This is Bloomberg Law with June Brusso from Bloomberg Radio.
Our nation's commitment to the rule of law sets an example for the world. We have one set of laws in this country, and the apply to everyone applying those laws, collecting facts. That's what determines the outcome of an investigation. Nothing more, nothing less.
Special counsel Jack Smith took only two and a half minutes to comment on the first federal criminal charges against a former president in US history. Smith let the indictment against former President Donald Trump speak for him. Trump is charged with thirty seven counts over his handling of classified information, including willful retention of national defense information, corruptly concealing documents,
conspiracy to obstruct justice, and making false statements. He declared his innocence in a video response on truth Social calling the investigation the Boxes hoax, just.
Like the Russia Russian Russia hoax and all of the others. It has been going on.
For seven years that they can't stop because its election interference at the highest level.
There's never been anything like what's happened.
I'm an innocent man, I'm an innocent person. A longtime Trump baide was also indicted on six charges. Joining me is Joshua Castenberg, a professor at the University of New Mexico Law School and a former prosecutor and judge in the US Air Forces. This is what's called a talking indictment, and the story it tells in words, texts, photographs, and transcribed conversations, is of Trump's relentless efforts to hide classified documents related to the national defense from federal prosecutors and
his own attorneys. What's your asessment of how the indictment presents the case?
So it brings a picture of clarity that the government's proof is pretty solid, particularly in regard to the recorded conversation he had where he admitted that the document he waived around the military attack plan was mark secret or top secret. He boasted about it basically to a non law enforcement official. This was a journalist or a writer who was going to write a book. And so my first thought is, well, the government has some pretty compelling evidence.
I can't imagine why it would be ruled inadmissible because it goes to the heart of the offense and there's no like suppression motion or law enforcement misconduct type motion involved here. It's a private citizen that made a recording with Trump's permissions.
How do you fight that kind of evidence as a defense attorney.
You know, for criminal defense attorneys, that type of evidence is usually what they might consider nightmare evidence that their client does because it shows wrongdoing and it shows knowledge of wrongdoing, and you know, absinute confession, you don't get better evidence than that. As a prosecutor in a case that doesn't involve DNA, you know, the defense is likely to argue something unique, like while he's the former president of the United States, he had the authority to do that.
They'll probably argue something known as mistake of law. And that's when someone acts because they believe they had the legal authority to do something when they didn't. And you know, there are all sorts of famous cases on mistake of law, including a Supreme Court case that involves someone who didn't pay their taxes. They made the argument that they had been advised by attorneys and the government that they didn't
need to pay their taxes. You know, his lawyers they're going to throw a lot of spaghetti against the wall and see what six this is what they should do. But right now I would say it's the mistake of law. Defense, where he makes the argument, I'm not a lawyer, I'm a business mana turned president of the United States. I rely on the advice of lawyers. This was the advice I got. I thought it was okay to do.
And does the indictment convey the seriousness and the danger to national security from his actions?
Well, absolutely. Look if you had a person who worked at Department of Defense, whether they were military or civilian, or CIA or National Security Agency, waving around a document the way he did with that boast, my thought is absent somebody who is not guilty by reason of mental defect, that that individual would likely go to jail for a long long time. Now, this isn't quite a case of spying, but let's remember Robert Hansen just died in prison for
spying for the Soviet Union. Jonathan Pollard spied for our ally Israel. He's spending life without parol. You know, in a jail he is take a step one step removed from that is someone who intentionally disregards the law and puts national security at rest. Usually those people go to jail in the decades.
These allegations are very very serious, but it's almost comical the way Trump had those boxes moved around mar A Lago, from the ballroom to a bathroom, to a storeage room in his office, and then on a plane to Bedminster, New Jersey. And there are pictures documenting it all, even when some of the documents spilled out of a box and were scattered on the floor.
It shows a certain degree of knowledge that you shouldn't have the documents if you do that, and also paranoia that you'll get caught. Now, there's a movie based on one of the John Grisham books where the lawyer tells his mafia client, I have documents on you that are at sea, and as long as nothing happens to me,
those documents will never be back at port. And I get the feeling that this is kind of the mentality that's gone on here, about shifting boxes from a bedroom to a bathroom to Bedminster, keeping them on the go constantly, never getting into port.
