It Could Happen Here Weekly 149 - podcast episode cover

It Could Happen Here Weekly 149

Sep 28, 20243 hr 49 min
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Episode description

All of this week's episodes of It Could Happen Here put together in one large file. Sources can be found in the descriptions of each individual episode.

  1. How Bread Bloc Feeds Unhoused People In San Diego

  2. Anarchism In Brazil, Pt. 1 feat. Andrew
  3. Anarchism In Brazil, Pt. 2 feat. Andrew
  4. Gig Economy Terror: What Israel's Pager Bomb Attack Means for You
  5. Wild Faith: A Conversation with Talia Lavin

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Transcript

Speaker 1

Also media.

Speaker 2

Hey everybody, Robert Evans here and I wanted to let you know this is a compilation episode. So every episode of the week that just happened is here in one convenient and with somewhat less ads package for you to listen to in a long stretch if you want. If you've been listening to the episodes every day this week, there's going to be nothing new here for you, but you can make your own decisions.

Speaker 3

Hello, and welcome through. You can happen here. It's James today and I'm joined by Luca and Sailor. They're both from Breadblock, which is a mutual aid group in San Diego. How are you doing today?

Speaker 4

We're doing great, great.

Speaker 1

How are you wonderful?

Speaker 3

Yeah, I'm thriving. I've just received my seventy fifth COVID booster I think, I think so having a little miserable day, but that's okay, not going to get novel coronavirus, which is always nice. So can you guys start out by maybe explaining, well, what Breadblock does, how long it's done it, and why it does it.

Speaker 5

Yeah, So we are a mutual a group. We mostly provide hot food. That's like the core of our services. We feed about one hundred people like like eighty to one hundred people depending on the day weekly in East Village in San Diego. We also provide clothing and harm reduction supplies and other things like tampons and plan b when we can get our hands on it, and we try to be we are there like at the same

time every day. I will not say the exact location, but if you are interested in getting involved, you can always reach out And that's like what we're doing right now, and that happens weekly and sale am I missing anything?

Speaker 6

Yeah, So this form of what we're doing with bread Block in a more organized way has We've only been doing it a few months. However, Initially we started doing it in twenty twenty one when I started getting into harm reduction stuff and I was working at a strange exchange and realized a lot of people would be asking for food and we weren't getting that out there, and

so that's why the initial idea came about. And then we just had enough people who were willing to do it in a weekly manner, so that's how we chose that location.

Speaker 4

And started doing that.

Speaker 6

There's just a lot of people down there on those nights, so.

Speaker 5

It's time to happen at the same time that a harm reduction services happen the needle exchange, So it's at a time when a lot of people are down there and the amount of time are like collective doing this specific thing as exist is I believe since end of March early April is how long we've been like consistently providing services every week.

Speaker 3

Yeah, that's great. That's a long time. So especially through like some it could be a difficult time. If you don't have a house in San Diego, it gets increasingly it gets very hot, and the streets themselves get hot, and that becomes dangerous for people.

Speaker 4

Yeah, exactly.

Speaker 3

So I want to start with like, at some point, right, say that you were doing a syringe exchange and you are like, these people need to be fed. They are hungry, and now we're here and you're feeding them every week, right, But you had to do a whole lot of things in between here and there. And like I know this because listeners email me all the time. So many people want to do that too, and it might not exist

where they are. They might not know, So, like, can you explain how you went about like seeing a need and then organizing to meet that need.

Speaker 6

Yeah, So I guess what came before that was we had already built relationships with each other around our leftist ideals and art and protesting and different stuff. So we already knew a lot of people who were who were interested in mutual aid and that capacity. Yeah, but I will say things like Instagram have helped just meet more people who are looking to get involved in mutual aid.

Speaker 3

Yeah.

Speaker 1

Yeah.

Speaker 5

Like Selah said, we had like had spent some time building community with each other and getting a core group of people that trust each other, that had gone to protests together, that were maybe in like affinity groups already with each other, and then there was just sort of like enough of us that were in community with each other at the time that when Sala was like the Encampment band is like really making things so much worse for people in communities and we really need to do something,

we were like, all just like it just happened because we were all sitting in a room together one night after a like social event, and Sala was like, we need to talk about this, and we were like, okay, yeah, we like need to do this, and we had enough people where we could pull together a first distro and then a second and then gradually adding like more organizations so that we could continue doing it sustainably over time.

Speaker 3

Yeah. Yeah, that's like I want to be opinion the camping band, because the Camping Band is making things worse for people who are already having a hard time just surviving here, and it fucking sucks, and it's tod glorious fault. You shouldn't vote.

Speaker 4

Yep.

Speaker 3

Let's talk about though, Like I want to get into nuts and bolts, right, feeding one hundred people, Right, you need a giant ass pan, you need loads of food, you need a place where you can cook. How did you identify all those things and how did you get to a place where you could regularly have those things?

Speaker 6

So in twenty twenty one, when I had initially started this with kind of a different group of people, but there were definitely over us, we just did it and like used my mom's kitchen and bound some big pots and just made it happen. And I feel like, if you have the will to make it happen, you're going to figure it out. And you know, maybe in the beginning it was a lot more chaotic, which you know, we are anarchists, so we're okay with the chaos. But it just after doing it a week after week, it

just became more streamlined. And you know, we just buy a lot of essential bulk food and we have a few giant popsy We like to make.

Speaker 4

Soup a lot.

Speaker 1

Yeah.

