4/2/25: Elon Faceplants In Wisconsin, Liberation Day, Luigi Death Penalty, JFK Hearings & MORE! - podcast episode cover

4/2/25: Elon Faceplants In Wisconsin, Liberation Day, Luigi Death Penalty, JFK Hearings & MORE!

Apr 02, 20252 hr 13 min
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Ryan and Emily discuss Elon faceplants as Dems win Wisconsin, Fox tells 401k holders to accept their fate, Ezra Klein ripped for Jon Stewart interview, Trump pushes death penalty for Luigi Mangione, Rogan shocked by Trump deportations, Booker shatters Senate record in floor speech, CIA called out in JFK hearing.

 

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Transcript

Speaker 1

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Speaker 4

All right, good Wednesday morning, and welcome to Counterpoints. Emily is joining us from Waukesha County, Wisconsin, where Elon Musk told us the fate of Western civilization was going to be decided on Tuesday night. We're now in a post Western civilization moment. I for one, am looking forward to it. Emily, how's the mood in the post West environment?

Speaker 5

Welcome to the future, Ryn, there are there's a lot to talk about from the election results last night, just here in Wisconsin. Interestingly enough, where you know to precinct yesterday, turnout was really high. We'll get into why that didn't make up the difference for Elon Musk and the right here in Wisconsin, but also election results that are worth talking about in Florida, in Louisiana. So we have all kinds of good stuff to get through. At the top of the Today's Show.

Speaker 4

Ryan, Yeah, at four o'clock today, I guess the West is going to try to make a comeback. Donald Trump is going to announce massive tariffs. This is going to be Liberation Day. I see a lot of people joking that it's liberation from your four oh one k day. We're going to talk to Barat rom Mardy, who was the number two basically economic official to Biden administration.

Speaker 1

He's going to talk. He's going to give us his take.

Speaker 4

On Trump's tariffs and also his critique of this abundance agenda that friend of the Show Ezra Cline, has introduced to the United States, along with instantly like seven different thing organized around this idea of an abundance agenda.

Speaker 1

Luigi Manngion, alleged to have done.

Speaker 4

Something wrong, is going to get the get death penalty if Pam Bondy gets her way, we'll talk about that the deportation scandal has broken through. Now to Joe Rogan, we're going to play a clip of him asking, wait a minute, why are we Are we sure we're supposed to be sending like gay Barber's have nothing to do with MS thirteen to Dungeons and El Salvador?

Speaker 1

Is that really what we signed up for here?

Speaker 4

I think it's interesting that this has kind of moved

beyond just the kind of inside the Beltwaigh conversation. Corey Booker wrapped up his twenty five hour record breaking takathon on the Senate floor, and Jefferson Morley and Oliver Stone testified yesterday in front of a House panel on that was looking into the new releases as it relates to the j k assassination, and the Democrats embarrassed themselves to a level that I did not think was even previously achievable, And we'll place some of those clips.

Speaker 1

Emily any quick thoughts.

Speaker 5

Wasn't exactly a shining example of republican government from the right either at that hearing, because of course there was that moment.

Speaker 6

If you haven't seen it yet, go.

Speaker 5

Ahead and google it of Lauren Bobert confusing Oliver Stone and Rogerstone, which is very beautiful.

Speaker 4

Anything you know, that's a mistake that can happen. We'll let that one slide. So a bunch of elections last night, two critical ones in Florida where Republicans were defending, you know, seats that Trump had carried by thirty plus points. This is Matt Gates and also Mike Wallas, though both went into the administration. Matt Gates never made it all the way in, but decided he didn't want to take his keep his Panhandle seats. So both of those held special elections.

But let's start in Wisconsin. We can This is Susan Crawford, liberal judge wins in just a complete landslide, only just only a few months after Donald Trump carried the state of Wisconsin. Democrats look poised or liberals or whatever you want to call them in this non partisan judial race to win some by something like eleven points.

Speaker 1

Here's Susan Crawford the winner.

Speaker 7

Last night Today, Wisconsin nights spended off an unprecedented attack on our democracy, our fair elections, and our Supreme Court. And Wisconsin's stood up and said loudly that justice does not have a price. Our courts are not for sale.

Speaker 4

So Wisconsin voters are getting used to these supreme these pivotal Supreme Court elections. With that victory, the liberals, the Democrats, whatever you want to call them, will can the Supreme Court going forward. We had significant lines at the polls. Emily, we can roll this a one vo here, But Emily, what did you see when it came to turnout an enthusiasm in the state for this off year election.

Speaker 5

Yeah, I was out here in Waksha County yesterday and turnout was you know, the poll workers were talking about how high turnout was and you could see it. I mean, it didn't really look like a spring Supreme Court election, le will turnout, it wasn't quite presidential, but turnout turned out to be very high as the information started coming in. Now, there was a state Supreme Court race, which in Wisconsin, by the way, isn't Republican versus Democrat.

Speaker 6

It's conservative versus liberal.

Speaker 5

And people sort of know that the parties are respectively involved, but it's not technically partisan. So there was a race back in twenty twenty three where it was also at the time breaking spending records. Last night's election turned out to be the actual most expensive judicial race in US history. About one hundred million dollars poured into this. The conservative candidate had a bit of a cash advantage.

Speaker 6

They both were around.

Speaker 5

I think the Susan Crawford who ended up winning was around forty five million dollars and Brad Schimmel was somewhere north of fifty million dollars. On the Crawford side, you had Soros, Pritzker, and I think Reid Hoffman getting involved, and then Musk, Dicky Line, some others were involved.

Speaker 6

On the conservative side.

Speaker 5

Musk tried to run his Pennsylvania Playbook because it worked when Trump's name was at the top of the ballot, and he gave out a couple million dollars to different voters, pay people one hundred bucks for signing a petition against activist judges. They put a lot into this race, where the margin now is about ten points for Susan Crawford. She wins, and that's similar to what the margin was for the liberal candidate back in twenty three, which is

all very interesting because it tests a couple of things. One, what happens in states like Wisconsin swing state in a presidential election, but historically a blue state. What happens ken Elon Musk sort of flip a switch, run the playbook back every time they want to win a crucial election, and it's worth x amount of dollars. At least as of last night, the answer to that question is no, if Trump's name is not on the ballot, what does

that do? My source, one of my sources has had a really interesting reaction round last night, said that Republicans slipped or conservative slipped in rural areas and quote, only Trump himself truly brings out the working class. So I think that's going to prove to be a really significant challenge for Republicans, Republicans conservatives in states like Wisconsin, Pennsylvania particular, going forward.

Speaker 4

Yeah, and it was reported Musk had spent seventeen million dollars and that several days, with several days still left to go in the elections, of the final total certainly

is going to be a lot more than that. And then there were the famous you know, one hundred bucks if you sign this petition and get other people to just sign it, which is sometimes he was careful to uh not break election bribery laws, other times he was not at all careful, and now the Attorney General is kind of looking into whether or not he was he's breaking.

Speaker 1

The law there.

Speaker 4

He also did a lottery where he gave out, you know, I think two million, you know, million dollar checks to two different people who participated in this thing.

Speaker 1

And you're right, it wasn't it wasn't enough.

Speaker 4

And so there is a there's a theory on the left which I want to get your take on, because I wonder if this is going to become something that gets talked about in Trump's circles. The theory is is a little bit crazy, but it's just just a theory, and it's it's about it's not about an election being stolen, but it's about what Trump thinks about twenty twenty four.

So there's a theory among some liberals who you know, saw the anecdotes about Musk and Trump spending election night together and Trump being just utterly mystified by Musk's uncanny ability to know ahead of time exactly how the numbers were going to come out in like Pennsylvania and Michigan, and you know, Musk, very very early in the night was like, this is done.

Speaker 1

Here's why it's done. Here are the numbers that are going to come in.

Speaker 4

Now, he can easily, from my perspective, have a program that analyzes turnout in different key precincts, compare it to twenty twenty, and then run a projection and just analyze it. This basically the same way that The New York Times does, but a little bit more sophisticated, Like I don't think it requires him to have any inside information or to

be inside like the vote counting machines. The theory on the left is that Trump doesn't understand that and thinks that Musk had something going in Pennsylvania, and that that has something to do with the deference that he has been giving to Musk, which requires some extraordinary explanation, like just because it's so kind of obviously not great for him necessarily to be co presidenting with this deeply unpopular guy. So they think it has something to do with that.

They're like that musk knew something, did something. Now, that doesn't mean he did. It just means that Trump might wonder.

Speaker 1

If he did.

Speaker 4

Now watching elon Musk face plan, like if it was true that Trump thought Musk had some magic up his sleeve, Well, there was no rabbit in the hat in Wisconsin. So I wonder if this is going to cool things between Musk and Trump and between Musk and the Republican Party.

Speaker 5

It's a really interesting question because I think one of the reasons Elon Musk started pouring millions into this race, not that you know, fifteen million is is that much to him, but roughly fifteen million is that much to him. But I think one of the reasons he started pouring money into it is in order to prove a point that he could be a net like he's an asset

to the Trump administration and to the MAGA movement. Even as Doge starts slipping in the polls, Musk himself has approval or favorability rating that starts slipping in the polls. Then you're able to go into Wisconsin, flip the switch with the money, with the pack, with the rallies, with the get out the vote operation that maybe looks like Pennsylvania twenty twenty four, and all of a sudden, you give Trump more and more incentive to never ditch you.

I think there's probably part of that. I mean, there's the Tesla case, but I don't think Elon Musk really that's pending or could be pending before the Wisconsin Supreme Court. I don't think that matters too much to Elon Musk, to be honest, I don't think that's the business that they would get out of opening Tesla dealerships in Wisconsin. I don't think is going to dramatically change Elon Musk's net worth.

Speaker 4

But I think it would be a hilarious move to try to take over the country just to open up more Tesla dealerships in Wisconsin.

Speaker 1

I'd be amazing.

Speaker 5

Yeah, yeah, that would be something. But yeah, I mean here in this is where it was also really interesting. So like here in conservative, relatively suburban counties, they were feeling Republicans Conservatives were feeling really good yesterday because of the high turnout. They had the sense that maybe Elon Musk had actually done something very very impressive with the petitions against quote unquote activist judges. And you know that

actually high turnout had conservatives feeling good. But as David Shore recently posited, when you look at the twenty twenty four election results, if those low propensity voters had turned out in higher numbers, if there had been higher turnout in the presidential election, Trump would have won by more.

And here in Wisconsin, if there had been higher turnout that was on the level of a presidential which you're never going to get for Supreme Court race, you could end up with Republicans narrowing the gap, Conservatives narrowing the gap. Right now, it's ten points. You know, it's not to say Wisconsin is, you know, the same thing as Massachusetts. For example, voter ID passed by sixty two percent and

about actually about sixty three percent. That's a higher margin than Susan Crawford, interestingly enough, so you know it just I think your point is a really interesting one that there was this idea Elon Musk himself could be a singular force, almost like Trump, who can go into these states and flip the switch. And if Trump thinks that's the case, or if Elon Musk believed that was essential to Trump's view of him, then they're going to need to put a whole lot more work into it because

it did not go their way here in Wisconsin. By again, they didn't change the margin from twenty twenty three. Maybe narrowed it a little bit when all of a sudden done, but ten points, so not much changed, even though there was higher turnout.

Speaker 6

It just it wasn't enough.

Speaker 4

And for many decades, Democrats have been the party of working class voters, and working class voters are less likely to have their IDs just as a as a percentage, and you know, small percentages can change. You know, if you're a college educated mom in the suburbs, you've got your ducks in a row.

Speaker 1

If you're not, you're less likely to.

Speaker 4

And so for many years Democrats defended the ability of anybody. Hey, here's your address, show you tilly bill, whatever, just sign your name.

Speaker 1

If you're registered, you can vote. Now.

Speaker 4

It's taken Republicans so long to start winning on voter ID it's going to end up perhaps hurting their voters more.

Speaker 1

As you said with me, the David Shore analysis that.

Speaker 4

If you have voter suppression of any degree across the board, you're more likely to suppress working class voters.

Speaker 1

And so.

Speaker 4

Anyway, that's just an interesting kind of irony there, and I think it's also why you're finally seeing Democrats kind of roll over on voter ID like, Okay, you know what, our voters all have ID now, so fine.

Speaker 1

We'll go ahead and do it.

Speaker 4

And that's the thing you have to remember parties are amoral vehicles for power, Like they don't have any principles on anything. The only principle is they want to win, and so they don't have a principle on what the actual you know, identification you need. Trump said the way that he wrote his executive order recently around around election reform, So if there was a way to read it that would say you could only vote if you had a passport, I think that was poorly written and I don't think that's.

Speaker 1

Going to hold up.

Speaker 4

But if that were of the law put into place, Democrats would win in a landslide, probably, Like Democrats are more likely probably to have valid passports than Republicans at this point, which is which is a shocking testament to the realignment of the parties that the Democrats have more upper class, upper middle class voters than in the past. Speaking of working last district, there are two in Florida,

so let's let's let's move there. The net you put up a four Randy fine deeply unpopular, apparently local local election official. Seems like even Republicans don't really like the guy. He ended up winning by ten points against Josh Wheel in a race that you know went you know, thirty plus for Trump. So this ended up, you know, it ended up being close ish, but it's not like you know, and Democrats spent what tens of millions of dollars on this seat, Like enormous amounts of money were raised and

spent to try to make this a competitive race. And it's much closer than Republicans would like to see. And I know that there were some Republicans in Washington who were actually hoping for a close race so that it would be like a brushback pitch to Musk.

