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The former US Vice President Mike Pence warning of threats to the Republican Party in his latest book, What Conservatives Believe, Rediscovering the Conservative Conscience, Pence writing, quote, Trump has not always governed as a conservative. The result is that many Americans are confused about what it means to be a conservative. I'm very pleased to say the forty eighth Vice President of the United States, Mike Pence, joins us now for more.
Mister Vice President, welcome back to Bloomberg Surveillance on Bloomberg TV. Thank you great to be back on. It's good to see you, sir. I'll ask that question to you, what does it mean to be a conservative?
Well, for decades, the Republican Party has really been the home of conservatism in this country. It's a commitment to limited government, free market economics, strong defense, American leadership in the world, and traditional values has really guided the Republican Party since Ronald Reagan into the White House. And it's why I and millions of Americans were drawn to the
Republican Party over the years. Our principal contest was against the Liberal Democratic Party over those decades, but as the Democratic Party has been overtaken by more progressive left policies, including socialist policies, not just in New York but all
around the country. I wrote the book because I wanted Republicans to know that there's a new threat to that conservative agenda within our movement from a populist right that would really challenge our commitment to limited government, to free enterprise, challenge America's role as leader of the free world, marginalized values. And I do think, as you quoted from the book, that many are confused about what it means to be a conservative. So that's what inspired what conservatives believe.
Well, you served alongside him, of course in the first term. Was he a conservative?
Then?
Well I think, Look, I say this in the book.
You know I know Donald Trump better than his most ardent defenders. We worked together every day and spoke every day for four and a half years, and in fairness to the President, he's actually never said he was a conservative. In fact, I lost count of the number of times that I would say in conversations in the Oval office, well, that position is a conservative position, and he would he would wave his hand and say, what conservative, It's just common sense and so.
But in our administration, I.
Will tell you I think we were very faithful in most cases to the traditional conservative agenda, appointing conservative judges, upholding the rule of law, and particularly in the area of free market and economics and free enterprise. You know,
we cut taxes, rolled back regulations, unleashed American energy. But on economic issues, I think it's becoming more apparent, particularly in the business community across this country, with the advent of broad based tariffs imposed on friend and foa like that. While they were turned back by the Supreme Court, we saw the news this morning of a new round of
tariffs attempted by the USTR. The nationalization of American businesses with something we never countenance in our administration is much more a part of a traditional socialists.
Thinking around the world.
Price controls on pharmaceuticals and credit cards, these are I think these are policies that come out of the populous right amory, and they represent a real shift. Now, can I just say, I think the second Trump administration has gotten a lot right, standing up to Iran, standing with Israel, extending those tax cuts, securing our border. But on some key issues we've seen those populous rights policies take hold, and I want conservatives around the country to know that these.
Are ideas that you'd hear from a Senator Elizabeth Warren or Senator Bernie Sanders.
But the issue in Washington right now.
Is there's not a lot of people speaking out against this in Congress. Do you feel that Trump has gotten a lot more carte blanche this time around?
Well, I think so.
I mean, the president is the leader of the party, and with majorities in the Congress, I think there's been a tremendous amount.
Of deference to the president. But you put a fine point on it.
In fact, in my book, I point out when the president first announced a nationalization policy, it might have been the golden chairs in US steel, Elizabeth Warren said memorably, Donald Trump has come across an idea that I came up with years ago. And John might argue whether nationalization was something Elizabeth Warren came up with there might be a deeper history in other.
Parts of the world.
But I honestly believe that the there's not been a great deal of awareness broadly among grassroots Americans about some of these shifts, but people are starting to wake up to it, and I hope my book is a part of that awakening, not just because I think conservative policies are good for the Republican parties, because I believe freedom, free market economics, commitment to limited government, and American leadership in the world is good for America.
To build on what Amory was talking about, though, we've seen recent primary elections and the people who are considered a bit more populist have been the winners of the Republican primary process. Those are the ones that have been backed by President Trump. He still has quite a bit of clout in getting those to Congress, to Washington, d C. He is, in many ways the Republican Party. Do you think that the Republican Party that you're talking about still exists?
Oh?
I do.
And don't leave out his influence in primaries in Louisiana and Kentucky and Indiana, some state senate races in Indiana. Look, the President enjoys tremendous support among Republican primary voters, and I think it derives from the fact that from the time he came down that Golden escalator here in New York City, he has been willing to fight the radical left. He did it during our years together he did it since battled through law fair won back the White House, and I think.