There's a lot of information in here that appears to be coming from Trump's lawyer, Evan Corkran, who's identified as lawyer number one. The Special Council has notes from Torcrene and a detailed voice memo from a key period in which he was recounting the team's private deliberations, and it's evidence that the prosecutor got because the judge pierced the
attorney client privilege due to the crime fraud exception. And I believe that some of Trump's lawyers have referenced that piercing of attorney client privilege in interviews.
Of all the issues out there, that's the one to pay attention to with the most focused at the beginning. So the crime fraud exception has been an exception created by the court and written into the roles of attorney ethics. That all fifty states have different ethics rules, but they basically all say the same thing, which is, there is an exception to the attorney client privilege when the attorney is part of an ongoing crime or a member of
a conspiracy, then the privilege does not exist. That The issue that percolates up in cases that involve the crime fraud exception is is that the government sometimes makes mistakes in assessing what the degree of culpability of the attorney is. In a mafia case, when an attorney allows his office or her office to be used expressly for the purpose
of illegal conduct, that's easy to prove. But when an attorney is simply giving a client advice on how to deal with charges against them or their criminal activity that the government doesn't yet know about. It gets somewhat dice these. Of all the issues, that's the one to pay attention, because if the criminal charges get dismissed, it'll be dismissed on that basis. If they don't get dismissed, it'll be an ongoing issue for appeal. I don't think it'll happen,
but I wouldn't rule out the possibility. And the reason why I don't think it'll happen is because I think this particular special Council was very cautious and how they approached this issue and every other issue that's been involved in both grand juries. Nonetheless, you never know what all the facts are at this point that we're talking about, so I leave the door open to it being a possibility.
Now, Trump's allies and Trump himself has floated this defense that he had already used his presidential powers to declassify documents. And you know, some of the things he said about declassifying documents seem ludicrous. But could that be part of his defense anyway?
Well, you know, I think because the uniqueness of this case. They could try to advance it as a defense, but to me, the biggest barrier to get that defense to even be considered by a jury. To paraphrase an old movie with Tom Cruise, show me the money, because if you're in a through that defense then produced a document that was filed in official channels that shows that you gave a blanket declassification. And you can't just do that with you the word of mouth, Hey I declassified this.
There has to be a process that was followed or a memorandum out there somewhere, and none of that has yet been produced.
What do you think about the Special Council's decision to bring this indictment before a Florida grand jury rather than a DC grand jury.
What the Special Council has done, in the best educated guess I can give, is that they determined that when the documents were transported to Florida that occurred when Donald Trump was still President of the United States, holding those documents in his possession after he left office is the centerpiece of the crime that's charged, and the only trial venue under the US Constitution that would be available would be the United States District courts in the state of
Florida and not in Washington, d C. So I think what the Special Council did by creating a second grand jury in Florida was to safeguard a criminal trial against unnecessary appellate issues that would otherwise arise.
Do you think it'll be harder for the Special Council to select a jury in Florida, a state that Trump won.
I don't really like to presuppose that you can't find a fair jury in a state simply because there's a popular person on trial. Let's remember that there were people on the jury of Paul Manifort that voted for Trump. That will be a lifelong Republicans who convicted Paul Manifort. Now, Manafort wasn't a popular person in the way of the president, but certainly the political pressures were out there to support Manifort.
I would hope that you find twelve jurors in an equal number of alternatives that truly will look at the evidence in a fair and impartial manner and follow the judge's instructions on the law. But it may be more difficult to get to those twelves. But that's what the war.
Your processes for federal Judge Eileen Cannon is going to be assigned the case. And she was the judge who was appointed as a Special Master to review the material seized last year, and she gave some odd, if not bizarre rulings and one was thrown out in entirety by the Eleventh Circuit. This seems like it's just bad luck for the Special Council. But could they somehow get her recused.
They could move to try to get her recused, but I'm not sure they'll do that because the law presumes that judges do not act in a political manner, whether you agree with their rulings or not. I know that the media and the general public has come to believe that that's not an accurate statement. And look, in some cases,
it's not an accurate statement. And part of that is the fault of the judges themselves, who engage in public, you know, and well known activities, giving speeches, buying closed doors, making accusations against others, and you know, having bizarre financial and friendly relationships. But simply because a judge had rulings that were overturned in the past, isn't a basis for recusal.
You'd have to find a tie between the judge and the defendant some kind of significant nature to even be able to convince the judge to recuse themselves, because under the law, judge has a duty to serve.