Speaker 1

They wanted a close race, but not but they didn't want to lose it.

Speaker 4

I don't think we have an element for this, but in the Panhandle and Matt Gates's seat, the Democrats actually overperformed the other Florida special election, still lost because it

was such such a massively Republican district. And one of the theories I saw kicking around last night curious for a take on this, is that Democrats should just not even do any do any like advertising during the special election, because if you're a Democrat in an off year, like you're locked in, like you're googling and finding when the races are, who's running and you know, making sure you're ready to vote, and you're going out and you're going from the Tesla protest right to the right to the

ballot and making sure you making sure you cast it. And the more salience you increase, the more likely as Republicans are going to learn about it and come out of vote. Now, this doesn't bode well for four years from now, but it does bode well for Democrats for a midterm. So what do you make of this massive Democratic overperformance in Florida, which is which is lining up with their overperformance in special elections not just in Wisconsin but around around the country.

Speaker 1

And while you're talking, you can put up a five.

Speaker 4

Over the weekend in Louisiana, they were the right put up four constitutional amendments and all four of them were beaten back.

Speaker 6

And there was a Pennsylvania race that was what now, two weeks.

Speaker 4

Ago, two weeks an Amish country in Lancaster, the Democrat actually won in an area that is definitely not Democratic country.

Speaker 5

Yeah, you know, I'm looking at this posts by Matthew Klein right now Political Report, and he suggested last night one reason that Florida's first district might end up relatively better for Democrats than Florida's six, despite getting no money and attention. He says education Florida one has a bachelor's degree attainment of thirty three point three percent. In Florida six, it's twenty seven point one percent. More college education equals

more politically engaged and also more democratic. So I think what we're seeing in some of these early results is just that new reality be underscored. And actually it makes the point that you were just making about voter idea as well.

Speaker 6

But that's like a very very.

Speaker 5

Interesting shift for Republicans to start dealing with in some of these different places. And it looks like, I mean, some of this really does look like twenty seventeen, some of those races we were watching back then early to see what would happen in the twenty eighteen midterms that went well for Democrats. So I'm hesitant to read too much into this being like a specific rebuke of Doge and Elon Musk, but it was a failure, at least

in Wisconsin. It was absolutely a failure for Elon Musk, particularly because he was like a personality that almost injected himself onto the palate. So I think it's a reference on Trump. I think it shows that you're similarly. Democratic voters are very energized, the Democratic base is very energized. I just I guess I just don't think that's totally different than where things were also in twenty seventeen. Right now, So you know, I think Musk has a lot to

prove for Trump. And I'm not saying that he's like a super popular figure, just that some of this is there's still a lot of hostility to Trump in America. There's still a lot of hostility to Maga Republicanism and to the agenda. And I'm sure the tariff and market volatility aren't helping with that. But I think it's more like culture, the sort of culture war quote unquote resistance that a lot of Democrats were mustering back in twenty

seventeen around the Russian investigation. Now, I think Doge and Musk are the mobilizing Maybe baits is the right way to put it, like that's what's getting people into the streets.

Speaker 4

Yeah, so let's move on to the tariffs. Donald Trump at four pm today will announce Liberation Day. So we're going to have Barat Romamurti to talk about that. Our today is l day, Liberation Day here in the United States. Liberation from what remains slightly unclear. This Fox News clip suggests that you might need to liberate yourself from your attachment to your four oh one k Let's roll this.

Speaker 8

And those four oh one k people who are depending, those retirees, all of that, just talking plane speak with them. Look, when this nation used to go to war, people in this country would support the war effort with their materials at home and making things for weaponry and all of that. We got to do one hundred percent buy in over this bumpy period.

Speaker 1

Just communicate. You can put up B two.

Speaker 4

Donald Trump will be speaking precisely at four pm from the Rose Garden, which is the moment that the bell will be ringing the New York Stock Exchange. He knows that, uh, he chose that for a reason. He's gonna sit back and watch the chaos all day as uh And even if you don't have money in there, it's kind of gonna be.

Speaker 1

It's gonna be. It's gonna be a ride, that's for sure.

Speaker 4

So uh So to talk about this, we're joined by barat Ram Murty, who was the uh deputy director of the nee C at the at the Biden administration, and and I think from the left as as good a person as we could get to be sympathetic to the broad idea behind tariffs and behind rebuilding America's manufacturing class. There was a strong faction you know, there's a strong faction in the Democratic Party within the Bide administration that uh,

that aligns with that, that that broad idea like that. Yes, uh, neoliberalism was awful. It hollowed out our country. We need to we need to be able to build things again. Uh So from a sympathetic perspective, when we get your

take on where on where you see this going? And so the question that the genuine question I have, like because I don't know the answer to it, is on the one hand, you've got what Robert Leitheiser, who is pretty well respected kind of trade policy maker, who was the USTR rep for Trump in the first termament is still his seems to be his senior advisor on this question. Democrats have always said to me, Leitheiser, this guy knows what he's doing and he has the best interest of

American workers in manufacturing at heart. On the other hand, you have Trump who seems to think that tariffs are just a way to rake in a whole lot of money for the treasury at no cost to anybody. And so and it seems unclear where this is going, Like so from people in this policy world, where do you where do you see this going?

Speaker 1

Like, what's what's going on here? Who's in control? Is it Lightheiser? Is it Trump's kind of amalpination of what it is?

Speaker 5

Yeah, go ahead, Emily Frank can just jump into say it's actually a big deal that Trump did not bring Bob Laiteizer back into this administration.

Speaker 6

He has Navarro around him, but reportedly a.

Speaker 1

Lot of this sort of advising or no he's not.

Speaker 5

He's he's not formally in the administration, And it's kind of a sore spot for the like tariff the protectionists on the quote unquote new right, because he was seen as somebody who could potentially be even in a Commerce or Treasury secretary role and who wasn't.

Speaker 6

But speaking of.

Speaker 5

Commerce secretary, reportedly Howard Lutnik is driving a lot of Trump's very particular strategy here, which is interesting.

Speaker 1

So anyway, sorry, no, thank you, that's very very helpful.

Speaker 4

Like I still see Lightheiser a lot commenting on this and like.

Speaker 1

Yeah, but that, but that's a very good amendment. Yes he's not, like in the room.

Speaker 9

Yeah, Well, first of all, happy Liberation date.

Speaker 1

Happy Liberation Day. Celebrate.

Speaker 10

So look, you're right. I think that there is a strategic case. Both a national security and ECONO make a security case for tariffs, but you have to use them in a certain kind of way for them to make sense. So the entire theory of how tariffs work, right, is that it's a tax on imports.

Speaker 9

It's a way to think about it.

Speaker 10

And so by driving up the cost of importing goods into the United States, it encourages investors and other businesses in the United States to look for domestic options instead.

Speaker 9

That's the basic theory.

Speaker 10

Right, because those will be relatively cheaper to what's coming in. But if the goal of all of this is to revive certain domestic industries, which is a goal that I support, Let's say you want to build more washing machines in the United States, and the problem is that you can import really cheap washing machines from abroad right now, and nobody's going to build them here because of that. Think about this from the perspective of an investor right who's saying,

you know what, I have a bunch of money. Should I put it into making it a washing machine manufacturing or should I put it into this other goal or this other.

Speaker 9

Goal, well, washing machine manufat.

Speaker 10

Actually maybe there's an opportunity now because the tariff means that the important good has been more expensive. That has to be in place for years in years for that and with certainty for that investor to make a decision that this is a good use of my money. And the problem with the Trump tariffs is that they're completely unstrategic and there's no plan for how long they're going to be in place and what the triggers are for having them go up or go down or anything like that.

So it doesn't provide any certainty to any investor in the United States about what to do. I mean, there have been instances where Trump says on one day, I'm imposing a twenty percent tariff on everything from Canada, and then two days later is saying, actually, the Canada tariffs are off because I had a good conversation with the Prime minister, or because they decided to do something on Fentanel completely unrelated to the goal of economic revitalization in

the United States. So it's not going to have the intended impact because there's no discipline, there's no certainty, and there's none of the other supports that you would need to actually revive domestic industry in the United States.

Speaker 5

I want to ask about first in the Senate, we can go through some of these next elements. We can start with B three. This is Donald Trump going after Tim Kaine, who has sought to perhaps put legislation together that would undermine the Canada tariffs.

Speaker 6

And obviously, if people are familiar with the.

Speaker 5

History of tariffs, that is very much an Article one power.

Speaker 6

So kind of sympathetic to this myself.

Speaker 5

But Lisa Murkowski, we can put B four up on the screen, has said indicated that she's sympathetic to this. She says, QUO, I'm looking at my state's interests and it seems to me that his resolution makes sense about the Kane resolution. And then finally, if we put B five up on the screen. Donald Trump has been unloading on Republicans like Rand Paul, Lisa Murkowski, on True Social as well, who have indicated they are not on board with the particular the particulars of the Canada tariff agenda.

I'm sure Rand Paul is somebody who very much believes that this is a congressional responsibility and is opposed a tariffs period. So what do you make of the pushback here on the Canada tariffs in particular, because it seems it's it's easy to push back on the tactic as you just kind of laid out why, the unpredictability maybe undermining it.

Speaker 6

But if you were looking at Canada.

Speaker 5

Tariffs, would you suggest any sort of walls that should be built around industry with Canada at all? Because most of the left are saying now Canada is an ally leave Canada alone. I think from a sort of war and Usk position, there's a decent argument for some targeted tariffs here.

Speaker 9

Yeah, again, there are two interesting things.

Speaker 10

Number one they're talking about and across the board tariff right on every single thing. And you know, if there's a case to be made on dairy, you know Canada imposes a tariff on US dairy that's exported to Canada. Maybe we need to put something on our imports from Canada to try to let the playing field there.

Speaker 9

There's always interesting.

Speaker 10

Contain right now a big issue, right you know, is there something about autos and auto parts? Those are sector bi sector, and you would want to figure out what is a nuanced tariff that makes sense given what the tariff is that the other country is imposing and the relative cost of the goods and across the twenty percent across the board twenty percent tariff or by definition, is unstrategic.

It's not based on protecting specific sectors. It's not about evening out the playing field on specific products that are subject to a higher tariff. The other important thing in that is that the entire basis for the tariffs that Trump is laying out is fentanyl. It's not about protecting domestic industry, growing dairy production in the United States, making sure that domestically sourced autoparts are being used instead of

autoparts from Canada. It's about apparently, fentanyl coming across the border. So again, if you're a domestic producer and saying, should I put more money into dairy or into domestic auto parts if the bas for the tariff is fentanyl coming across the border, and a week later, Trump says, guess what, They've come reached an agreement with me on fentanyl because they put more Mounties at the border. Then what are you going to do? You know that you haven't that

you haven't achieved the economic goal of doing that. So that's the thing. Hour by hour, and I'm not exaggerating, literally, hour by hour, the size of the tariff changes, the rationale for the tariff changes, the explanation for what it would take to remove the tariff changes, and there's just no way that any economic actor can respond to those tariffs by trying to make the investments that are necessary to actually revitalize American manufacturing and production.

Speaker 4

And now the Biden administration left some of Trump's China tariffs in place. Why was that and why were those tariffs worth worth leaving?

Speaker 10

I mean, look, there are one of the key purposes of tariffs is to correct a trade imbalance. And if you look at what China is doing, obviously they have much much lower labor and environmental state in China, they can manufacture things much more cheaply because they pay people two dollars a day and they don't care how much pollution they put into the water into the air. The

other thing is that they have enormous state subsidies. Right in many cases, state run companies but other ones that are getting huge amounts of money from the government, which again makes it much easier for them to produce things at lower cost and then what's called dump them into other foreign countries at very low cost to start dominating

those markets. In the case of the China tariffs, who want to say there are certain things that we think are important to have in the United States, steel production, aluminum production. If we have a tariffy in China that says imports of those particular products are going to be a little bit more expensive so that we can protect domestic production, that makes both economic sense and national security sense from my perspective.

Speaker 9

So yeah, it made sense to keep those in place.

Speaker 11

Though.

Speaker 10

You know, we did an intensive review of every single tariff in twenty twenty one twenty twenty two when inflation was quite high, and said do all of these make sense or not? And we decided that a lot of them made sense and protected important interests. But remember that was on something like zero point eight percent in imports from China those tariffs. Trump is talking about one hundred percent of imports from China, from the EU, from Canada,

from Mexico. Those are our largest trading partners and so basically it's just a guarantee that costs you're going to go up. But I mean, one way to think about it is that it's basically a sales tax on every single good that is important in the United States.