Speaker 5

Currently, our kitchen is like like, our cooking equipment includes two large pots and a rice cooker that someone recently donated to us. And then we needed a fridge, so we got a free fridge off offer up and cleaned it up and put some cool stickers on it and then plugged it into a garage. Currently, the kitchen that we use is like a couple of us just like live together, and so we use our kitchen and we have access to our garage and we just stored the

supplies in the garage. We stored the fridge in the garage, and we make it work through donations we get on Instagram. So we knew some comrades that work with the community fridges. There's like some community fridges in San Diego, and so they already had a relationship with a grocery store and so we were able to hop in on that and we get some donations from that, we get some donations from what's sale the group.

Speaker 7

Oh fortunate or fortunate.

Speaker 6

Yeah, And there's so much food waste that I feel like if we were to find the right people, we could be fully self supporting on just things that would be thrown away alone.

Speaker 3

Yeah, definitely.

Speaker 4

Yeah, we just have to meet the right people in order to do that. But we're getting there.

Speaker 6

Yeah, And I do want to say the kitchen is a small slash regular sized kitchen, so you don't have to have some big, crazy warehouse type kitchen to.

Speaker 4

Make this happen.

Speaker 3

Yeah. And then you're feeding people right like you're doing it like in the afternoon and evening. Have you found there were things that you said you like soup? But I know, like we fed a lot of people at the border last winter, right, and we found out that certain things work, certain things didn't work, and we always tried to keep it vegan because of people's religious needs preferences. Right, Is there anything like that that you found the works or doesn't work.

Speaker 6

We have done a lot of chili with our squad, and I know that Luca has done a lot of curry. So there are certain things and they can both be easily made vegan. Yeah, initially a lot of people when we would have vegan stuff would ask for me alternatives, to which I understand people, you know, they don't always have access to protein, so we tried out both options when we can nice.

Speaker 5

Yeah, it varies what we have because our group kind of functions with for like autonomous squads, like well semi autonomous that take turns doing the distross so that you're only really responsible for it once a month, which helps reduce burnout.

Speaker 3

Yeah, definitely, How does that work? Explain how you came up with that and how it's organized.

Speaker 5

Yeah, so this was kind of like something we've been talking about for a while. Some of us are like more into the theory than others, but we're just kind of talking about, like, oh, well, like how do we

get more people involved? Because I think what happens oftentimes with these mutual aid groups is there's like a lot of people sitting in a group chat and there's like a small core of people who do end up doing the majority of the labor, and that often results in burnout for those people and building a resentment between like the people who are doing a lot and the other people.

Because I think also like sometimes people feel left out and they don't feel like they can get involved, and then they feel like the people who are doing the core of the labor are like in charge and they have to defer to them, which creates a lot of problems, which I'm not saying like we don't have any of those problems, like we're still trying to work out the kinks. But the squads sort of like dynamic makes it so

that groups of about like five to ten. Because of distro, you need about like six people to make it happen, so about five to ten people take turns, so you just rotate, so you have you know when your day is. It's once a month that you are responsible for the distro and you are responsible for choosing the food that you're cooking, making sure it gets cooked, organizing with your other comrades, getting the donations, all of that stuff. But you can always ask the larger group for help or

extra hands if you need it. But it sort of shares that like responsibility, because I think the most stressful part oftentimes is like, oh, the distro happening tonight is on me and I and if I don't do it, it's not going to happen. Yeah, and so it sort of spreads like that sort of labor. But we have members who like show up to every single distro because they want to, and that's totally fine, even if they're in like whatever designated squad they're in, right.

Speaker 6

Yeah, for some people who show up like once every few months because they have other stuff going on, you know.

Speaker 4

So it's very open and you.

Speaker 6

Don't have to be in a squad and you could just to join whenever you have the time, with whoever's week it is. So it's pretty yeah, I would, but it does give a good sense of structure.

Speaker 3

Yeah, that helps a lot. I remember one day last year, last winter, and I was out building shelters with an Uzbek guy and a few Kurdish guys and we built these shelters and we built three of them, And afterwards, I was sitting down with some of my friends who are also there as volunteers, and they're all anarchists too. We each asked each other what we did, and then one of them said, so what do we all learn? What did you learn when you did that today?

Speaker 4

Right?

Speaker 3

And I think that's a really valuable question that we should be asking ourselves in our organizing spaces. So like from your first distrow to now, I want to ask what did you learn?

Speaker 6

I would say, We've really learned how to trust each other. We're working on, you know, how to get consensus models, how to split the labor between different people, how to work with different people, and also yeah, like I said in the beginning, how to really how to trust each other, which you know, we all want to see the revolution happen at some point, and so I feel like one of the most important and valuable things we can be doing is building relationships and communities with each other where

we can actually rely on each other. And so having a mutual task really helps with that.

Speaker 8

Yeah.

Speaker 5

Yeah, And I think for me, like we've like tried to do stuff in the past like this, and I think the issue we've always run into was that, like sometimes there's like a tendency to want too much structure right away and be like, oh, if we don't have everything planned down, we don't know how everything's going to work, then we can't do it, and we need to figure everything out beforehand. And we learned a lot like doing it, and even like we didn't have everything figured out, like

we're still working on like our consensus structure. We're still working on like how we're going to make like big decisions as a group, and like when the squads can make their own decisions and when the group can make their own decisions, and like we don't have everything figured out, Like it's very like loose, but we didn't need that, and we've been able to do a distro for like

months and we don't have everything figured out. We have something, we had enough to get us started, and we're like working on like slowly adding things as we need to without like overburdening ourselves because I think sometimes like lots of layers and lots of complexities can really make it difficult to organize and adapt to what's happening on the ground.

Speaker 3

Definitely, I think, yeah, we can overcomplicate it and like be too anxious. Talking of anxious, I am anxious. So we have yet to pivot to advertisements. So let's do that and then we'll come back and we're back. Okay. So you spoke about like a lot about the logistics of cooking, which is great, but I know from experience of feeding hungry people can be a challenge, right, And it's no one's fault, especially when people are hungry, like

we're not at ourselves. It's a whole advertising campaign built around that. So how do you organize your distroyage that should everybody feels that they're being taken care of. Everybody feels safe and knows that they're going to get enough to eat.