Is it a problem for the prosecutors if she remains on the case, because that Eleventh Circuit panel was really critical of her and said she overstepped her bounds in exercising jurisdiction.
It could be a problem for the prosecution. It certainly could be. I don't know enough about her for me to make a valuation judgment. What I'm going to assume happened if she had a defined view of the law when she made those rulings, and she issued her decisions based on her best efforts as to the defined view
of the law. You know, she was overturned rather quickly and critically by circuit judges, some of whom are known for being conservative, and they had at least appointments arising out of the Bush administration and even the Trump administration on that point. On the other hand, that decision, which was highly critical of her, might actually cause her to use more circumspection and openness in this particular case. I can't really give a comment beyond that at this point.
So now the timing of the trial. So everyone's wondering, could this happen before the presidential election.
Well, if it doesn't happen before the presidential election, and if the next president happens to be Donald Trump, who has followed in the tradition of Grover Cleveland with a second but non consecutive term, then there won't be a trial when he's sitting as president. So I'm not sure it'll happen at all. But the earliest that could occur then is sometime in twenty twenty nine. You know. Having said that, people asked all the time, can someone run
for president from jail? And the answer is yes. In point of fact, Eugene Deb's, a lay leader, did ran on the Socialist Party ticket in nineteen twenty when he was behind bars after being convicted of violations of the Espionage Act. The Constitution only has a standard based on age and the fact that you're born in the United States, which and regardless of whether Trump's indicted or in jail, the Constitution doesn't prevent him from running for office or serving an office.
Jack Smith mentioned a speedy trial. How fast do you think they could get to trial?
You know, if the defense council asked for a speedy trial, you could have a trial within a period of a month or so in theory. But typically, and I have no idea what Trump's defense council would be, but typically these kind of cases are dragged out for a while and there's not a lot the government can do about that.
How likely do you think it is that Jack Smith would offer Trump a.
Deal if we weren't talking about a former president in a case like this, it would be ripe for a deal to be made mishandling classified evidence. In my prior time as a trial judge, I can't recall a case that actually went the full litigation. I said as a judge on four cases that ended up being a deal
at the end of the day. So the unlikelihood of a deal actually going forward is that Donald Trump doesn't seem to be the kind of defendant who wants to concede that he committed a crime or have done any wrongdoing, even if there's no jail time involved. And given his public statements and the fact that he's running for president and has claimed I never did anything wrong, I think that it's really unlikely that the defense would enter into plean negotiations.
What about Trump's aid? Do you think they'll offer him a deal?
Oh? Yes, you know, the case is probably very strong on some of the charges, maybe not strong on all of those. But a case always becomes stronger when a co conspirator splits off from the conspiracy, leads guilty, and agrees to testify against the remains members.
So I think there will be And do you think we'll learn anything more when Trump goes to court on Tuesday?
Most importantly to me, we don't know what the status of the grand jury meeting in Washington, d C. Is with the January sixth type charges. And I think we'll get a better picture of the January sixth grand jury on Tuesday because I have this suspicion in my mind that the trial judge, when they start talking about scheduling, will ask the question, well, what about the grand jury in Washington, d C. And the prosecutors will probably feel compelled to answer and give some timeline to that.
Finally, you know, Jack Smith's statement in just about two and a half minutes hit on a lot of important points, one being that he said, we have one set of laws in this country and they apply to everyone. In other words, no one's above the law.
Yeah, you know, some members of the House and the Senate and other Republicans who are allied with Donald Trump has said this kind of thing doesn't go to trial. This is, you know, targeting the former president. But earlier this week, a retired Air Force lieutenant colonel went to US district court and was sentenced to three years for the mishandling of classified data data that he kept past his retirement in his possession. This was not a case that we know of where he was trying to sell
classified data to the Chinese. He just collected a lot of it and safeguarded it for whatever reason in his own possessions. And he's not allowed to do that under the law. And he ended up getting three years in jail for breaking that laws. So I think when I hear, you know, from Trump's allies, this is targeting the president. This hasn't happened before. Yes, it has to ordinary citizens.
And I think the most important point to take away from a retired Air Force lieutenant colonel is, here's a member of the United States government who fell under the command of a commander in chief at one point, who's going to jail for three years. And if you don't take Donald Trump to trial for this, you're excusing a senior commander in this case, the commander in chief, from criminal liability and prosecuting junior individuals who fell under his
command for an identical crime. And that plays into the narrative. I hear over and over again from my students and see from the general public that we have two kinds of criminal law in this country, one for the wealthy and powerful and one for everyone else.