Speaker 5

Leaving those tariffs in place mean that they have now been in place for almost I mean, we're coming up on a decade, not quite a decade, but we're coming up on a decade the China tariffs. And I'm curious because I've seen some libertarian or I should maybe just say like anti protectionist economists, which is just saying economist basically, Yeah, push back and say, well, the China tariffs haven't worked. There's your case study. China tariffs have been in place

for a long time. There hasn't been significant protection of American industry. It hasn't you know, revitalized American manufacturing. And so what's your response to that. Are the China tariffs, you know, proof of concept or proof of concept in the other direction against the I guess efforts of the ambitions of the terrors.

Speaker 9

Yeah.

Speaker 10

The thing about tariffs, and honestly with all policy making, is that you have to compare it against a world in which they didn't exist, and it's hard to know exactly what that world looks like. So for those who say things haven't gotten haven't improved as much as you would have liked, my question to them is what would things look like if we hadn't had them in place?

Speaker 9

How bad would things have gotten without those in place?

Speaker 10

And so, you know, the folks at the White House and the US Trade Representative and others who were most involved in all of this, they did a very careful review and determined that it was worth it overall to keep them in place because again, they were on a relatively small portion of goods and they're directly related to Chinese activities that they felt like were basically unfair trade practices. So, you know, I think that there's a strong case for

keeping them. I think that there are more opportunities again if Trump had come out and said I want to really focus this on China, which is engaged in all

sorts of unfair trade practices that's hurting US manufacturing. And there's one really good example of that, by the way, there's something called the Deminimus exception, which is basically something that allows China to bring goods into to export goods into the United States that are below a certain dollar value, and those things are not subject to any tariff, and they're not subject to any customs inspection. And you know, all the TMU and all that stuff that comes into US,

the cheap goods comes in through that exception. And it's a way that a lot of fentanyl comes into the United States.

Speaker 9

Noubt right, right.

Speaker 10

Trump initially said I'm going to do something about this, I'm going to close the difference, and then he pulled it back. You know, one thing that actually would have made a lot of sense. If you care about fentanyl, if you care about US domestic production, if you care about protecting US consumers, all of that would have made sense.

Speaker 9

But it's the one thing that he hasn't done when it comes to tariffs.

Speaker 1

Do you know why?

Speaker 9

I have no idea?

Speaker 12

Like was it?

Speaker 4

I mean I know that right after he did it, you started having people complain that, like other the thing that they had ordered, like wasn't showing up fast enough?

Speaker 1

Yeah?

Speaker 9

Could it?

Speaker 1

Was it really that quickly that he felt the pressure? You think or I don't know?

Speaker 9

It looks yeah. The thing about.

Speaker 1

Trump, well, Bezos would have loved it.

Speaker 4

It's because it's protectionism for Amazon, well, well they bring a lot of crap Inso you know, the thing is with Trump, and again there's a case for tariffs if it is done in a thoughtful, discipline, long term perspective kind of way.

Speaker 10

And all of those things are the opposite of Trump right in terms of he'll have a good conversation with a world leader and totally change his policy towards that person. You know, some event will happen, and you know they'll they'll capture somethentyl coming across the border and say this is an example of what I'm talking about.

Speaker 9

The tariffs are going to go up. Right.

Speaker 10

There's no predictability, and I know that sounds boring, but that's really important if you're trying to make business decisions and make investment decisions over a long term horizon.

Speaker 4

The counter argument on China would be that it was true for many years that they were, you know, the source of like all cheap labor, et cetera. But now they're so automated and their factories are so efficient that you know, if you want cheap labor, you're going maybe to like Vietnam or somewhere else whereas China now is competing because they've invested so much, you know, with our

trade imbalance into their manufacturing capacity. There was this crazy video going around of US production of one hundred and fifty five millimeter shells and Chinese production of one hundred and fifty five millionaire shows the Chinese one just whipping through with these robots, and in the US it's dudes with the goggles and the spray paint and the gloves just and it's like, WHOA, if these countries ever go to war, I don't have much of doubt which one

is going to be able to produce more shells long term. So how much of how true is it still of China that it's really a labor question?

Speaker 10

Yeah, you're right, a lot of the quote unquote low skill manufacturing has migrated to Southeast Asia in particular.

Speaker 9

But it gets to a point about.

Speaker 1

Those Chinese companies often though, right.

Speaker 10

Yes, what kind of manufacturing do we want in the United States? Is it important that we literally make every kind of product here for either strategic economic or national

security purposes? Or is it the case that we both because they're good jobs and because they're important, we want to really focus on high end you know, sophisticated manufacturing, right, And I think our argument would be, we really got to make sure that we're doing that stuff or we have the capacity to do that stuff in the United States. And if you look at one of the big things that we did in the BUYD administration was was the Chips Act, Right. We invested a lot of money and

having domestic production of chips. You know, mycroprocessors that go into almost everything these days, cars, appliances, a lot of electronic products, and we saw during the pandemic that the lack of access to those because a lot of the foreign factories shut down, meant that our domestic car manufacturers couldn't make new cars because these cars have dozens and dozens of these ships in them. And what happened to the price of cars? They went up because supply had

gone down. We all remember how expensive both new cars and use cars were in twenty twenty one and twenty twenty two. So we made a decision it's important to have that production in the United States. We put a lot of money into it, and now we have TSMC, the world's biggest chip maker, opening a fab in Arizona. Micron's doing a big thing in Idaho. So we've seen that those kinds of efforts can result in improved manufacturing in the United States, but it has to be a dedicated, long term effort.

Speaker 9

You can't.

Speaker 10

It's not just doing the tariffs, it's also supporting it with public funds.

Speaker 4

Any response to that, Emily, I know that right kind of now hates the Chips Act, Is that right?

Speaker 5

I mean, well, yeah, I think a lot of people read see the Chips Acts as something that has ultimately been vindicated because they're China hawks and know how important it is to entre some of that. But I know we're going to get into this and the abundance discussion.

But my response to that would be, there were some examples of hurdles that Democrats added to the Chips Act that companies push back on that were sort of at the time DEI related and added costs and steps that you know, were making the process inefficient for them on showing some of that tech.

Speaker 6

I don't know if you have a response to that, but I think and.

Speaker 4

I would add to that a bunch of buybacks that the companies did, Like the companies would get the subsidies and then quickly like just basically funnel the money directly to shareholders.

Speaker 1

How do you balance those two criticisms?

Speaker 10

Yeah, well, I would say there're were a lot of criticisms when the rules for this Chips program were announced, because it said, for example, you got to pay workers a certain amount of money and provide certain types of labor protections. The big one that attracted a lot of attention was if you're gonna get this money, you have to provide some kind of affordable childcare for the people

who work there. And actually Ezra Kline wrote a whole piece in The New York Times called the problem with everything bagel liberalism right, put everything on the bagel, and it slows things down, and this was his example.

Speaker 9

At the federal level.

Speaker 10

Well, all of that, I think has been proven to be misplaced, because all of the money in that program has gone out the door. All of the major companies that we wanted to be building in the United States met the requirements and have started building. As I mentioned, TSMC and Micron and Intel are all taking money and building stuff in Columbus and in Arizona and an upstate in New York and so on.

Speaker 9

And they met the requirements.

Speaker 10

It didn't turn out to be that hard for them to say, oh, you know what, we'll have a care center at our factory so that we can.

Speaker 9

Actually have a diverse workforce.

Speaker 10

So I actually think that that's in a good example of how this abundance critique has been off the mark, because when we when push came to shove, the attraction of the federal dollars was enough that they were able to meet the requirements. And look, I wish that we had put stronger buyback protections in there. That was a big negotiation during Build the Republicans. You know, we don't want to tell.

Speaker 1

How our friends Mansion and Cinema were friendly on that.

Speaker 10

Yeah, the Republicans, to her credit, I think Secretary of Commerce Raymondo, who was responsible for administering the program, tried to get some of that into the rules, you know, not the actual statute, but the rules for the program. It probably wasn't as effective as getting it a law that said if you take this money, no buybacks for five years period, but then take the money.

Speaker 9

Yeah, but you know that's the thing.

Speaker 1

We're not here to build things.

Speaker 4

We are here to just take money and gred it to our sharehold But look, you misunderstand the nature of our project.

Speaker 10

I think that that is, you know, go to mush this together with the abundance debate. There's I get frustrated a lot about the various inefficiencies in these types of projects, right.

Speaker 1

And you know.

Speaker 10

What what one person will call, you know, uh produce that you know, providing support for an important domestic industry is another person's corporate welfare.

Speaker 1

Right.

Speaker 10

And I hate the fact that basically some percentage of these public dollars are going to be wasted in the forum of you know, going into buybacks or higher executive compensation.

Speaker 9

We should be doing.

Speaker 10

I think it is up to us to do our very very best to make sure that every single dollar is spent as efficiently as possible. And I think that means fighting against some of the process, you know, a completely extraneous requirements that come in. It also means fighting against corporate interests who want to use this money in ways that aren't compatible with the public interest.

Speaker 9

It requires doing both.

Speaker 10

And I you know, this whole debate that has emerged about abundance, it seems to be kind of like a false choice, right, But yes, we all we should try to pair down these steps and these requirements to really do the things that we want to focus on. But yes, we should also make sure that we're we have an understanding of corporate power and how they seek to distort these processes and how they seek to take public dollars and not do public interested things, and figure out ways of stopping that too.

Speaker 4

Yeah, if you're if there are two complaints to choose from, and one of them is a corporation just taking the money and handing it to its shareholders without building anything. And the other complaint is that you're asking them to build a subsidized daycare center or not even necessarily subsidized, which is a daycare center you're convenient to the factory. To get angry at the childcare part just feels like reactionary right wing populism, or not even populism ractionary, just

right wing stuff. And it's weird to see kind of ezra on on that side, like Emily right. If you had if those are the two things to complain about, wouldn't the populist complain about the corporate executives who were like walking away with the money, like I wish that was easy, like the thing that landed easy more easily with the public.

Speaker 5

Yeah, I mean also, I think that's why some on the right look back at Chips and say, because there were Republicans at the last minute who had been supportive of the legislation and ultimately voted against it, and populist republicans,

they should say, and they're probably very happy. They may not say this publicly, but they're they're probably very happy to have the manufacturing, the Chips manufacturing come to the United States and probably say, in the aggregate, it was the cost benefit analysis works out on the side where the benefits outweighed the costs.

Speaker 4

Yeah, and we're not China. We can't just do good things. We have to buy off our corporate class to ask them to give us permission.

Speaker 10

Yeah, and I would lets say one last thing, which is that again, I'm not defending every single government program as perfectly efficient, but it's not like the private sector does everything perfectly efficiently, right, And so you know, and whenever people will complain to me about, oh, you know, I had to wait in line at the DMV, or my IRS refund is taking a week to come to me, it's like, have you ever dealt with Comcast? Have you ever dealt with any of these companies? That had to

complaint with them. You know, are they perfect at dealing with your issues? The point is it's hard to do some of these things. These are complicated things. There's going to be some inefficiency in the process. There's going to be some slippage. It's up to us to minimize that

as much as we can. But we should hold ourselves to a reasonable standard that's at least roughly equivalent to what the private sector does, and we should be clear eyed about the fact that there's a lot of inefficiency there too.

Speaker 4

Well, let's talk more about this in the next segment that where we're going to go deeper into the debate over this abundance agenda. Ezra Klin has been making the media rounds for his new book on a Bunnets and is getting very little pushback. So we're going to give him a little bit of that here today. The tiniest little poke that he got came from the pod Save Bros. Who characterized some of the criticism that's coming his way

from the left. But if you'll notice in this answer, he doesn't really address it.

Speaker 13

But let's roll this clip here. You mentioned some of the critique from the left. I'm sure you've read all of it, or read.

Speaker 1

Most of it.

Speaker 13

I'm sure you've talked about the Zephyr teach Out review of Abundance. I wanted to get your reaction to one part of that because I think it summarizes a lot of the criticism on the left. I mean, you mentioned

the Bernie side. There's also a warn S critique as well, and she writes I still can't tell after reading Abundance whether Klein and Thompson are seeking something fairly small, bore incorrect we need zoning reform, or non trivial and deeply regressive we need deregulation, or whether there's room within Abundance for anti monopoly politics and a more full throated unleashing

of American potential. Matt Brunig has a similar critique. He says it would be a huge mistake to sideline whatever focus there is on welfare state expansion and economic egalitarianism in favor of a focus on administrative burdens in construction. It's not a book about like monopolists power practices in corporate concentration.

Speaker 9

So I get that.

Speaker 13

I guess to the question that teacher, i'd ask, is there room in Abundance for a critique of concentrated economic power and anti monopoly politics and all that.

Speaker 14

Trying to think about the nicest way to say this, my friends, in the whole problem is oligarchy part of the party, and I believe a good part of our problems are oligarchy. But there are certain kinds of problems here then willing to see, and certain kinds they're not

as willing to see. So in housing, I find a lot of them get obsessed with this idea that private investors are buying up a bunch of rental housing and this is an extremely small part of the market right now, and it is just not the main problem in housing, but because it is the villain they are comfortable having, it is where they want to put their focus. Kamala Harris I was very excited when she brought out her big plan to build three million units of housing, but

our plan never would have achieved anything like it. It did have a big thing about trying to do something about this private investor up housing issue, though, so you can really get I think, taken off the track. A thing I found like really interesting in Zephyr's review was that is it something good and small like zoning reform, and like, try doing zoning reform if you think it's small, right or something bad like the regulation Okay, interesting, right, Yeah.