Speaker 4

Yeah.

Speaker 6

Well, that also goes back to something more we've learned is we try to have enough people at the distro so we can have different people doing different things, and sometimes that means one person is just walking around talking to people, de escalating a situation if needs be.

Speaker 4

And then we also figured out that at the end when we run out of food in order, but people who have.

Speaker 6

Been waiting in line don't get mad, which is understandable. You know, they've been waiting in line and there's no more food than they're hungry. Yeah, of course, we try to have like different snacks and like muffins or crinola bards and water just to hand out at the end for those people who still need something. And so sometimes we have music and we all just try to bring a good energy and so far nothing that we haven't been able to handle happens.

Speaker 3

Yeah, yeah, that makes sense.

Speaker 4

I know.

Speaker 3

We found that music was really helpful when we were distributing food when really big groups at the border like play some music or have a friend who plays music, play some music, and then we'd always ask folks from the group who we were feeding to volunteer to help us in that it helped us so become language barriers and stuff.

Speaker 6

That's happened a couple of times as well where people have just stepped up and wanted to help, which has been great.

Speaker 3

Yeah, it's nice and it gives us all. Like part of what we're doing with Mutual Aid isn't just meeting material needs. It's also like the difference between solidarity and charity, right, Like we're there too because we care about you as people, not just as like hunger mouths that we can take off a spreadsheet and working together is an integral part of that and it's what distinguishes us from charity model.

Speaker 6

And thankfully most of the time we have enough people if somebody needs to step aside and have a one on one conversation with somebody because that's what they need in that moment, and we can do that.

Speaker 5

Yeah, having floaters is really important, Like we always have like two people at least two people serving food, and then we have like a snack table, water table usually, and then we have a section for harm reduction that usually gets served on like another table, and then we have like a section for clothes depending on what we have, and people sort of like go down the assembly line kind of like going down grabbing the different things, and we give people like plastic bags that we get from

grocery stores so they can get their things. But we also have like floaters usually so that like if someone's like having like a medical issue or someone's like upset or whatever is going on, someone can like step aside and spend some time with them. Like the other day, we had a woman who was not feeling well because of the heat, and she had been out and she needed to sit down. So we like grabbed one of our chairs and we sat her down and got her

some water and just like talk to her. And we had a couple of people who could step aside and do that, and then everyone else just could keep like feeding people without it kind of stopping things. But she still got what she needed.

Speaker 6

And during that heat waves at one of the distros, I remember you ran across and thought somebody gatoring because they really were needed electrolytes. So we're lucky that we have enough people that we get to be able.

Speaker 3

To do stuff like that when we need to, right, And I imagine that regularity is really important, Like people know that you will be there and that they can come and you will feed them. Like that builds trust, right Like, and everyone I think benefits from middle structure and being unhealthed. It could be really fucking hard to find structure.

Speaker 6

Yes, exactly, And it's very hard to get like home cooked food.

Speaker 3

Yeah, this is something I've encountered living in my cart, Like it's hard to get healthy food. The food you buy is shit. It's more expensive and it's less good for you. And like these things compound over time to have health and psychological consequences.

Speaker 4

Yeah, everything we cook we eat as well.

Speaker 6

And you know, if we're cooking or we're helping out with sister, of course it's.

Speaker 4

Not the mutual and mutual aid, we can also eat it.

Speaker 8

Yeah.

Speaker 3

Yeah, that's definitely something else we learned at the border was that, like, especially if we're cooking something that's maybe not a cultural cuisine, because we're meeting people from all over the world a lot of times it's like like you were saying, chili and carriage. It's like hot wet food, right, like you know, the big semi liquid pan of chili or whatever that we would cook and spaghetti and like folks being like what's that, We're like, oh, do I'm going to eat some? Do you want some?

Speaker 1

Yeah?

Speaker 3

And like, I honestly had some of the happiest moments of last year. Just like I remember one day, I've been building yurts all day with that I was that guy and then we sat down and had our beans and just like talked about our lives and it was really sweet.

Speaker 8

Yeah.

Speaker 3

I think that that is a moment of solidarity that you don't get when you're you know, I've seen NGOs in the US military tossing MRIs or refugees, and I ain't the same thing.

Speaker 4

Yeah.

Speaker 5

Yeah, Now there shouldn't be like a line between like you and the people that you're providing mutual aid to. I mean, like it should you should never give someone food that you're not willing to eat yourself. And like if someone's hungry while we're cooking, like they can totally eat the food that we're making too. It's not like cordoned off. Yeah, like, of course, we like you know, we wear our ppe and we like you know, aren't

getting our hands or whatever. But yeah, I mean because a lot of the people who are like, who do provide mutual aid and work in mutual aid groups like, are also people who may face houselessness or have trouble paying for groceries or something.

Speaker 3

Yeah, yeah, for sure.

Speaker 6

Yeah, there's no separation you know, between us and them at the end of the day.

Speaker 3

Yeah, I think that's super important. So I want to talk about the camping Maybe let's take another rab break. We'll talk about the camping ban when we come back.

Speaker 9

We are back.

Speaker 3

We are now discussing the topic which I love to talk about, which is evil things that Todd Gloria has done. And today it could be the whole podcast every day of the week for years. But we're going to talk about this camping ban. For folks who didn't listen to our camping ban episode, can you give me like a sixty second synopsis on the camping ban and then we can dive into what it's done.

Speaker 4

Yeah.