That's such a compelling comparison. Thanks so much, josh That's Professor Joshua Castenberg of the University of New Mexico Law School. If it seems like Supreme Court arguments are going longer than usual, it's because they are. Eighty percent of Supreme Court arguments went over there a lot of time. This term. Gone are the days of Chief Justice William Renquist, who would cut off people mid syllable the very millisecond the argument was over. That's according to Haines and Boone partner
Daniel Geyser. Joining me is Bloomberg Law. Supreme Court reporter Kimberly Strawbridge Robinson, who's studied and written about this extended argument time. Some of these arguments seem to go on and on and on. What's the average time these days compared to what the allotted time is.
Well, you know, back in the day, particularly when Chief Justice Rinquist was in charge, but also the early years of Chief Justice John Roberts, you know, cases would average about sixty minutes. There were some that would go a
little bit longer they were scheduled to go over. Now though, you know, we have cases that are going over about thirty minutes on average, and that has led to over twenty eight hours of extra argument time on top of the sixty three that they've justice to the plans, a really significant amount of time that they're spending on these arguments.
Do they have little lights that remind them when their time is up?
Still, they do have lights that will tell the advocate you have, you know, five minutes left, you have one
minute left. But then the court has added on this extra round of questioning where each justice gets to ask, you know, any questions that they still have lingering, and that is not timed and that's where we see a lot of this extra time happening is after the advocate has sort of gotten there as thirty minutes or so, and then you know, you throw on an extra nine rounds of questioning can get pretty timely.
And you talk to a lawyer who said that Chief Justice Renquist would actually cut people off mid syllable.
That's right. I mean, when that red light went on, you were done. You could ask for some extra time if you wanted to finish your sentence, but three words maybe you would get out. Otherwise you were not being in the good graces of the justices. But that's really changed a lot.
Now.
Now you'll see advocates go on for sentences, which doesn't sound like a lot, but in the Supreme Court, in that court room, it is.
So explain why this change came about.
Well, it really is an effect of the pandemic. So when March twenty twenty year olled around, the court had some more arguments scheduled, but they canceled them and pretty quickly switched to hearing arguments over the phone. And it was pretty clear that just you know, having nine people free for all over the phone was not going to
be a workable way to conduct these arguments. And so it started going in order of seniority, starting with the Chief Justice, and then sort of going on through the associate justices, and when the court came back, I guess they found something that they liked about it, because they sort of tacked it on to what they had been
doing before. And so now the attorneys that I spoke to that it's sort of a hybrid system now where there's this you know, free for all, any justice can jump in, and then there's this extra question and you know, that's what's been leading to these really long arguments.
And it was a pandemic that led to that moment where Justice Clarence Thomas spoke. All of a sudden, it seemed like everyone stopped to listen, right, And you.
Know, again I spoke with some advocates who said, it's not trivial to hear from Justice Thomas. He has been on the course the longest of any justice currently serving, and he asked a lot of really intelligent and probing questions. And what we saw during the pandemic, and what we continued to see is that now he's participating in a lot of the questions that the other justices asked are
building off of questions from Justice Thomas. So you know, adding in an additional justice proved to be beneficial for the advocates and I guess for the justice themselves.
So do the advocates like it? I mean, it's more time for the justices to ask far ranging questions. Do they like that or is it just exhausting?
Nearly unanimously, all of the advocates that I've spoken to really really like the extra time. They say that the whole point of oral arguments is to answer the questions from the justices, So being able to have more time to answer their question is helpful and also is led to less interruptions. You know, the justices don't feel like they have to interrupt advocates have to cut them off in their answer to that other justices or they run
out of time. Now they can sort of wait. If time runs out, they can always ask the question in their follow up. So from the advocates point of view, it's led to a more substance of conversation. But really how that plays out is sort of yet to be seen in the opinions themselves.
And some advocates told you they believe it's led to more concurring and dissenting opinions.
Yeah, just that the idea that you know, now a justice can really probe an issue even if no other justice seems really interested in it. You know, if you have an idiosyncratic view of the of the law or the issues of the fact, you can ask them. And being able to flush that in the arguments has presumably led to more of the concurring opinions where you know, a justice can rank for themselves or one other justice on a pretty small issue.