Deregulation is a word that I think shuts liberals down a bit, and it shouldn't a lot of what we're pointing out in the book is it The player that is often most regulated is not the market, it's the government itself. If you want to understand why the government can't build public housing effectively, I mean, in many ways the federal government building public housing is now functionally illegal.

It's been regulated out of possibility. If you want to know why we didn't build California high speed rail, if you want to know why it's so expensive build affordable housing in a lot of liberal jurisdictions, when you trigger public money, it is because of the regulations we put on government.

Speaker 4

Now, one of the key arguments in Ezra's book is that liberals have kind of wrapped the government, tied the government up with too much regulation, and that's keeping it from allowing the abundance to flow. And one of the ten poll case studies that he uses in the book is the billions that were appropriated by Congress to lay out royal broadband and the lack of any royal broadband resulting from that. There was a viral a John Stewart clip that where he kind of lays out this this

byzantine and ridiculous process. When we come out of this clip, we're going to talk to the Biden administration official who was probably the most intimately involved in this project, to get the kind of the other side of the story of what happened here. But first let's roll some of this clip from the John Stewart interview. And if you haven't seen this, this the whole thing's kind of funny and worth watching, even though there's a glaring hole in it.

Speaker 9

Go ahead.

Speaker 11

So for a royal broadband, for instance, what you end up having is a fourteen stage process, Like there's a period where the Commerce Department needs to drop a map of which parts of the country don't have the right amount of broadband, and then there's a challenge period on the map and da da da da da da da, and states and jurisdictions try to apply for this money, and again this passes. At the end of twenty twenty one, they have time. By the end of twenty twenty four, three have got into.

Speaker 1

The end of the process.

Speaker 11

They were trying.

Speaker 4

Three of these fifty six Yes, end of the process, meaning they've actioned it, they've built it, or they've now they've gotten done.

Speaker 11

Of course I didn't mean they thought that, John, Sorry, I was so okay, I confused you. They just got to the point where in theory they could get the money to build.

Speaker 1

They had been approved for the money.

Speaker 9

Yes, yes, basically Okay.

Speaker 4

So we have a running kind of series on this program where we try to treat our viewers like adults, and so we're going to do that today. And so we're joined by Barat Rommerty, who was a top Biden administration economic policy official, deputy director of NED.

Speaker 1

Is that any c any c.

Speaker 4

And to contextualize you in the spectrum kind of a Warrenite like former what Elizabeth Warren person and one of the people that Wall Street would be angry at the Biden fort saying, you know, you're ruining what should be a glorious administration by bringing in all these people who are so skeptical of corporate power and being so being so rude to us, and so as it goes on at length in that in that interview and in his book, laying out really what is an outrageous and absurd process,

Like people who want royal broadband, would like Congress to appropriate money and would like broadband to be built so that they can plug their laptop in work from home in a nice wooded area, or they can you know, or if you live there.

Speaker 1

You can stream.

Speaker 4

People want one the damn broadbands and then they didn't get it. So what is what is being left out of this question? Why did they do something so dumb?

Speaker 9

Yep? Well, I would say a couple of things.

Speaker 10

Number One, if you look at both the answer that Ezra gave on Podz and his answer there, the clear implication is silly liberals. They designed this complicated fourteen step process all by themselves because they're obsessed with making sure that every single group in the United States has an opportunity to weigh in, and they don't prioritize actually building things as somebody who was directly involved in both negotiating this and then ultimately try and implement it. A lot

of those steps, almost all of them came from Republicans. Now, remember this came out of the Bipartisan Infrastructural Law. You needed sixty votes in the Senate to get that through. So you needed to work with Republicans in order to get the bill.

Speaker 4

Passed because Mansion and Cinnemon insisted on pulling it out of reconcising exection. For those who remember that whole process, the reconciliation would have meant fifty votes. Democrats do it on their own. Mansion and Cinema insist on pulling it out. Now you need Republicans go ahead.

Speaker 10

So we're stuck in the situation where we need to get at least ten Republican votes. Okay, and where did those specific steps come from? For example, Ezra pointed out, you needed to complete this map, not actually the Commerce Department. The SEC had to complete a map which says, here's where broadband is and is in the entire United States of America. We told them, look, it's going to take at least eighteen months for the SEC to complete this map.

It's a complicated process to literally figure out whether every location in the United States has broadband or not.

Speaker 9

But Republicans insisted that that map.

Speaker 10

Be comed completed before we even allocated a single dollar to a state to build this stuff. And the challenge process he brought that up to who pushed for the challenge process.

Speaker 9

The big incumbent internet providers.

Speaker 10

Why did they push for that because the thing that they are most afraid of is the federal government spending money to build the new broadband that would directly challenge and compete with the broadband that they're already offering in certain places. So they said, we got to make absolutely sure that not a dollar of federal money is spent to build infrastructure where we already provide some broadbands service.

And so we need a lengthy challenge process to make sure that we can say this household you say doesn't have internet access, actually we provide it with internet access. So of course that takes time too, or we even planned to. We have an expansion plan such that in the next year we will be providing service to it. So a lot of these steps came from the industry working through this set of negotiating Republicans to put these

hurdles into place. And now, so the next question, not to anticipate what you're saying, but the dexter is probably why do we agree to do it if we thought.

Speaker 9

This was such a silly process. Two reasons.

Speaker 10

Number one, we already had ten billion dollars through an earlier bill that we passed that was moving much more quickly because it was a democratic only bill operating through the Treasury Department that was providing internet service. And that bill has already provided connections to hundreds of thousands of households that really needed it. So we said, we have this bridge basically a programs providing internet in the short term.

We can afford to do a longer term process. And if you look, we weren't out there saying this is a shovels in the ground tomorrow type program. From the very beginning, we said, this is about connecting households by twenty thirty and doing it in a thoughtful, step by step way. If we're up to me, we would have done it faster. But the point is number one, Republicans were the ones who put those barriers into place. And number two, it's still this isn't an example of government waste.

It's not like we've spent forty billion dollars and we've built and nothing has happened. The money's just sitting there in the treasury waiting to be deployed until we have completed these steps.

Speaker 1

So republic go ahead. Yeah, Emily job Right.

Speaker 5

I was just jump in because I could maybe channel Ezra and Derek Thompson here and say, you know, they

look at the red the blue states. The book focuses on what's the difference between California and Texas, And my question based on that would just be to what extent did Democrats or did the I guess left's push for more regulation, which I think is being defended by some people as abundance comes out for totally reasonable justifications, meaning you know, what case of which regulations do you want.

Speaker 6

To get rid of?

Speaker 5

And in this process you want to get rid of some of these good regulations. So what from your perspective did the left, Like what culpability does the left have in the broadband case, more specifically for extending the process if anything? Or was it really I mean many such cases of industry getting these carveouts that make us wildly less than efficient on a bipartisan basis, But what did the left do that may have extended the process here?

Speaker 10

I would say that in terms of that fourteen step process that Ezra highlighted, those steps came from Republicans. And the reason I feel confident saying that is because the Democrats went into those negotiations with a bill, a bill that was broadly supported in the Democratic Caucus by Senator Klobachar and Representative Clyburn that was a much faster acting bill and didn't have any of these fourteen steps included in it, and those steps came in in their negotiations with Republicans.

Speaker 9

I will admit there were things.

Speaker 10

That that we in the Biden administration and the left more generally were pushing for in that process.

Speaker 9

And let me give you a couple examples.

Speaker 10

Number One, we wanted to make sure that if we were going to build this broadband that it was actually going to deliver affordable service.

Speaker 9

To middle class families at the end of it.

Speaker 10

So we put in a regulatory requirement that when states applied for this money, they had to show how this progress a process was going to produce broadband for that was affordable to middle class people. Why did we do that because we had stories from across the country, especially at the state level, where states had spent a lot of money trying to build out broadband to rural areas and the broadband got built and then what ended up happening.

These are by definition areas where there's only a single provider, so they were charging one hundred and fifty two hundred dollars two hundred fifty dollars a month for service.

Speaker 1

How useful is that people either pay or you don't get it?

Speaker 10

Yeah, and how useful is that to people if you spent a bunch of taxpayer dollars to build out broadband and then people can't really afford it. So this was actually pushed for by John Tester not exactly here the left, because he'd had this experience in Montana try to serve

a lot of rural households. So that requirement came in, and of course that's going to take a little bit of extra time, and it's going to take a little bit of extra process for states and for working with their private sector partners to say, here's our actual plan for making sure that a family that makes forty five thousand dollars a year can afford this service. But to me, there's no point in building out infrastructure if people can't afford it at the end of the day and actually

use it. So I'm not going to say that there's nothing that we put into it, but in terms of the actual the length of time that it took to get from step one to the end. Almost all of those steps came from the Republican negotiators.

Speaker 4

And when we say Republican negotiators, we're really talking about the cable and you know, the ISP's internet providers.

Speaker 9

Yeah, I mean, look, I don't want to yes.

Speaker 10

A lot of it, especially the stuff about the challenge process was because of corporate interest wanting to make sure that we didn't quote unquote overbuild.

Speaker 9

That's the term that they use a.

Speaker 4

Lot, because they're very concerned about waste expire dollars, right exactly.

Speaker 5

Which, by the way, is interesting as Republicans become dominant in rural America, right, Like, that's a fairly interesting political dynamic as well, that there's still Republican politicians are still overly responsive to that industry completely.

Speaker 9

Yeah.

Speaker 10

But the other thing is that look, as I said, there's a lot of examples in West Virginia and Montana in Maine of states trying to build out broadband and it didn't actually produce usable broadband for people. And the thing is, once you put a little bit of money into it and you start building it out, and then let's say they don't complete the project, they really have you over a barrel, because they're going to say, don't you want to give us another ten million dollars to actually complete.

Speaker 9

This thing at this point? Right?

Speaker 10

And so a lot of these folks were burned by efforts at the state level. So I want to give them some credit and say they were actually focused in some cases on let's make sure that we think about this and do it efficiently at the end of the day. And I think that that sort of gets into the broader abundance debate, right, because sometimes efficiency means fast.

Speaker 9

I agree with that.

Speaker 10

But the same folks who who will say let's do this as quickly as possible, will come back a year later and say, why did you waste so much money?

Speaker 9

Right, because you went so fast.

Speaker 4

So the abundance argument from Ezra and Derek Thompson's zero's in a lot on housing, because like I think that's the that's the place where you can really kind of nail some of these nimbi's who were just you know, throwing up obstacles because they legitimately don't want something built

like right near where they live. And but then he extends that to the whole country and to other policies without explaining how those are similar, similar situations, and never talking about the role of corporate power and corporate and corrupt and what is effectively corruption, Like it's not Democrats and when they're drawing this bill were not stupid, they were corrupt, and Republicans were not dumb. They didn't didn't

not know what was going to happen here. They were taking money from corporations who got a vested interest in having this play out in a certain way. Have you have you seen other instances of the way that corporate power and corporate concentration contort and distort policymaking and make it look like and produce regulations that the public is like, god, stupid liberals, but they're actually designed by corporations to protect their own.

Speaker 1

Monopolies. Absolutely, and look any other examples.

Speaker 10

I'm more familiar with a federal level because that's where I've spent my life in policymaking, and I don't want to deny the idea that, especially at the state level, there's lots of barriers that are imposed and maybe a lot of them come from sort of house interesting, yeah, but look on housing in particular. Let me just make a point, if the if The issue is as as in that pod safe clip, you want to do zoning reform.

Speaker 9

You know, as you said, I worked for Senator Warren.

Speaker 10

We wrote a big comprehensive housing bill and introduced it in twenty eighteen, long time ago, and a key part of that was federal money for new housing, but a big pot of money for zoning reform, basically a race to the top process. That said, any state or any locality that changes zoning requirements gets access to this big pot of money and they can use it to build new parks and roads and whatever. So that's been on our radar and something we've been pushing for for a

long time. I think the question is are they talking about more than that? And let's think about what those barriers are. Are we talking about labor laws, laws that prevailing wage laws, Davis Bacon, you know, child labor laws. You know, we could build a lot faster if we allowed fourteen year olds to work. Is that something that we should be in favor of? You know, environmental protections. Are we going to be more willing to accept dirty water or polluted air because we want to build faster?

I think those are the actually hard questions and it's not clear to me what their answer is on those types of questions. To your point, at the federal level, in almost every instance, the actor that is slowing down the government from acting is a corporate interest. You know, there's this thing called the Administrative Procedures Act. It basically governs how the federal government can issue new guidelines and rules.

And the way it works is that you have to issue if you're trying to do something, you have to issue something a proposed rule. You give the public an opportunity to comment on it. The agency has to come back and respond to those comments and make sure that incorporate those comments into whatever their final rule is.

Speaker 9

And if you don't, you can get sued.

Speaker 10

Who are the people who are submitting comments saying this goes too far, this is too quick, this is inefficient. Almost always corporate interests in their lobbyists. Regular people like you and me aren't sitting there looking at the Federal Register and submitting a twenty five page comment on a potential rule. And who is it who's suing the government saying you didn't quite follow our comments and therefore you

should stop doing this rule. It's corporate interests, Time after time, so I agree with the broader project of abundance here. I would love for the government to move more quickly. I would love to build more housing, more energy, everything, But we should be clear eyed about what it is that stops that from happening, at least at the federal level, and more often than not, it's incumbent corporate interests who like things the way that they are right.