Speaker 6

So, basically, earlier this year, the Supreme Court overturned of basically an ordinance that you don't have the ability to cite or arrest somebody if there's not shelter available, but they overturn that so now they can. And Gavin Newsom issue the Sleeping Order that the agencies have to clear encampment and ordered that cities and counties do the same. So now there's fourteen plus the cities in California that do have a camping band in place. So that's criminalizing living outside.

Speaker 3

The existence of unhouse people is now a crime. Yeah, so what have you seen post enforcement?

Speaker 4

Yeah?

Speaker 6

So I also like work in the field of harm reduction, So you know, I do this in my free time because I want to do it, but I also do it for work, which there's definitely sometimes I feel weird about, like working for an organization and wish that I didn't have to.

Speaker 4

But it's just one of those things.

Speaker 6

And I've seen it's really hard and really sad because when people are in encampment a lot of times they build a sort of community and family and they learn how to take care of each other, and constantly being split up is destroying.

Speaker 4

These communities, and then they just have to.

Speaker 6

Travel further and further away so that they're disconnected from not only their community, but also real versus that they do have. And so it's just really hard, and sometimes we lose connections with people.

Speaker 4

We don't know where they went, you know, where they.

Speaker 6

End up in jail or it's been really horrible, And we're just talking about how it just seems like people don't really care and it's crazy that this is happening in our communities and people.

Speaker 4

Aren't talking about it and aren't outraged by it.

Speaker 3

Yeah.

Speaker 5

Yeah, these bands also have like a really nasty ripple effect because when these people got pushed out of San Diego, then they go to other cities that don't have an encampment band like Cheu La Vista National City and now Cheula Vista National City and other cities are advancing their own camping bands and citing an influx from San Diego. Right, So it's like creating this really awful, like just progressive expansion of these bands.

Speaker 4

Yeah.

Speaker 6

And one one more thing I'll add is that some people are like, oh, well, that's just going to you know, be good, because these people are going to get into shelters, find alternative ways of getting help. But that's not what's happening because we have not had any more shelters. It's really hard to get into a shelter actually, And you know, since musselm has been governor, we've had apparently so many billions of dollars twenty four billions spent tackling homelessness, and

it's like, what is there to show for it? Right, people still don't have a place to go, and even if they do get into a shelter, a lot of times there's so many rules and regulations that if somebody has a high level of mental health needs and they're not going to be able to stay there and there's just no solutions.

Speaker 3

Yeah, it's giving the appearance of doing something to make homeowners right, people who they think matter happy. It's really bleak. Yeah, let's discuss a little bit then, like this camping band, as you say, it's supposed people to other cities, Like what do you think it does to the unhoused community? Like you talked a little bit about breaking up encampments, Like where do people end up? Right when their campments get broken up in the community, and like where do

they end up? And how can people because this is this is nationwide right, Yeah, Gavin Newson is being a particularly odious turd about it, but like other people are the states doing it too. It's something of Unie San Diego for instance, people ending up in a riverbed. So can you talk about like the risks there and then like, yeah, the needs that it creates and how we can meet them.

Speaker 4

So you're right, some of them are ending up in river beds.

Speaker 6

There's also like what they refer to as the Island kind of close to Old Town where a lot of people have been going. But you know, you have to get a rash to go there, and it's not easy to get there. They don't have a lot of resources there.

Speaker 4

There's a lot of.

Speaker 6

Crime that happens, and it's not the best scenario. And other than that, for making these safe sleeping sites which are not actually safe and they're kind of like concentration camps and they're from people I've talked to actually live in them. They're not good places to.

Speaker 4

Be at, yeah at all.

Speaker 6

And it's just kind of like pushing the problem out of you without actually doing anything or providing anything meaningful to people.

Speaker 3

Yeah, which is the goal. I think it is to make property invisible.

Speaker 4

Yeah, yeah, exactly.

Speaker 5

And the other thing that happens is like I live in an area where there are a lot of encampments, and there probably would be permanent encampments if it weren't for the band, And personally I would prefer that, because like what happens is these people get like moved like there, their encamment will like crop up, It'll be there for like maybe a week, and then like it'll disappear, and like I'll wake up one morning and they're gone, and

all of their stuff often gets thrown away. They lose access to their things if they're not there to take it. They basically can take only what they can carry on their backs. If they're lucky. If they happen to be there when their stuff is being thrown away, they're they're sighted, they could be arrested. And then usually I see sometimes the same people come back, but they just had to

like go find somewhere else. So they're basically being forced to be like migratory rather than like staying in one place, which means that it often It also makes like the people who live in neighborhoods, like because I can't form relationships with these people as much as I could before, Like I can't know my neighbors as much because my neighbors are constantly getting moved around, So like I'll like former relationship with someone and I'll be like, you know,

like I'll be like their beer guy, and I'll like, you know, like there's people that I'll know that I'll like, go buy a beer for, go get water for if I see them and I know their name and that.

But then when with the encamp ban, they might just disappear one day and I don't know if they got arrested, I don't know if they've just been displaced, and that's like not great for me, not great for them, not great for literally anyone around, because it's like people are safer if they're able to have like a stable place to be, Like, everyone is safer.

Speaker 3

Yeah, if ours stated goal is getting people off the streets, like chasing them around the streets, isn't doing that making it harder for people to find stability?

Speaker 6

Yeah, And you know, I've talked to people also about the reason sometimes they don't like the term homeless is because they're like, yes, we may not have a house, but we make our homes, we make a community, we make a home, and losing that sense of security, any little bit of security they have constantly having to move, not ever feeling comfortable or safe.

Speaker 3

You know, that's traumatizing, Taking a bad situation and making it worse, just what the state likes to do. I wonder like, before we finish up, a lot of people, like I said, want to start a mutual aid thing. Do you have any advice for them? Things that you would do if you were starting over, things that you feel like you did well. If you wanted to start bread bluck, now, how would you go about it?

