And you know a lot of folks are going to try to say that Biden is too old for the job, but I would go back and it's like, it's what makes him a statesman. He actually understands the machinations that are needed to have Congress
work for the American people. And it's an understanding of how our systems work that oftentimes the public does not see, that goes behind closed doors and makes people do the right thing, even during I would say, such a difficult time that our democracy is facing. And so going into twenty twenty four, my hope is is that that multicultural America. While many of us are tired, we've been doing this
a long time. We trust that the reason we're tired is that we actually have material results, and the last thing we need to do is figure out how we can collectively put the threat of a MAGA Republican base to rest by rising up once again in record number in twenty twenty four.
We are out of time today, Maria Theresa, I so appreciate you coming on in educating me and spending time with our audience.
Thank you so much to Tim, It's always been a pleasure.
Maria Teresa Kumar is the CEO Voto Latino, an influential advocacy group that mobilizes Latino voters. You can also find her on Twitter at Maria Teresa Here. At crash Course, we believe the collisions can be messy, impressive, challenging, surprising, and always instructive. In today's Crash Course, I learned that Latino voters are going to pose a huge problem for both Joe Biden and Donald Trump as they fight it out to win the twenty twenty four election. What did
you learn? We'd love to hear from you. You can tweet at the Bloomberg Opinion, handle at Opinion or me at Tim O'Brien using the hashtag Bloomberg Crash Course. You can also subscribe to our show wherever you're listening right now and leave us a review. It helps more people find the show. This episode was produced by the indispensable
Anamasarakis and me. Our supervising producer is Magus Hendrickson, and we get editing help from Sage Bauman, Jeff Grocott, Mike Nizza and Christine Vanden Bilart Blake Maple's as our sound engineering and our original theme song was composed by Luis Gara. I'm Tim O'Brien. We'll be back next week with another Crash Course.