Speaker 5

Now, Well go ahead, Emily, Well yeah, I mean, I was just gonna say, I think sometimes like this sexually, something that miss is missing on the right a lot, which is this obvious reality that corporations sometimes will push for regulations, like there was a point where Facebook came out totally in favor of Section two thirty because they knew they could handle the regulatory burden of Section two thirty always that any other potential competitors, not really that

they have potential competitors, but hypothetically could not handle.

Speaker 6

And so I think that's true.

Speaker 5

I just wonder if you think that the left is sometimes overly responsive to those pushes from corporations because there's this there's habitual, I guess, reflex to say, well, yes, it's appropriate for the government to step in, and then they just kind of stack up on top of each other in ways that are inefficient.

Speaker 6

I don't know.

Speaker 5

I'm just curious that, like, genuinely what you think of that.

Speaker 10

Look, I don't want to make it seem like I'm trying to absolve the left from culpability here.

Speaker 9

There is.

Speaker 10

I can think of a handful of instances in my personal experience where there is a bit of an obsession

over doing the process right. I think people think of them, so, you know, on the left, thinking themselves as the good government people, people who want government to work, and they sometimes conflate that with the idea that that means that we should take into account every single piece of feedback that we get and make sure that we're accounting for every single possible argument that anybody could have with something, and then trying to come up with something, and that

is a deterrent to speed and in many cases efficiency. Look, I'm from the side of the party that wants the government to do more stuff, and so I think that it's really important that we show that government can move quickly, can move efficiently, and I agree with all of those end goals that I think the diagnosis of what is stopping us from doing that is lacking a little bit in the abundance books because they're putting it all on

sort of liberal interest groups. And again at the federal level, that has not been my experience.

Speaker 9

It has been in.

Speaker 10

Many cases both the right and the left being very attentive to corporate interests and to incumbent large corporations in particular in what they're pushing for.

Speaker 4

Kind of a separate but related question, isn't this all mooted by starlink?

Speaker 1

Like can't they just do?

Speaker 4

Like it feels like that that product is getting quite good, and it's like, you know what, maybe actually give up on the whole laying broadband everywhere?

Speaker 1

Look, or am I wrong about Like I'm.

Speaker 9

Not a I think that.

Speaker 10

You know, we did an extensive amount of analysis about the right way of serving these households, and if you look at both a technical analysis and sort of a basic cost benefit analysis, trying to lay fiber optic cable to as many of these households as possible is the right way to go. It saves money in the long term, it's basically a future proof product. You do it now, you don't have to come back in five or ten or fifteen years. And dig it up and do it

all over again. Whatever development's happened in the world of delivering internet to people having fiber optic cable going to these houses can do that right now.

Speaker 9

Starlink.

Speaker 10

Sure it is a pretty effective product, but number one, it hasn't been shown to be able to consistently deliver the kinds of speeds that you need to do what you talked about, stream video, do telemedicine, all the stuff that we actually want to do to make sure that

rural communities are fully linked into the economy. Second of all, I don't know about you, but I would have real concerns about putting internet access for ten, fifteen, twenty million households completely in the hands of one guy who's already shown that he's willing to take the network on and offline depending on his own personal whims and so I think that that's a concern too.

Speaker 1

And also there's a limit to how much junk you can have flying up there completely. There's that too.

Speaker 9

There is.

Speaker 4

So fascinating conversation, and I guess last question here, in responding to some of the pushback that they've been getting, they've said, all right, we're gonna come out with a little bit more substantive analysis that takes into account some of these critiques of corporate power, which like, okay, maybe that could have been in the book, but I will

take it. We'll take it now. One of the things they said, well, well, okay, the vibes from the administration were such that they weren't really pushing that hard and they were throwing up obstacles that they weren't necessarily required to throw up by the statute.

Speaker 1

Yep, I'm sure you.

Speaker 4

Saw that argument well as somebody who watched it happen, like.

Speaker 1

Is that true?

Speaker 4

Like why didn't why didn't you guys push harder despite the law that was in place?

Speaker 10

Yeah, I mean, look, I I'm trying not to take offense at that as somebody who after the statute was passed. In the broadband case, with all these steps, we would have regular meetings with the FCC and the Commerce Department and others, and the entire purpose so those meetings was how do we speed this up? Okay, so FCC, you're saying you need eighteen months to finish this map, can

you do it in twelve months? If we, for example, go out there and encourage all of the states and all of the big interliners to you know, out they had to submit data about where they have coverage.

Speaker 9

You know, they had ninety days to do it.

Speaker 10

Let's push them, if they can voluntarily, to do it in thirty days so you can start reviewing this stuff more quickly. We did that, and we got the incumbent ISPs to actually submit data more clickly, more quickly than they otherwise would so and we did cut that timeline down. So, look, I think there is I'm not going to defend every step of this process. We were stuck with a statute

that was less efficient than it could have been. But the idea that the administration didn't care about moving quickly, I think is false. And I think that from Secretary Raymondo onto the chair of the FCC on down, there was a real commitment to try and get this done as quickly as possible.

Speaker 4

Right, well, thanks so much for joining us up.

Speaker 1

Next, we're going to talk about Luigi. They're trying to kill them, that's right, and utter outrage. How can they do this?

Speaker 15

All?

Speaker 6

Right?

Speaker 1

Stick around?

Speaker 5

Attorney General Pam Bondi yesterday announced that she was instructing prosecutors to seek the death penalty for Luigi Mangioni in the murder trial over Brian Thompson. We could put the first element up on the screen. Pam Bondi did this with a statement yesterday that said Mangioni's murder of Brian Thompson, an innocent man and father of two young children, was

a premeditated, cold blooded assassination that shocked America. After careful consideration, I have directed federal prosecutors to seek the death penalty in this case as we carry out Trump's agenda to stop violent crime and make America safe again. Now, Olivia Ryan gold Over at the Free Press has some feelers out in Mangioni world, in the world of Luigi fandom, and she checked in on some of the most intense Luigi followers. We could put the next element up on

the screen. Who were, you know, pretty pretty disappointed by a Pam Bondi's announcement, although that's not entirely surprising. One thing that I wanted to ask you about, Ryan is if your sense is that the Mangioni heads are more left or right, I think it's pretty obvious that, like broadly, a lot of the outpouring of support for ledged murderer Luigi Mangioni on videotape. Obviously, in this case shooting Brian

Thompson in cold blood. A lot of the sport is I mean, I think it's broadly coming from the left.

Speaker 6

At the same time, I.

Speaker 5

Wonder how much of this also was coming from like anti establishment, Maga online, Maga world.

Speaker 6

It's kind of interesting.

Speaker 1

Was it cold blood? I think is there's some hot bloodedness going on there too.

Speaker 5

Definitely hot bloodedness, cold blood in the circumstance, the physical circumstance where Brian Thompson was just walking on the sidewalk, they were like fighting or anything.

Speaker 1

Yeah, fair enough.

Speaker 4

No, he himself is from the like what do you call it, like the Kaczynski libertarian right, Yeah, roughly, and there's.

Speaker 1

A lot of that. There's a lot of anti establishment right and yeah, every not.

Speaker 4

Though you know, young young people day you got you guys watching this show. You know you're you're you have curious cross spectrum politics. But a lot of it is organized around knowing that there's something barbaric about the system and also knowing that the levers of uh democratic control have been have been broken, that they're that in many ways, they're an illusion that you can that you can flip flip a switch, but if you actually could look behind

the wall, that switch is unplugged from the wires. There's not nothing's going on back there, and the switch is just there for you to mess around with and and and keep the kind of rats.

Speaker 1

Busy in the cage.

Speaker 4

So I think whether that's a left wing anti establishment or right wing anti system message, I don't know. And it depends on kind of where it's channeled and what energy exists at the time to kind of channel it in a particular direction, and it shifts over time, as we've talked about with the kind of the Bernie to Trump pipeline or the Hippie to Que pipeline or whatever

you have. You know, when you don't present people with coherent mechanisms to have their grievances heard, you're going to wind up with, you know, pretty psychedelic politics.

Speaker 6

Yeah.

Speaker 5

So Playbook yesterday put an item out that said, quote how Trump loses gen Z And that was their little blurb about Pambondi's announcement that she was instructing prosecutors to seek the death penalty for Mangioni and some people on the right pushing back on that.

Speaker 6

And you know, I.

Speaker 5

Also think there's some truth that seeking the death penalty in this case juxtaposed with you know, you had Bill Cassidy, what was he on Newsmax the other day talking about cuts to Medicare and then corrected himself and said reforms.

Speaker 6

Was it Medicare or Medicaid?

Speaker 5

Probably yeah, And so he caught himself referring to quote unquote cuts and then sort of smiled at the camera and said, I'm sorry, I mean reforms. I think when you juxtaposed the death penalty in the super high profile case of someone who's become a meme, uh, And I think some of the love for Luigi is is genuine. A lot of it is like kind of pop culture

meme energy. But when that's powerful in and of itself, and when you juxtaposed that with a Republican party that still has no answer on healthcare other than quote unquote reform of things like Medicaid, it's actually not a good combination politically, Like that Luigi is such a high profile meme, is something that's absolutely on the pop cultural radar that you're looking to use the death penalty in this case, and also at the same time not having like a

humane solution to the healthcare crisis in this country is genuinely a politically difficult message to carry out, and it's such a high profile case that I think it does matter.

Speaker 4

And they also are just stripping their own moral authority. Their previous argument was, Okay, you have a legitimate grievance that these for profit corporations are making life and death decisions so that they can, you know, so that they can talk a bigger game at their next quarterly conference call. But you shouldn't kill somebody over that. However, we're going to kill this guy over that.

Speaker 1

And maybe I'm just.

Speaker 4

So divorced from regular American politics and the values that drive it that that won't even be a problem for the people making the argument. But I think for regular people it's like, wait a minute, you just said that he has legitimate grievances, but you shouldn't kill the person. So you have legitimate grievances against him. He allegedly killed somebody, but you're gonna kill him. So now, if we're all back on the same moral plane, he allegedly killed one people.

The insurance companies are killing countless people. So if you're going to give up the moral authority of killing. You are not fighting then from a very strong ground.

Speaker 5

I don't think, you know, I'm not obviously a death penalty person. A lot of the country is, though, and I think there's still you know, they would say, go ahead and put Brian Thompson on trial, don't shoot him in midtown, and so I think.

Speaker 4

That's but then would he get the death penalty after you tried him?

Speaker 5

And your point makes sense to me that it's like, if you look at the way Brian Thompson is treated versus the way Amangioni is treated, or other people who are convicted of murder are treated, there's this just glaring disparity in the way that white collar criminals are either never brought to trial and never treated like criminals.

Speaker 6

I think that's absolutely true.

Speaker 5

And again that's one of those things that the Trump era Republican Party was supposed to kind of have an answer to this.

Speaker 6

High level of elite corruption, and it just never I.

Speaker 5

Mean, now you have billionaires running around, you know, doing liberation and doge, and it's it's not a it's not the same I think MAGA that it was in twenty fifteen, twenty sixteen. So anyway, that's I think there's something to that.

Speaker 4

And yeah, meanwhile, some of his supporters aren't taking it. Well, we can put up the second element here. This article goes through the kind of misery being felt by those who you see in Luigi, some type of at least vengeance being exacted on their behalf. I wonder at the same time if this could backfire. The number one hope of people who support Luigi is that there would be some sort of jury nullification where this case would be prominent enough that everybody going in would know the contours.

Jury nullification usually can't work because juries are barred from hearing from a defendant you know why they did a certain thing, if they did it, if they did it for reasons of conscience, like in general, the judge will prevent a jury from hearing that and just require the jury to adjudicate the case.

Speaker 1

Just based on the facts.

Speaker 4

Facts being guy who's on the street, here's the video, here's what happened.

Speaker 1

But so many people.

Speaker 4

Have become familiar with this story that the jurors are going to know what's going on here.

Speaker 1

If the jurors are also and this is the hope I'm talking about.

Speaker 4

On the on behalf of his supporters. If the jurors know that a guilty verdict is going to mean a death sentence, I wonder if that actually increases the likelihood from slim to just a little bit less slim of jury nullification.

Speaker 1

What do you think.

Speaker 5

No, that's a really interesting point because it's going to be and that's I think it's the political calculation of this too, is this trial is going to be so high profile. It is going to be like massive media coverage. Gen Z's going to be paying attention to it. Every time I'm Luigi's face, people get a glimpse of Luigi's face, it becomes another like iconic meme in the saga of Luigi Mangioniu.

Speaker 6

So it's also going.

Speaker 5

To like remind people over and over again that the Trump administration is seeking the death penalty, as Pam Bondi put it there, part.

Speaker 6

Of Trump's agenda.

Speaker 5

They see this as like an agenda item to seek the death penalty in the case of Mangione And they still don't have an actual answer. In healthcare, if anything, they're making cuts. So I mean, I think, yeah, when you're looking at this teenage, well not teenager, this twenty something, or maybe he's in his early thirties now, who suffered immensely.