Speaker 6

Start a group chat, maybe make an Instagram where you can post about it and find people who are also in dressed than that.

Speaker 4

Go to a local event? What else?

Speaker 5

Luka having like a place where people can like congregate with each other, like having a regular like community event to meet people and get to know each other and

trust each other. I really wish that we had started like sooner, because I think we had the capacity to start sooner, like way beforehand, and I think it was like the incamment ban and like sayalah, being like we need to do this like happening it like it just takes like one person being excited enough about something and then like their comrades being like yeah, no, you're right, like we do need to do something, and I think people are really afraid to be that person to like

push for something, to try to like wake other people up or like convince other people that you have to capacity to because I think the state can be really disempowering and they make you think that you need like a budget and you need like all of these things to like be able to provide people like aid or or like like mutually to provide people anything.

Speaker 1

And like we did it with like literally.

Speaker 5

Just like a couple of our members just like gave some money that we had and that we had, like you know, like we had like a couple hundred dollars that we got from people, and then that was enough to start and like you could literally start with like fifty bucks and figure it out.

Speaker 4

Yeah, we did not come from a place.

Speaker 6

Of any of us having a lot of money, so we've basically just had to figure it out.

Speaker 4

And anybody can figure it out, you know.

Speaker 6

I feel like our culture is so individualized, but we do have the capacity to come together and yeah, just take somebody being like all right, let's do this, and you'll you'll meet enough people who are also interested in that. Because people do want community at the end of the day, and people do want to help people.

Speaker 3

Yeah. Is there anything else you guys want to mention before we go?

Speaker 6

Yeah, The only last thing I wanted to mention is that we do have a lot of future goals of expanding and doing more street medicine as well.

Speaker 4

And expanding to different areas. We're also having.

Speaker 6

Mobile teams where we can go out and leave people who aren't in one location or who maybe have certain divisibilities and can't walk and get there. So we have a lot of ideas for that, and that just takes meeting more people who are into this and getting more funds and yeah.

Speaker 4

Yeah, so hopefully that's something we can do.

Speaker 5

And I just wanted to briefly mention one of our members did some really great research on the way the Hillcrest Business Association is using the Encampment band to further harm and using they're actually using like private security to push people out so people can enjoy their night life without having to deal with an objectionable minority that wants to live however it pleases for fuck's sake, the quote from mister Ben Nicholas of the Hillcrist Business Association, So

they have a initiative called Hillcrest Clean and Safe Program where they displace people from Hillcrest for the benefit of the businesses. And they have like if you go on a Voice of San Diego you can hear some like just the way they talk about these people is really insane and really dehumanizing, and it kind of notes how businesses, how like capitalism in the state, are working together hand

in hand to displace our community members. So the business associations and the businesses themselves are being empowered by these encampment bands to further repetuate violence on peoples.

Speaker 6

Yet, yeah, and on that topic, the way that people actually are a dressing it here is making it so much worse. Like San Diego has a hot team which is part of the police department.

Speaker 4

It's called the Homeless Outreach Team.

Speaker 6

And they're supposedly supposed to help get people into shelters and stuff like that. But anybody I've talked to who have tried to reach out for them and ask, you know, okay, if you're going to move me, like I need to.

Speaker 4

Get into a shelter.

Speaker 6

One of them who I was talking to about this was in the seventies and very medically vulnerable, and instead of helping them find somewhere to go, they just put his car which she was sleeping in because it was unregistered, and so they're not actually helping at all.

Speaker 3

It's just a cop.

Speaker 6

And that's why, you know, just us regular people have to do something because the state's not going to.

Speaker 3

Yeah, yeah, I think that's a great thing. That's the fucking doc about the Hill Grest Business Association for people who aren'tailiar with San Diego. San Diego is like LGBTQA. A neighborhood is called Hillcrest. One in three of our trandth youth are run housed and like, I guess they don't matter to the Hill Grest Business Association. Not surprising, but just fucked up. Where can people if they want to support you, they want to follow you, if they

want to come out and do food distro? Where can they find you on the internet?

Speaker 5

Yeah, they can find us on Instagram. Our Instagram is bread Block Underscore Distro. If you want to provide like direct funds, bread Underscore Block is our Venmo.

Speaker 4

Lots with the feed not o k b l oc Oh.

Speaker 1

Yeah, yeah, b l oc like block.

Speaker 4

We are.

Speaker 5

Yeah, And I also wanted to mention a couple of comrades of ours are facing houselessness themselves, and there's a mutual aid post on our Instagram and you can also find them at ruster dot music that's our U s T e R Music or their venmo is also in a post on our page. They could really use some help because they are really big individuals who like show up all the time and help us cook and our a big part of our group, and you know also could use some mutual.

Speaker 3

Aid, yeah, people to help them. Thank you so much for your time, guys. Thank you for doing all that important work and thank you for sharing it with us. If people have questions, they can reach out to you, right, yes.

Speaker 4

Yes, of course, thank you so much for having them.

Speaker 1

Yeah, thank you so much. It's much appreciated.

Speaker 8

Welcome to katap and here I'm Andrew Siege, a FUTUREE channel Andrewism.

Speaker 7

I'm joined by Garrison Davis.

Speaker 8

Hello there, once again, hello, and today I regret to inform you that you must come to Brazil.

Speaker 10

I've heard mixed things about about Brazil currently, but I'm not I'm not I'm not against the idea. I have considered it before.