There's a great appreciation.
By Republican voters for his continued fight against the radical left. But what I wrote the book for was just to make sure that we don't conflate the loyalty to the president, as some on the populous right would have an embrace of a new agenda for the Republican Party. I think the Republican Party has to be a party committed to free market economics and limited government and all the ideals and principles. I'm particularly troubled at am maried with your
background on foreign affairs. Particularly, I'm particularly troubled about the stops and starts on American support for Ukraine.
It was the.
Populas right voices inside and outside the administration that actually argued against striking Around's nuclear facilities a year ago and even launching Operation Epic Fury, and even more troubling to me, voices on the populist writer questioning America's support for Israel, and with that rhetoric actually descending at times into the dark hallways of anti Semitism. Look, that's not who conservatives
are in this country. It's not what conservatives believe, and I try and call it out in the book.
Let's finish on one particular policy debate that I think will be a defining policy debate for the next decade perhaps, and that's Ai. I've sat here wondering at times, what is the conservative position? What will the conservative position be? I know what the left will do and how they respond. Tax we distribute, tax we distribute. What's the conservative position on that technology? What's it going to be? How evolved in the next ten years?
We'll sun well. I encourage you to read my book, John, because you'll see.
I'm just going to come.
I think there is a look.
A conservative view would be that technology is neutral.
It's neither good nor bad.
I greatly admire the former chairman of Intel, who's written
a wonderful book entitled ar Ai for Good. And I think it's imperative that as we move into this, that we trust the marketplace, but that also we ensure that that artificial intelligence work for us in the way that we want it to impact our economies, in our workplace, and most importantly for conservatives is that it respects the values, the universal values of the overwhelming majority of the American people who believe in and and and cherish freedom and
cherish the importance of family. You know, when you see troubling stories about the chat programs that actually assist teenagers in finding ways to take their own life, it's just tragic consequence. I think it's abstulutely imperative the conservative step forward and say, let's create the guardrails around AI so that consumers will have places to go for AI that really reflects our goals, our objectives, our values, and let the marketplace work.
Yeah, that's what I'm kind of getting at. I can trust the market rump Limpack. I think that's a great tradition of support for free markets and limited government in our audience. At least, can we trust the leadership of these companies?
Well, I think that's I think that's the real question today, and what we want to do is facilitate the emergence of alternatives within the market.
Look. I think the American people.
Have understandably have concerns about AI, but have given the opportunity to spend their dollars and spend their business resources on AI that works for us and respects those universal values. I trust the American people will choose well.
The one thing on AI to Jonathan's earlier point about what the left is going to do, Bernie Sanders says he wants to tax these companies fifty percent. Steve Bannon, which you know well from Trump's first term, one of his key architects of his rise and how Trump would speak, doesn't think Bernie Sanders goes far enough. Is that going to be the Republican position, whether you agree with it or not in twenty twenty eight.
Republicans don't raise taxes. Republicans cut taxes. And I would caution you against given anybody too much credit for Donald Trump's rise other than Donald Trump.
I meant this president.
From that's where the base is right now.
Well, you know, I honestly think that when you talk about the base, which is one of my least favorite terms in politics, we talk about our core voters. There's, as I said to Lisa, a great, great appreciation and affection for the president. It's totally understandable for the fight that he's waged against the radical left the last ten years.
But on the populous right, there are voices that want to take that loyalty and permanently change the direction of the republican party to a big government party that embraces protectionism. Isolationism marginalizes values, and to put a fine point on it, I don't think that's what conservatives believe.
When did you speak to each other?
You know, we spoke shortly after he won re election and we had a warm exchange.
John was what did you talk about? I just congratulated him.
Yeah, and I can tell he was moved by that, as was the first lady. Look I I uh uh uh. You know, President and I served together very closely. He wasn't just my president, he was my friend. Our administration didn't end the way I wanted it to, but I'll always believe, by God's grace, I did my duty that day. But you know, for me, it's I want this president
to succeed. I love this country, and I don't talk to the president as often as I used to, but I get the distinct impression that he still listens to me, and so I hope he gets a chance to.
I listened to you as well, and I promise you I'll read the book. It's coming next to the Thatcher biography on the bed site table. All right, good to see you, sir, Thank you the former vice president of the United States.
Mike Pence