The arguments are about the justices asking questions, but while they're asking questions, they're presenting their opinions and you know, perhaps trying to persuade other justices.
Right, So listeners may not know, but the oral arguments are the first opportunities that the justices get to talk about the case since they granted it and they've read all the briefs. This is they're you know, the first time to interact and really see the way that their
colleagues are thinking about it. So we see a lot of times, you know, other justices are not really just asking the advocated question, but they're sort of testing out the waters, you know, of the other justices to see is this is this something that you're thinking about too? And you know, Justice Bryer was in particular a person who would ask a question and then sort of lean forward on the bench and look around to see if
it was well received by his other justices. But the other members of the court do that as well to some extent.
You talked about this in your in your column, But I already knew who was the longest talker, because it's pretty obvious that it's Justice Katanji Brown Jackson. But by how much?
By a lot? And so you know, Adam Feldman over at Empirical Gotus really broke down the numbers and said that Justice Jackson spoke hundreds of wards more than the next closest justice. And that's really unique, not just because you know she's a justice who's speaking a lot, but because she's a junior justice, and typically we just don't see that. We see and junior justice sort of step back and kind of get a lay of the land before they feel more comfortable talking. But that has not
been herm at all. She's she's very vocal in oral arguments.
And I think we spoke about this when she first came on the bench that she started asking questions at the very end which the Chief didn't approve of a right.
I mean, the justices is sort of tinkered with or arguments here and there, you know, over the last decade or so. And one of the sort of informal rules that they seem to have said is that they're not going to ask advocates questions during rebuttal time. So that's after the other side has gotten up and the petitioner gets to sort of give us the maation of the case a very brief time. And you know, we noticed
that the justices weren't asking questions. But early on, you know, Justice Jackson did start asking questions and I was in the courtroom and you could really see all the other justices kind of taken aback, and you know, who knows what happened after that, But we did not get any more questions during rebuttal.
And did Adam Feldman find that the liberal justices in general talked more than the conservatives?
Yes, And so you know, Justice sonya such who we are, and Alega Kagan, the three liberal justices were in the second and third spots. So you know, it's an interesting data point. It's hard to see with the casees that are remaining that that's going to wind up with there being more liberal results. But again, it could be that we see them writing concurring and dissenting opinions that you know, are really detailed and really examine a lot of different areas to law.
I like it when we hear about, you know, the personal lives of the advocates and how this affects them. Tell us what happened with these those two big affirmative action cases that seem to go on forever. Tell us about that, and what happened with the solicitor general.
Right, So the Solicitor General, Elizabeth free Lagger, she's pretty young. She has young kids who you know, are still in school, and these are big arguments. It was one of her first representing the federal government as the US Solicitor General, and so her husband and their mother came to watch the argument. But the arguments that day went on very long. They were already scheduled to go over, but you know, they didn't end until three, which is about three hours
later than then arguments typically do. And they sort of had to scramble to figure out, well, it's going to go pick up the kids. So every everyone's just like just.
Like us, dud uh huh, so except mine is so big. Now, I mean, I'll be picking kids soon. Okay, so you know, the justices have read the briefs, they know the law. Do the people you talk to think that arguments really can change their minds?
I think it really depends on the issue, and it depends a lot on sort of the facts of the case. You know, there there are going to be some issues that justices have thought about so much. I'm thinking about the affirmative action cases. It's hard for me to think that the justices learned anything in that argument or hurt anything in the argument that's gonna, you know, cause them to vote to a whole's affirmative action programs when they would have voted the other way. But you know, on
the margins, it can make a difference, sort of. I talked to one advocate who talked about sort of a soft landing. If you can see that you're not really making a winning argument to the justices, they're not really receiving it, you can do something to kind of temper the kind of loss that you might have. So there
can be these sort of impacts on the margin. But on the whole, you know, most of these justices have got a lot about the really consequential issues, a lot and probably not to sway their bottom line.
It's a terrific story. Kimberly, thanks so much for joining me. That's Bloomberg Law Supreme Court Reporter Kimberly Strawbridge Robinson and that's it for this edition of the Bloomberg Law Show. Remember you can always get the latest legal news by subscribing to the Bloomberg Law Podcast or downloading this show at Bloomberg dot com. Slash podcast, Slash Law and attorneys get the latest in AI powered legal analytics, business insights
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