Speaker 8

Yes, well we're not going to the Brazil of present times will actually be time traveling, continuing the somewhat informal series I've been doing on Latin American anarchism. We'll be dipping our tours into the sand and the sea, the farmlands and jungles, the mountains and deserts, the cities and villages that make up the land, and crowned of the potential liberty of the people forcil, particularly the struggles for anarchism that they would have had in the late nineteenth

and early twentieth century. All this is of course down to the scholarship of people like Edgar Rodriguez, Jesse Cone, Philippe Correa, Rafael Vianna, the Silva Quan, William Dos Santos, Edline Toledo and Luigi Biondi and without further ado, let's get into it. So, the Portuguese landed in the region they will become known as Brazil in fifteen hundred. Prior to their colonization, the land was home to ethnic groups linked to four main language groups, the Irawak, the Tupi, Guarani,

the Je and the Kalinago. Some of the specific ethnic groups included the Portiguara, Trema, Membe, Tavajara, Kayete, and so on. After Pedro Alvarez Cabra landed, the following centuries were marked by colonization and slavement. His lands were dispossessed and cleared. Plantations were established, roads were laid, bridges were built, and so on, all by the auctioned and purchased efforts of

whipped and exploited human muscle the president. Slaved Africans in the society would sometimes flee into the jungles and form qui lumbos or fugitive slave settlements, including the famous Palmarrius, which survived for almost a century with the population of

between eleven and twenty thousand. After Brazil gains independence from Portugal in eighteen twenty two, retaining its own monarchy, it experienced numerous maroonages, reforms, and popular revolts, including the Stembrada and Novembrada revolts, the uru Preto Uprising, the Sabinada and Bailadda revolts, the Carmanachem Revolt, the Guerra dos Ferapos revolt, Liberal Revolution, the Prior Revolution, the extremely late ablition of slavery in eighteen eighty eight, and the proclamation of the

First Brazilian Republic in eighteen eighty nine. It was in this multuous sociopolitical landscape that anarchism would take root. As in much of Latin America, anarchism would be brought by immigrants through port cities like Rodighanio and Santos. Revolutionary ideas would also come to Brazil by way of Brazilians themselves. Some went to France and Portugal for their studies and discovered anarchism there. Others would find the words of Kropotkin

and Malchester in the bookstores of their native cities. Doctor Fabio Luis, a Bahian hygienist and doctor, wrote two novels which sort to grapple with the social question of exploitation of man by man in Brazil. Doctor Luis also spent his time working alongside unions and helping to fight the yellow fever and smallpox epidemics of plagued his nature. Another novelist, Manuel de Mendounca, also published in this time, contributing to

a slow growing liberteria and literary universe. These anarchist intellectuals, alongside others, would go on to launch a popular university. Other contributors propagation of Anarchism in Brazilian soil included Alicio de Carvallo, j Martins, Fontes, Pedro Docuto, Russia, Pombo Duel, Gonsalves de Silva, Maximino Maziel, Benjamin Morta, Francisco Vioti, et cetera.

Anarchism in Brazil was actually quite diverse as well, as it found immigrants from Italy, Spain, Portugal, Greece, Ukraine, Russia, Germany, Canada and England, alongside former black slaves and mestizos. It found children, and it found women. Limo Berreto Domingos Pasos, who was kind of known as the Brazilian Burcunan, Nino Vascos, Edgard Luinroth, Jose Oica, Mariela, La Serda de Mura, and Maria and Helio Suarez all made key contributions to development

of anarchism in Brazil. Dozens of newspapers like Cli Ciavi, Pianchi, Lavigne, Livitario and O Deespertar would also be published. Hundreds of lectures would be hosted alongside language classes and artistic activities at anarchist cultural centers or at ten ms and schools like the Illis Euricluse School and the modern schools in South Paolo, which also provided literacy courses, a vocational trainer.

Revolutionary plays we put on in theaters by groups such as Group, the Instructure and Group with dramatical helmina, blending entertainment with the syndicalist propaganda and front raising efforts for the labor movement. Worker's festivals feature in poetry, song, dance, and sport, raise money for anarchistyndicalist organizations and reinforced a

sense of solidarity. The anarchist workers, being so numerously immigrant, attended to create a cosmopolitan counterculture centered on working class values and priorities. So all these projects and institutions, with the results of their efforts, Over a thousand foreign agitators would be deported from Brazil as a result of their radical efforts, and a few would even be killed. The food's anarchists be murdered by the state in Brazil was the Italian Polinice Mattei killed in South Paulo on the

twentieth September eighteen ninety eight. Earlier that year, the first gathering of socialist leading workers in Brazil would take place in Rio Grande Rossoul, attended by delegates from various associations, anarchist groups, and a newspaper. As usual, the Italian immigrants were heavily represented. The anarchist immigrants even managed to establish a settlement known as the Guera Rima anarchist colony organized

by Italian anarchists ar Tour Campanili. Perhaps the most notable contribution to anarchism by the Italians in Brazil was the Cecilia Colony, which deserves special attentions mentioning of course that this project, as with everything taken place in Brazil in this time, took place on colonial land, which seemingly went unacknowledged by the anarchists themselves, but it was regrettably common

in the colonial conditions of Brazil. In the southern state of Parana, in the ural municipality of Palmira, a group of Italian anarchists led by Giovanni Rossi and Gigi Damiani founded the Senior Colony in eighteen ninety. The land was originally granted to them by Emperor Pedero the Second, but after the proclamation of the First Brazilian Republic, the new government did not acknowledge that land grant, and so the

anarchists had to purchase it. Instead, the anarchists sought to experiment and creating a society based on collective ownership and free love. The built of communal shared for shelter and began the process constructing individual homes. The population of the colony quickly grew to almost three hundred people, including the Rossi himself, but by the end of eighteen ninety one,

the colony was facing its first big challenge. They'd outgrown the infrastructure, with only twenty wooden houses in one community shed, the settlement simply couldn't sustain the influx of people, and to make matters worse, many of the settlers were industrial workers with little or no agricultural experience. Lack of farm and knowledge made it difficult for them to produce enough food to feed themselves. They tried to organize tasks based

on people's existing skills. Artisans stuck to their trades, but the farmers struggled, especially with the differences between Italian and Brazilian soil. While they managed to plant crops like maize, the results weren't immediate. The money they brought they could buy groceries, tools, and seeds, but it wasn't enough to sustain them. Until their crops started yielding results, so many settlers had to seek work elsewhere, with some even taken

government jobs. The colony wasn't just about farm in though. Over the years they built roads, sheds, bonds, a mill and even a fish tank. They planted a huge cornfield, dug wells and set up a nursery for seedlands. They even tried out free love with rossiumself participates in in a polyamorous relationship.