There's some part of the reason Luigi's story pops is that there's some genuine sympathy for him based on his story doesn't justify anything, but it resonates with a lot of people who have also been pushed to the brink of sanity by the misery of the American healthcare system. And I think when you have a resonant story like that and you elevate it to a death penalty case, there's something to what you're saying.

Speaker 1

Right now politically speaking.

Speaker 4

And I'm not saying this is what the Vondi or the Trump administration are doing. If I were them and I were deeply cynical and just playing this for politics, I might throw the case. Trump actually might benefit from an acquittal and from the shock that that would create among his supporters. And because if you look at the polling, young people bio plurality are supportive of Luigi, but the overall electorate is not. And a lot of the overall electorate is appalled at the people who were.

Speaker 1

Supportive of him.

Speaker 4

And so if you got an acquittal and you had all these celebrations in the street, and they would find you know, blue haired kids with like eight ear rings out there celebrating, and they would runt those on Fox News and so that they would elevate that and say, look, this is the country that the Libs want, and so just trying to further feed a backlash. So, uh, yeah, if if if you were a deeply cynical political actor in the Trump administration, you might actually figure out a way to uh to kind of.

Speaker 1

Yeah, to throw this one those contradictions.

Speaker 4

Yeah, like what do you care, you know, if you if if you can gain political advantage, what do they care if they actually execute Luigi or keep them in prison or let him let him walk free. And then if he's free, every time he's out speaking, he's angering all of the people that you know, are are likely to support some type of reactionary backlash against that. So he's he then becomes a gift to the right that

keeps on giving. I mean, you're playing with fire, obviously, but that's what cynical actors do.

Speaker 6

Well, Ryan, you know this better than I do.

Speaker 5

But we would have to be talking about probably like a Trump fifth term for Luigi to actually be executed you.

Speaker 1

Know under Trump, chance that he outlives Trump is high.

Speaker 6

Yeah.

Speaker 5

Well yeah, because this, I mean, the court battle is going to play out and it's going to be very high profile, like in the near future. But then there's appeals and all of that in a death penalty case that could drag on for years and years, So we'll see what happens.

Speaker 4

All right, Let's move on to you see Rogan up here on the screen the deportation scandal involving and I know some people don't like when I call it scandal, They just like, what do they want to call it? The deportation celebration with the story of the Venezuela is getting rounded up along with some MS thirteen members and sent down to Nayabukelli's dungeons down in El Salvador broke through to the Joe Rogan podcast partly thanks to front

of the show Glenn Greenwald. Let's roll this and then and talk about the residents here.

Speaker 16

You got to get scared that people who are not criminals are getting like lassued up and deported and sent to like El Salvador prisons, like that kind of shit. Because I'm I read some story it was a Glenn Greenwald.

Speaker 17

Yeah, yeah, gay bob a guy, Yeah, yeah.

Speaker 1

It's Is that true?

Speaker 6

Is that story accurate?

Speaker 17

I don't think we know For people who don't know, well, from what I read, I think it was in Time magazine. Jamie, if you can pull it up and maybe we can get an accurate But basically, with the bunch of these trend to a Agua guys, allegedly they got one guy who at least one guy who wasn't a criminal, who was just a gay boba who I think, according to the story, came here legally. He was here legally, that's what they said. Don't know if car I don't know

what the details are. Maybe Jamie can find it. No criminal record from what it's said in that story. Now, this is the problem, right, because the mainstream media has been putting out so much shit. I don't know what to believe anymore, Right.

Speaker 6

I feel the same way.

Speaker 17

It's and so it's difficult. But it's something that we actually brought up in one of our conversations. We enter it the guy from the Heritage Foundation. We brought this up because I think we talked about this with those as well. When you do things quickly and you do things aggressively. That's how you get shit done. But that's

also when mistakes get made. And I think a human being being plucked out of nowhere and ending up in a country's never been in, in a maximum security prison with gang members seems like a bad thing to happen to me.

Speaker 16

It's horrific. It's horrific.

Speaker 17

I don't think that should be controversial.

Speaker 16

No, that's not controversial at all. And this is the thing, you know, measured twice, cut once. This is the like, this is kind of crazy that that could be possible. That's horrific, And that's again that's bad for the cause. Like the cause is let's get the gang members out. Everybody agrees, but what's not innocent? Gay hairdressers get lumped up with the gangs, and then like, how long before that guy can get out? Can we can we figure

out how to get him out? Is there any plan in place to alert the authorities that they've made a horrible mistake and correct it.

Speaker 17

Well, if you think about it from a government perspective, and this is where I think it gets quite sinister is once you've done that, the incentive structure is never going to be to admit that and deal with it. The incentive structure is to say nothing, to cover it up, to pretend it didn't happen.

Speaker 4

So if you somehow missed this particular story, this is a This is about a man named Andre Jose Hernandez Romero, Venezuelan man who came to the United States in August.

Speaker 1

He said he was fleeing political persecution.

Speaker 4

He had he made an asylum appointment, made came to that appointment. When he got there, they noticed on his arm that he had a tattoo of a crown. And this is from the court documents related to his asylum appointment. It says, detaining Hernandez ports this is.

Speaker 1

It's sick, it's an error. Don't know what ports like.

Speaker 4

These ice agents are not necessarily the best writers. Detaining Hernandez has I guess they mean, Uh, tattoos crowns that are consistent with those of a trend DEG member. That's that's somebody at the Meson Detention Center put put that into his documents, that that stealed his fate. Now we also know that apparently no Venezuelan gangs use tattoos.

Speaker 9

Uh.

Speaker 4

Whether that's true or not, somebody can maybe fact check me and find some small gang that does trend. De Aragua does not use tattoos as identifying marks for its members. Like that is just a a basic fact that is acknowledged across the spectrum about Trinda Iragua.

Speaker 1

Other gangs do.

Speaker 4

Somehow, the some people in DHS got the idea in their head that there were crown tattoos associated with this with this gang, and so anybody from Venezuela who had a crown had to wound up getting classified as a member of this gang. We reported earlier about the man who was a professional soccer player from Venezuela who had a crown over a soccer ball which was which was a reference to Real Madrid's logo, Real Madrid being his

favorite team. He's a professional goalkeeper. Venezuelan authorities. You know, he got all of his paperwork, showed you absolutely no gang connections, you know whatsoever. He also was scooped up and said to be this this gang member.

Speaker 1

And so.

Speaker 4

I think Rogan makes a very easily understandable point, and a lot of people are agree that this is a case met measure twice cut once like that that's the perfect cliche to drop on this situation. Because once you cut, and this is why you measure twice. Once you cut, that's it. You've cut.

Speaker 1

Once.

Speaker 4

You have sent this guy to this El Salvador in dungeon. You've done that. Even if even if they sent him there for one hour and he was beaten up and then returned. That is it's a situation so traumatizing, it would define the rest of your life. One hour there, he's still there. That and that, to me is what's so startling about this situation. So not only did you

you know you measure twice, you cut once. Sometimes you cut, if you if you if you if you cut too far this direction, you can actually recut it, like there's so the cliche can be overused. But they're not even trying to recut here. They're not even trying to fix this. So does this matter? Like is there enough of a kernel of sense of justice and humanity left that it can penetrate the kind of Stephen Miller bubble or is he so locked in on kind of revolutionary mode that he's just plowing ahead.

Speaker 5

I mean, I thought that was a very incisive exchange between Rogan and Constantine kissin partially because of what Constantine said at the end where he said the incentive structure is not to correct the errors. And that's really important here because you have support for mass deportations when it's

polled quote unquote mass deportations sort of in theory. So the abstract idea of mass deportations pulls extremely well in those country is majority of people want that, and so Stephen Miller, Trump and others in the administration have christinoam have looked at that and said, this is our mandate to do mass deportations, and the only way for us to do mass deportations this is a logical leap that I think is insane, but is to screen for these tattoos and to take these kind of bubble case is

and just everyone goes to Al Salvador if Venezuela won't take them. And the public is so opposed to the Democrats policies, to the Biden administration's policies, that we can get away with these extreme measures because the alternative is so much worse. And so to Constantine Kissing's point, that's part of the background of why the incentive structure is not to say, all right, we made a mistake. The

incentive structure is to double triple quadruple down. And yet what we've seen is the administration failed to supply additional evidence that let's talk about the barber in this case, he's like significantly linked to Trende Arragua and was a case that you know, demanded deportation to al Salvador. There's still a trunk of the public that has absolutely no

sympathy for this guy. You know, they just say, it's of course, I mean, if you're not a citizen, the administration can take you and move you and get you out. You know, you don't have the same level of due process and et cetera. That's not going to fly with the majority of Americans. It may, you know, still be powerful with a group of the American people, but where what we're seeing here in the Rogan clip is that you will start to lose people. It's going to start

to look insane and un American. And so the the thing on that we have this next thot of Caroline Levitt getting questioned, this is going to be E two. It's it's also happening with the student deportations. Like it's a very similar dynamic playing out I think in both cases, and the administration has to start ponying up the evidence that the problem for them is they don't seem to have it in some of these really high profile cases.

Speaker 6

So let's take a listen to Caroline Lovett here. This is E two.

Speaker 9

Just changing subjects for one second.

Speaker 15

The administration has expressed a complete confidence in how all the deportation flights to L.

Speaker 9

Salvador were a conducted.

Speaker 15

But now that the administration has conceded that there was an error of one Salvadoran national, will there be any reviews conducted? And does the President express any thoughts on the one error that it was disclosed in court last night.

Speaker 18

Well, first of all, the error that you are referring to was a clerical error, it was an administrative error. The administration maintains the position that this individual who was deported to L. Salvador and will not be returning to our country was a member of the brutal and vicious MS thirteen gang. That is fact number one. Fact to number two, we also have credible intelligence proving that this

individual was involved in human trafficking. In fact number three, this individual was a member, actually a leader, of the brutal MS thirteen gang, which this President has designated as a foreign terrorist organization.

Speaker 5

So ran I think the best that the furthest you'll see Stephen Miller and his sort of fellow travelers go in this administration is to slow down and start being more judicious in the deportations and maybe just hope it fades into the background of the news cycle. But this case that they're referring to is really interesting. We can

put E three up on the screen. This is a thread from Will Chamberlain, who people have seen on the show a couple of times, very staunch conservative, pro Trump attorney who dug into the story of this Maryland Dad as The Atlantic called him, who ended up being accused of being in MS thirteen and deported by the Trump administration. The Trump administration admitted he was deported due to a clerical error.

Speaker 6

And this gets us.

Speaker 5

It will go through the case and I think found legitimately a lot of things in the case of this man that The Atlantic, just from a journalistic perspective, left out of the story. Its audience would have been better served knowing the full saga of this guy's pinging through the American court system non citizens pinging through the American court citizen system. Why he claimed he suddenly needed an asylum after being here for close to the better part

of a decade. So this is a it's an interesting case, but it's one that gets us back to the Constantine Kiston point where it's like the media has not done a good job of covering these things up until now, and so the Trump administration knows it can get away with more because there's so little trust in the media that could turn around.

Speaker 6

Though.

Speaker 4

Yeah, and so that case and Will's threat is interesting because Will kind of allies throughout the whole point or kind of sidesteps has an important issue the fact that this guy was sent to this El Salvador and torture chamber, and Will, in his threat acknowledges that he should not have been, that that was wrong, that legally he should not have been sent there. Yet he says, well, that's kind of a that's kind of like a minor point here, and I feel like they're kind of Will's kind of

missing the losing the thread here. So basically what happened here, I think, So the guy came. It appears clear that he came illegally sometime around twenty eleven, twenty twelve something like that too. From Elsa Abador to the United States in twenty nineteen. He was picked up at a home depot. And home depot is where day laborers, you know, gather and subcontractors go by every day.

Speaker 1

You know, I have your own tools. I need people on a site. Come on. So he gets picked up there.

Speaker 4

He was wearing a Bulls jersey, and so they said the Bulls jersey was MS thirteen, which is kind of ridiculous. But then they also said they had a confidential informant who had knowledge of MS thirteen who said this is so and so this is his name in the gang, this is his rank, and this is where he operated as a gang member.

Speaker 1

Turns out he never been there.

Speaker 4

The confidential most you know, confidential informants are are literally paid to lie. Like the confidential informants are not remotely trustworthy.

Speaker 1

But this didn't get adjudicated. It just goes into a hearing.

Speaker 4

He went into a bail hearing and the police said, look, this CI says that this guy is in MS thirteen, and so the judge is like, all right, well you don't. You can't rebut this, and so therefore I'm not going to give you bail. He spent year, year and a half in you know.

Speaker 1

Locked up.

Speaker 4

Eventually they concluded that this guy was lying, he was not an MS thirteen member. He got out on and he has you know, various court dates and then he goes into that very long, you know, immigration process, which I think everybody across the spectrum would agree is this is far too long, and he reapplies at that point for asylum, saying that his and this is what will gets into that his family's Papoosa business had run a foul of eighteen Street gang down in down at L.

Speaker 1

Salvador. They were extorted, you know, he was threatened.