Speaker 7

Many such cases, many such cases.

Speaker 8

But despite all these efforts, the cracks were starting to show. In eighteen ninety two, seven families packed up and return to Italy. By the end of the year, the colonu's population had dwindled just twenty people. Oh dang, yeah, it's a very very rapid decline.

Speaker 7

Yeah.

Speaker 10

The sustainability of these types of projects is always like the big thing, and especially when it comes to like food and farming like that is unfortunately the joke whenever people talk about these sorts of projects. Now all of these artists and craftsmens don't want to spend out time toiling away in the fields.

Speaker 8

Yeah. Yeah, it's a challenge that the persisted today.

Speaker 10

So far, it seems like there's like a decent mix of like labor organizing, like social organizing, like with like newspapers, like theaters, plays like that kind of like more like cultural engagement stuff with like unions and this little like anarchist society that they try. They've kind of like like sped run through a whole bunch of like I don't want to say like social anarchism, because that is a

term that means something else. But there is a lot of stuff that's kind of very similar to that, at least like so far, and I'm not hearing very much stuff that leads me to believe there's like you know, a large degree of conflextuality towards the actual Brazilian Republic. But was that also like an aspect during this time period.

Speaker 8

They would end up engaging in a lot more heavy like you're talking about, like direct engagement with the state.

Speaker 7

Yeah.

Speaker 8

I think in this early period, when they were still building up and spread in the wood, it was sort of a honeymoon period for the movement in a sense.

A lot of the dramatic confrontations are very soon pendent. Okay, Okay, So the cracks were certain to show families had packed up and returned to Italy, the colony had gone down to just twenty people, and because a lot of the colonies made up of intellectuals, doctors, engineers, artisans, many of them left for nearby cities, where they founded the Jessepe Garibali Society, which I couldn't find much information on that particular society from that particular historical period in my research,

but it seems to have been a mutual aid society. I'm not one hundred percent sure.

Speaker 10

I mean that would like make sense as it's like within like a bigger city.

Speaker 8

Yes, yes, And Garibaldi has a rather interesting history that I'm only recently learning about. And I didn't even know he went all the way to like South America and Sclevantin and stuff. But like I learned very recently that he had married, I believe, an indigenous or a Mestizo woman while he was in South America and they had like this very romantic, dramatic life together, leading battlefield side by side all that stuff.

Speaker 6

Yeah.

Speaker 8

Yeah, yeah, So I'm not surprised that the Italian anarchists were perhaps inspired by Garibaldi, even if he himself was not an anarchist. Sure so, anyway, by eighteen ninety three new settlers had arrived, thankfully, and the colony was trying to manufacture shoes and wine barrels so they could make some sort of an income. They eventually grew to sixty four residents, and they established two wells and a new access road. But even with those new developments, the colony

was still struggling. They were dealing with material poverty, the neighboring Catholic communities were extremely hostile toward them, and they also had to deal with very poor sanitation conditions. And then in their fourth year they also had a crop epidemic that pretty much decimated the colony. And of course, as high minded as the ideas may have been, there were the internal struggles. You know, Free love and communal living may have been central to the colony's philosophy, but

not everyone adapted well to the ideals. In theory, they embraced the values, but in practice there were some insecurity and jealousy that of.

Speaker 7

Rose out of that also many such cases.

Speaker 8

Many such cases. By the end of eighteen ninety three, it was abundantly clear that the colony couldn't survive. Labor was in high demand the nearby cities, and despite efforts to attract new settlers through socialist propaganda in Europe. The colony just couldn't maintain its population, and eighteen ninety four Celia Colony officially came to an end. They have in

many players and dramatizations of the story Cecilia Colony. Most of them, as you would imagine, are in Brazilian Portuguese, so good luck finding them.

Speaker 7

I'll try to find a dub somewhere maybe yeah.

Speaker 8

And its Olian Portuguese. But anyway, so, the experiment had held on for four dramatic years define pressure from the newly established Brazilian Republican government, heavy taxes and even military inclusions. Eventually material conditions disease and until the conflicts brought it Tourne and how we're entering into the twentieth century. Nineteen oh three saw the founding of the first fourmal structure,

inspired by international syndicalism, the Federation of Class Associations. This organization would take part in the first Workers Congress in nineteen oh six, which brought together forty three delegates, predominantly anarchist from across Brazil, in over twelve sessions, discussing twenty three items of discussion Giovanni Grossi, the guy behind the