Speaker 4

It does appear that his brother like that definitely happened to his brother, and his brother fled. So there is some real truth to these claims. The question of whether you know, ten years later, the threats are still live, that's an open one, and that's the kind of thing

that you then kind of adjudicate in an immigration hearing. Instead, it seems like what they did is they were just looking for anybody with any gang affiliations, and I guess he popped up in the computer because of his old twenty nineteen confidential informant claim that he was in the gang, which had since been basically rejected, and because he was moving forward with his asylum claim, effectively there was an order that he not be deported to El Salvador, and

they ignored that order. And so that's what they're saying was the clerical error.

Speaker 1

They're saying.

Speaker 4

What they're saying is they should have been able to deport him somewhere, not to El Salvador. And there they'll say, well, that's that's you know, mistakes happen. It's like, okay, but that's a pretty huge mistake. And also secondly, like you sent this guy to a dungeon from which he may never emerge, like for what, like, for for what crime. Let's say you don't like that he entered the country illegally. Okay, then you to deport him. You don't like that you're

barred from deporting him to El Salvador. Overturn that, say, look the gang Eighteenth Street gang, but Kelly wiped them out. We can now deport him. So fix that paperwork and deport him into El Salvador, where he then continues his life as a as a free person in El Salvador.

Speaker 1

To put him in chains and fly him down to this Dungeon.

Speaker 4

Uh, that's the part that like you're saying, is that that's that should be Unamerican.

Speaker 5

And at the same time, I look at The Atlantic as someone on the right and think, why was so much of the story left out, even in the interest of time, And I feel like that's where things to the point Constantine Kisten was making in the clip earlier, end up getting locked up because to me, it's very important that these stories are told correctly, because there are cases that are more sympathetic than these people who claim to asylum.

Speaker 6

Right away and do have credible fear.

Speaker 5

You know, this is more credible fear than this, even if there's some evidence that he may have had fear. You know, we're ten years as your point, as you said, ten years beyond that point. So it's a different calculation than some others.

Speaker 6

And so it's.

Speaker 5

Hard for people on the right then not you know, I'm happy to say it. I'm not in the administration, but for the administration, they feel like politically they can get away with doing these things because people care when the media botches it. And you know, Biden lets a net eight million people into the country and basically nobody talks about it except for you know, the media ignores it for a long time or relatively ignores it for a long time.

Speaker 6

And doesn't tell the story.

Speaker 5

So anyway, all this is to say, I think you know this is the what's likely to the best case scenario is that they start to slow down and be more judicious about this. And Ryan, one of the things I wanted to ask you is that all it reminds me of your story, the drop site story about the guy who book La did not want and maybe you can I know you've talked about it, But like, what if they accidentally do that accidentally?

Speaker 6

What if one of those guys gets caught.

Speaker 9

Up in this?

Speaker 1

Oh?

Speaker 4

So yeah, so we did this story jos Er Olivrs and I over a drop site.

Speaker 1

It's it's a fascinating piece. He took. He took the lead on it.

Speaker 4

Going through court records relating to some of the MS teen members that were deported down to El Salvador. And there's an absolutely fascinating story behind it. And it's not what anybody would expect from what they hear about Trump and b Kelly. Bu Kelly when he first came to power, negotiated and denies this, but everybody knows that it's true.

Negotiated a secret deal with MS thirteen where they would agree to reduce levels of violence in exchange for some daytime with the state and some improvement in prison conditions for MS thirteen leaders who were already in prison. At some point, Eventually this piece accord with MS thirteen broke down, more violence broke out. Bu Kelly launched his kind of

more aggressive crackdown on them. But before that happened, MS thirteen, as part of its deal with him, pledged election support, and his landslide election victory was significantly a result of this secret deal that he cut with MS thirteen. This secret deal is talked about a lot in El Salvador, but is and is very, very unpopular, but he maintains a complete denial of it to this day. One of the people who was involved in those negotiations, his gang

name is Grenas. He's here in where he was here in the United States, charged with rico and all the different things you charge a gang member with, and he was headed to federal court where he was expected as part of his trial, to tell the full story of these secret negotiations that bu Kelly had with MS thirteen.

Bu Kelly has desperately been trying to get his hands on Grainyas and there has been this push and pull where the US has been trying to get its hands on people that they know were involved in this deal and vice versa. That one of them was in El Salvadoran prisons. Would we write about in the article the US had an extradition request out for him.

Speaker 1

Instead, bou Kelly just let him go.

Speaker 4

And bu Kelly's top official who had negotiated this secret deal, drove the guy to the border to get him out of the country. He then gets caught in Mexico and then El Salvador in the US have a fight with Mexico over who can get this guy, because everybody wants these top MS thirteen leaders who know the story of what bu Kelly did, and so now Trump has now sent some of them.

Speaker 1

So that was bu Kelly's price.

Speaker 4

He's like, ah, I'll charge with the very tiny fee. He's not looking for dollars to house these Venezuelans that the US is deporting there. His price was He's like, I want these guys that know too much about my dealings with MS thirteen. I want them under under my control. So Trump has sent some of them, but we've still held on to others as sort of blackmail against bu Kelly. So the story is always a little bit more complicated and interesting than than you're being told.

Speaker 5

But when you're starting to use humans as ponds like this at a rapid clip, it's it's well, we'll see our some of those cases end up going. It was a great story out Just before we leave this block, there's another case. We could put the four up on the screen of a Minnesota student from Cato who's now been caught up in these ice deportations.

Speaker 6

Ran, do you have any insight on this?

Speaker 5

I mean, it's it's actually kind of hard to keep trying.

Speaker 4

There's another another student who, you know, some very minor protest activity presumably appeared on some list that are pro Israel group sent to UH, you know, sent to the administration, the Canary Mission, Batar and others, are you know, very proudly advertising that they are producing lists of students that they that they want that they want kicked out of UH, that they want kicked out of the country for for protesting against the war and the war like that is

like they're very clear, like they're they're not claiming we have evidence that this is the person that was swinging the hammer that smashed the glass, and that hinds all like they're not I'm not saying that, they're saying that this person wrote this op ed, as in the case of oz Turk, or this person you know, came to this encampment, or this person tweeted this thing. Uh and and then uh kicking kicking them out of the kicking

them out of the country. And Rubio has said that he's canceled, you know, upwards of three hundred student visas and is continuing to do it every every single day, despite you know, when when you apply for a student visa, Uh, there's there. It doesn't say anywhere that when you get to the United States, these certain liberties that we hold deer for persons in the United States do not apply to you if you are protesting US funding Israel's war and Godza, like there's.

Speaker 1

That was never said. If that's the new rule.

Speaker 4

Now, obviously you could it's quite okay if you're here on a student visa to protest for the war. It's not that you can't weigh in, not that you can't have an opinion on what's happening in Gaza. As long as your opinion is that it is good and the US should do more of it, that's fine. It's if you are critical of what the United States is doing with its support of Israel, then according to Rubio, that is cause for you to be immediately deported. Well, not immediately,

that would almost be more humane. First, they're sending these people to detention centers, completely harmless people, having them sit in these brutal detention centers for very long stretches of time before then deported.

Speaker 5

And with those three hundred, With that three hundred number, I mean, we've seen maybe half a dozen really big cases so far. But what that means is there's going to be a trip trip And again, maybe this will happen with immigration, maybe it will happen with students, and the administration will try to move it to the background and be you know, quieter about it, be slower about it.

Speaker 6

Who knows.

Speaker 5

But the drip drip is coming no matter what, because they've staked a lot on these efforts, so it's it's not going to end. We'll continue to see cases like this one, all.

Speaker 4

Right, Senator Corey Booker, broke strom Thurman's record for longest speech in the United States Senate. I think it was twenty five hours and five minutes.

Speaker 1

This was.

Speaker 4

This was Booker's response to a deeply frustrated Democratic electorate that it's like, isn't there anything that you can do? Something like nothing, like, you can't you can't even negotiate a slightly better cr with these fascists that are rounding people up and destroying you know, the country is far as we're concerned. And so Booker, you know, came to the floor and said, Okay, I'm going to show that

we're at least trying to do something. Let's roll a little bit of you know, only a few seconds of this twenty five hours.

Speaker 12

Our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. We need that now from all Americans. This is a moral moment. It's not left or right, it's right or wrong. It's getting good trouble. My friend, Madam President, I yield the floor.

Speaker 1

Put up the next element on the screen.

Speaker 4

So this is, says Corey Boker's officially delivered the longest sentce speech. That is that is that's strom Thurman in his earlier years. Actually because I think what he died at, like one hundred and one or something like that.

Speaker 1

Like he was in.

Speaker 4

Congress, like when I was covering Congress, and he set his record filibustering the nineteen fifty seven Civil Rights Act.

Speaker 1

So that's how long this guy.

Speaker 4

Served in the United in the United States Senate, one of the like most one of the most vitriolic segregationists in the United States Senate. There's a I forget what book it's in, but there's a scene where there are a couple of you know, hardcore white supremacist Democrat senators in like the nineteen forties or fifties are watching a strong therm and speech and one of them, you know, says to the other They're like, my god, this guy really believes this stuff.

Speaker 1

Like the racists thought that this guy was like two over the top, and it is.

Speaker 4

It has always been a real crawl or thorn in the side of Democrats who are now on the other side of this white supremacy question.

Speaker 1

That he held this record.

Speaker 4

So so it wasn't just pushing back against the job administration Booker, and Booker has said as much. He very much wanted to knock this guy off the pedestal, and he successfully did it with several hours still to go until he until he broke the record, he was saying like he was on the floor saying, I don't think I have enough gas in the tank, like I don't think I don't think I'm going to be able to

make it. And the galleries filled up. A ton of senate Senate Democrats came to the chamber, which is very unusual, the chamber is almost completely empty, and sat there to kind of give him a little bit of gas to kind of get across the finish line. And when he finally made it, you know, you know, you know, gave him a rousing, rousing applause and around the country you can put up put up F three.

Speaker 12

It did.

Speaker 4

It did capture a lot of people's imaginations, like like the the TikTok.

Speaker 1

Numbers were were wild, the the kind of.

Speaker 4

Live streaming numbers that you know, he said he got enormous numbers of calls to to his office. You know, you it's like you know, in a in a dark time, even though even a tiny little bit of light is something that a lot of people are going to fly toward. Did you follow this as it was going on and what what what are? What are Republicans they kind of just amused by this or do they see this as a little little flickering of life from the opposition?

Speaker 5

Well, I mean the point you just made about even when you're in a period of darkness, even a tiny little bit of light can bolster your spirits. I think that the little bit of light here was very, very tiny in substance. It's unfortunate that for Democrats like Corey Booker wasn't filibustering something I think more substance to this was a huge boost in the Tea Party years for Ted Cruz. I think Rand Paul at one point too,

drones right right, right right, and so it was shutdown. Yes, and there was the green eggs and ham breeding that was much derided at the time. But that's where I want to go with Booker actually is like I just find him rhetorically insufferable, and I don't think his tone.

Speaker 6

Is like generally lands.

Speaker 5

It might land with the Democratic base, but the clip even that we just played of him ending the filibuster a feet, no doubt, like an impressive feet at that, But it just especially because it's not organized around a substance of like, uh, policy, Like what's the right word?

Speaker 6

A goal?

Speaker 5

Right? Like there wasn't a thought he wasn't blocking X or shutting down Y.

Speaker 6

So I just it's all.

Speaker 5

But at the same time, those numbers that we just showed are really significant. You know, there's an F four. This is just the voicemail numbers. We put this up on the screen, the voicemail numbers, which sounds silly, but Booker's team just told them SNBC they've gotten fourteen thousand voicemails from people for people supporting Corey's filibuster and sharing their stories, and another two hundred and eighty million people

have liked his speech on TikTok alone. So even when these stunts feel insufferable, they in this case, I think this one is as tempted as I was to dismiss it and laugh at it and roll my eyes. He designed it in a way that actually from TikTok in particular, but also on other platforms, I think was a real shot in the arm for Democrats who are looking to

rally a very disillusion base. The base is more disillusion than it was in twenty seventeen and twenty eighteen because Trump came back and won again after of their best efforts to stop him. So I think, you know, that's it works with the base and that's what really matters right now heading into a midterm cycle.

Speaker 4

Yeah, and for the parliamentary details, like you really can't do a filibuster anymore for the most part, because if if you, if the other side gets sixty votes, they can they can they can move to a final vote, and if they don't, they can't. Whether you're whether you're talking or not. And so this was just kind of an open session where he just kind of grabbed the floor and what what you can still do in the Senate that you can't do.

Speaker 1

In the House, Like you wouldn't be able to do this in the house.

Speaker 4

In the House, you get a minute, you get five minutes, you get an hour or like whatever you get, you get and when you're and when that's up, you're done. Whereas in the Senate, if you can keep going, you

can keep going under certain circumstances. What he would do in order to give himself a slight break is he would say somebody would come to the floor, say at Chris van Holland or somebody and say, you know, well, the senator yield and he would say, you know, I yield to the senator for a question, you know, but I'm holding onto the floor. And so he would yield to another Democrat who would then ask him like a fairly long winded question which would allow him to at

least give his give his voice a break. But he wasn't allowed to leave, was allowed to sit down, so he'd kind of just be shuffling from one foot to the other, leaning over. We had Manu Raju from CNN answer the question that everybody's wondering, which is how did he not go to the bathroom for twenty five hours?

And according to Booker, this was not some secret diaper that he brought onto the floor that he stopped eating on Friday, and he stopped drinking about, you know, twelve to twenty four hours before going on to the floor, so he kind of emptied his body out ahead of time. So he went on there, which is you know, smart for those for the purpose of not having to other bathroom.

Speaker 1

It would also make the.

Speaker 4

Stamina much more difficult, you know, to be able to stand there for twenty five hours.

Speaker 1

How long how long a speech you think you would give on the on the Senate floor.

Speaker 5

I mean, this is an impossible question because I would never want to be giving a speech on the Senate floor.

Speaker 6

What's your answer, right, I don't.

Speaker 4

Oh, man, I think it'd be pretty hard to go twenty five hours like That's I don't think I could get anywhere near that.

Speaker 6

And yet at the same time, I know.

Speaker 1

What I have to say.

Speaker 4

I mean, you know, I've got maybe a half an hour stuff to say.

Speaker 5

Yeah, yeah, well you can always read green eggs and ham over and over again.

Speaker 1

Yeah, I don't know. I don't know how many. I guess I could do a few hours. I don't know.

Speaker 6

Impressive, It's definitely.

Speaker 1

We should do it. We should do a show where we just just go.

Speaker 5

Actually we could probably first losing money off that. We probably make money off that. Well, Brian, should we move

on to the front of the show. Jefferson Morley's testimony at the John F. Kennedy assassination hearing yesterday, And just as we move into this block, I want to give a tip of the hat to Ryan and Sager, who Jefferson Morley the premiere JFK researcher was very impressed with after his interview last week, which was really widely circulated, and Morley left that saying it was he'd done tons of interviews in recent days and he thought that one really was the best, and I couldn't agree more.

Speaker 6

So well done.

Speaker 1

Yeah, people go back and watch that.

Speaker 4

It's like a twenty minute interview, and I think it'll get you pretty up to speed.

Speaker 1

On the situation.

Speaker 4

I feel like nobody on the committee watched that interview, or read any of the documents or has any idea what they're talking about. Let's roll through a bunch of these clips from this super embarrassing hearing as quickly as we can.

Speaker 1

So here's Jeff Morley.

Speaker 19

It's an honor to testify before you. It's a solemn responsibility to report on the disturbing new revelations that have emerged from the newest JFK files. And it is a grave matter to assert that CIA officers were culpable or complicit in the death of a president. So I want fact checkers to have all the evidence that I'm used to support my testimony. Today, the new fact pattern leads to a new conclusion. We know now what they knew

about Oswald and when they knew it. We know now that Richard helms, James Angleton, and George Joannidi's were responsible for or complicit in the death of the president, either by criminal negligence or covert act. My recommendations to the task force are one, secure and release the personnel file of George Johanned's and two ask the CIA to provide a public statement answering the question why did these three

men lie to JFK investigators. The answers will help fulfill the task force goal, the President's goal and the people's goal of full and complete JFK disclosure.

Speaker 4

And what he means by criminal negligence there and he expounds this in his interview with US, is that Angleton was getting regular updates based on their surveillance of Oswald and still somehow let the guy kill Kennedy.

Speaker 1

Let's roll one more clip from Morley here.

Speaker 20

You actually had written an article specifically addressing a whistleblower that had reports at the CIA potentially showing information that Oswald was in Mexico City.

Speaker 1

Can you speak more to that.

Speaker 19

I was approached a few years ago by a man who had worked inside the CIA, had a very high security clearance, and in twenty eighteen he came to me and said he was concerned that there was a JFK assassination document.

Speaker 1

That he had read while he was working.

Speaker 19

At the CIA, and he was afraid that it would never become public. The man was taken considerable legal risk by talking to me. He was talking about classified or potentially classified information. So I published his story last year without his name, which is not something that I usually do. I don't like stories with anonymous sources. But I felt that it was important to get out, and he felt

it was important too. I have spoken with him and he says he is willing to come public and tell his name under his own story, with assurances that he will not face legal retaliation. I hope that's something that can be arranged in the near future.

Speaker 1

That is something that we will definitely follow up on.

Speaker 4

Let's play a one more Morley clip and then move to some of the some of their reaction.

Speaker 20

So who do you think fired the shot?

Speaker 6

You don't know, but you don't believe it was Lee Harvey Oswald.

Speaker 19

Oswald was not the intellectual author of Kennedy's death, even if he fired a gun.

Speaker 6

That who do you think was the intellectual author of Kennedy's death?

Speaker 19

Kennedy's enemies high in his own government is as specific as I can be based on the available evidence, probably CIA and Pentagon.

Speaker 4

And now so here's Jasmine Crockett and Lauren Bobert. You embarrass themselves in a different way. I think Crockett's is more embarrassing for what it says about the Democratic Party that it now feels itself to be in a genuine coalition with the CIA, such that even when the CIA is being criticized for something that happens sixty plus years ago, they feel like they need to leap to the agency's defense. It's absolutely mind boggling. But let's and then bow were just being dumb.

Speaker 6

Go ahead, I say, and vice versa.

Speaker 5

Republicans latching onto the CIA sind as the CIA became anti Republicans right now, right.

Speaker 4

Now, all of a sudden, Yeah, they're like, yeah, anyway, so yeah, let's so let's roll.

Speaker 21

These previously classified JFK assassination files are now public and show no evidence of a CIA conspiracy. But what I find funny about this hearing is that the Republicans are here relitigating whether CIA agents lied sixty years ago, but aren't doing anything about the CIA director lying to Congress just six days ago, we should be having a hearing on the fact that the unqualified Secretary of Defense and other senior Trump officials were carelessly discussing classified military plans

over an unsecured signal group chat. And instead of providing oversight over the administration's handling of classified information, the Republicans have spent a week trying to convince the American people that the military plans were not classified. So instead of giving a platform to conspiracy theories, and let me be clear, there are holes. I don't want you all to think that.

I don't think that there are holes. But when we're looking back, we need to look back so that we can look forward and hopefully do better.

Speaker 22

You had something to add on that.

Speaker 19

I think you're confusing mister Oliver Stone with mister Rogers Stone. Yet sorry, it's Roger Stone who implicated LBJ in the Assassinators of the President.

Speaker 22

It's not my friend that Oliver Stones were there. I may have misinterpreted that, and I apologize for that. But there's seems to be some elluding of like you said, incompetence, got.

Speaker 4

A misinterpretation, and then she talks about incopetence right after that.

Speaker 5

But she was asking oliver Stone about his theory that LBJ had been behind the assassination, and Oliverston was confused because he was saying LBJ may have had knowledge of or complicity in the Warren Commission, adding Alan Dlles to the Warren Commission. But LBJ, He's like, I've never said that, And Jeff put the pieces together and said, oh, I think you're confusing him with Rogerstone, which is somewhat hilarious.

And if you weren't watching, if you were just listening to the clip of Jasmine Crockett, you could see Oliver Stone with his head.

Speaker 6

Carried in his hands.

Speaker 5

So she was doing this like brain dead analysis of like the signal chat being somehow relevant to even bring up in this kind.

Speaker 6

I mean, it was just pathetic.

Speaker 4

And what I want to know is who wrote that. Staffers write these questions almost all the time. What I want to know is who wrote that question? Was this a leadership staffer, this committee staffer?

Speaker 12

Was this?

Speaker 4

I don't think it would be somebody from Crockett's office, because I think somebody from Crockett's office would have better political instincts than that. And In fact, what's so revealing about that clip is that you can see tell me

if I'm analyzing this wrong. You can see Crockett's own political instincts kick in as she's getting to the end of her own question, where she's like, oh my god, I just called these folks at this hearing conspiracy theorists talking about the Kennedy assassination when everyone in this country believes that a conspiracy was behind. People have different theories about which conspiracy, but everyone thinks that some type of

conspiracy was involved in killing Kennedy. And I just mocked that because Democrats are just so ready to instantly shoot first at any conspiracy and then ask questions later about whether or not it's true.

Speaker 1

In her and you can see her mind where she's like, oh god, that was stupid. And so then she.

Speaker 4

Puts the question down that was written for her and says, not that I'm.

Speaker 1

Staying there are holes, there are holes. There are definitely holes.

Speaker 4

So and she even she used the word platform, which is like a classic kind of you know, mid twenty tens democratic phrase, we're here platforming conspiracy theorists, And that's when her mind was like, did I just say we're platforming conspiracy theorists in relation to the literal one conspiracy that everyone in America believes should be platformed and talking to like and say what you want about Oliver Stone.

Speaker 1

He's fascinating.

Speaker 9

Guy.

Speaker 4

Jefferson Morley is a very very sober journalist who's who's covering this, and he's not going to stay more than then. The fact pattern will allow him to, and the documents and almost exclusively on the record sources will allow him to.

Speaker 1

But she seemed to catch herself.

Speaker 4

But to me, the whole thing was revealing of how how woven now the Democratic Party is to the CIA and the deep State that.

Speaker 1

They feel like they even need to defend Alan Dulles.

Speaker 6

Right, who Democrats for Dulles, who like.

Speaker 4

If they exhumed him, he'd like put them in the grave if he had a chance.

Speaker 6

Yes he would. He would deport all.

Speaker 5

Of the students, Yes would, And so would his brother.

Speaker 1

At Angleton, who was like the you know, handling the Israel file.

Speaker 6

Yeah. Well, if Jasmine Crockett's political instincts were.

Speaker 5

Truly legendary, she would have known that this hearing was coming up, and Democrats in general would be trying to

take this issue off the table for Republicans. I mean, it was Republicans for a very long time who were on the wrong side of this, and for Democrats, they could be out there saying Democrats have a long proud history of trying to shed light on what happened to this democratic president, a Democratic standard bearer, and we absolutely are just as eager as are Republican counterpoints at counterparts, if not more eager to get to the bottom of it and ask really smart, insightful, savvy questions.

Speaker 6

But they did not do that yesterday.

Speaker 5

They used it as a sort of culture war platform to go after Signal, to go after Signal Gate, and align themselves with the actual like Deep States CIA intelligence apparatus. It was really unfortunate, although I think, and one of the reasons I was excited for this hearing is that Morley and Oliver Stone have had a couple of weeks to digest this insane volume of new information, which is I mean, it's going to take very long time to put all of these puzzle pieces together, but they've done

the Lord's work. Morally, has done the Lord's work trying to piece this puzzle together quickly, and his voluminous knowledge of the case has allowed him to do that. So all of that said, to see these things being aired in the halls of Congress, I still thought was really powerful. I mean, we have Twitter now and we've seen some of this play out in real time. But Oliver Stone's

nineteen ninety two congressional testimony was critical. I mean, it took a long time for the country to catch up, but looking back, it proved to be a really important point because there was legislation that came out of Congress that led to declassifications, and.

Speaker 6

So I thought that that was really important.

Speaker 1

Ye it was.

Speaker 4

Yeah, So his movie on Kennedy, Oliver Stones movie on JFKU basically produced the legislation that produced the records that we got just recently and that we've been getting over the last decades. So yeah, that is kind of a fascinating arc to see. And the last point on this is, like democrats may not understand why I'm harping on this, Like people who don't follow politics closely create heuristics about who's with them and who's against them, and who is

right and who's wrong about particular issues. So like the a proxy for a lot of people would be are they credible? Are they are they open minded about the Kennedy assassination? Then they don't have to necessarily agree exactly with what you think on it, but like or are you just lying and mocking anybody who believes in a

conspiracy theory. So if people who don't follow Publicis closely see these clips circulating online of Democrats making fun of anybody who thinks there was a conspeak behind the Kennedy assassination, they're going to just reject and dismiss anything else they hear from those Democrats because that's and that's rational.

Speaker 1

That's a rational approach.

Speaker 4

When you have a limited amount of time to invest in and analyzing the political situations like, oh, these people are liars or stupid like one or the other. Either way, I don't want to hear anything else from them. So not helping themselves with regular people by by this performance needlessly.

Speaker 6

So it's just so easy for Democrats to.

Speaker 1

Don't be afraid of Allen Dallas anymore. He's gone, it's crazy, he's gone.

Speaker 6

No reason.

Speaker 5

I mean, maybe it right, Maybe there is something substantive about their ties now to CIA world and Intel world, meaning that they don't think the sort of cost benefit makes sense for them to start going in on the CIA, because the CIA still obviously does not want a lot of these pieces to be put together. It doesn't want to see the puzzle come together. So maybe this is actually not just politics.

Speaker 4

But yeah, anyway, I hope you had a good time in Wisconsin. Thank you for joining us from all the way out there. Very much appreciated. See you back here. We'll do a Friday show again. You'll be back in here DC, I assume for that.

Speaker 5

Oh yeah, absolutely looking forward to it. We look forward to those Friday shows a lot now, and I hope you guys do too.

Speaker 6

There are a lot of fun.

Speaker 5

Just as a reminder of Breakingpoints dot com to now a premium membership, premium subscription. Appreciate everyone tuning in. Thanks for letting me.

Speaker 6

Zoom in here.

Speaker 1

Ryan all right, and we'll see you on Friday.

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