Cecilia Colony, was among the attendees. The Congress sought to advocate for economic resistance societies and laid the foundation for the Brazilian Workers Confederation or COBB for Sure in nineteen oh eight, which united over fifty unions, primarily from Rio Deshaneio, South Baolo and Rio Grande Rossul. Between ninety oh five nineteen oh eight, the workers movement witnessed a surge in strikes,

notably among shoemakers, reallymen and other industrial sectors. Portoal des gres saw at the general strike in nineteen oh six. South Paulo was the scene of insurrectionary strikes in nineteen oh six and nineteen oh seven as part of the campaign for the eight hour work day. In Santos. The strikes for the eight hour day only ended in nineteen twenty one, meaning they spent well over a decade close

to two decades fighting for the eight hour day. Yeah The workers movement also held several congresses in this time, including the first and second South Paulo State Congresses, the first mass Cares, the First mass Heires State Labor Federation Congress, and the Parana Labor Congress, which affirmed the movement's commitments to anarchist cynicalism, and as with other anarchist groups around the world, they organized the demonstration to commemorate the death

of Francisco Ferrere, the Modern School founder who inspired rational education efforts across Brazil. They also supported the Russian workers in both nineteen oh five and nineteen seventeen, supported Mexican workers and peasants in nineteen ten, and commemorated the Chicago Martyrs on subsequent mediates. Nineteen thirteen marked the second Brazilian Labor Congress, much larger than the Foost where there it it's from one hundred and seventeen bodies across eight states,

debated twenty four items. In nineteen fourteen, anarchists in South Paulo organize a conference it's like two delegates to represent Brazil at the London Anarchist Congress, which is eventually and unfortunately canceled due to the outbreak of World War One.

Speaker 10

But this is such an interesting moment in like international anarchism that at least right now, just like we have like the Internet, but that sucks, like this style of like actual like like international like anarchism. It's just something that is I've I've never really been able to like experience before.

Speaker 8

But Garrison, you forgets in something we have discourse.

Speaker 10

Oh I'm sure they also had discourse, but they got to go to London to do their discourse, which sounds which sounds much better than doing it from my toilet on Twitter dot com. Sorry xx dot com, My apologies not that that's.

Speaker 8

True, though, I would much rather the discords take place in puson over you know, the discord suvas and the Switzer and Breddit threads.

Speaker 10

I mean, like especially in that like international aspect, Like there's there's certainly like like anarchist gatherings and like conferences and convergences, you know, within within countries.

Speaker 7

I've been to many in the United States.

Speaker 10

But yeah, this this sort of like like having anarchists in Brazil go to London to talk with anarchists from everywhere else in the world, like compare their experiences and compare notes. Yeah, then talk about like what their actual like political goals are. It's something that I think is just stalling, doesn't really exist anymore.

Speaker 8

And that's really a vital component for international solidarity because that's kind of solidarity, that kind of portunity is very difficult to find just through virtual interaction. There's something meaningful and shake and a Pusson's hand and embrace in them and laugh at and crying together in Pusson sharing a meal, I think really makes a difference.

Speaker 10

I mean, yeah, especially when you have like the spread of anarchism is built on that internationalism, Like you have anarchists from Portugal and Italy and Spain.

Speaker 8

The immigrant influence exactly is very very profound.

Speaker 7

Yeah.

Speaker 8

But although there was the outbreak of war one closer to whom the anarchists were still involving themselves in that sort of regional discourse. I may have been flying to London, but they managed to meet with delegates from Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay at the International Peace Conference and the South American Anarchist Congress in October nineteen fifteen, all in an aim to foster both regional and international anarchist cooperation as

the war raged on. In addition to the anti war propaganda, Brazil's anarchists continue to rally against unemployment rise and living costs, scarcity of basic foodstuffs, while resisting the capitalists the clergy. In the state, which sent young men to the slaughter on the battlefield. In response to the pressure levied by the libertarian proletaria, the government gave the go ahead for direct sale by the producer to the consumer without taxes levied,

easing the hugging crisis in the country. So their struggles worked. This period and particularly from nineteen twelve to nineteen twenty,

marked significant worker mobilization. The period from nineteen seventeen to nineteen twenty in particular, was marked by significant strikes, including the South Paulo General Strike of nineteen seventeen, which saw seventy thousand workers participate with sympathy strikes in the Rio Grande, Assul and Pirana demanding better working conditions, wages, and the eight hour workday. This period also witnessed an increase in unionization and the growth of the workers press, which provided

critical platforms revolutionary ideas. In nineteen nineteen, an uprising exploded in Rio de Janeiro, leading to the death of three workers and the imprisonment or deportation of nearly one hundred. The government deployed police, troops and even naval warships to crush the resistance of the workers, and they also attempted to exploit racial divisions. They would take Afro Brazili and used them as scabs, and then once the strike was over, once they broke up this strike, they would fire those

same black workers to reaffirm the privilege of white labor. Eventually, the government would concede and force capitalists to make some concessions where wages were concerned, but this came at a cost. Alongside the mass imprisonment and deportations, the state's efforts included infiltration of the unions, which eventually stayed reformist unions, into the leadership position of the working classes, supplanting the more

revolutionary organizations. Thus, anarchism arguably entered a new era. In the nineteen twenties, there were still anarchist led labor congresses, including the Third Brazilian Labor Congress and the second and third rew Granded Assoul Labor Congresses, the latter of which endorsed a declaration of principles from the IWA and established

an International Anarchists or Diarity Impact. But by the four to three or Granded as Soul Labor Congress, attended by sixteen workers organizations, two newspapers, six anarchist groups, SULB power militants and delegates from Uruguay, Paraguay and Argentina. Anarchist efforts in Brazil had to become much more clandestine. Following the deportations, the state intervention, the general oppression of the success of

Brazilian regimes. The anarchist movement had indeed weakened, and I took another blow with the establishment to the Brazilian Communist Party the PCB, partially inspired by Bolshevism in nineteen twenty two, which absorbed many former anarchists, including Edgar Lunov, who authored its charter, and Astriguilo Perera, who served as its secretary general for nearly a decade before he was expelled. The PCB competed for union leadership and worked with the governments

of Artur Bernandez Washington, Louise and Catulio Vargas. The suppressed the libertarian movement and the free trade unions. The Bernardes government, by the way, sent to thousands of political prisoners, including anarchists, into the remote penal colony of Clevelandia, thousands with the harsh conditions killed one hundreds Wow and the Louis San Vargas governments of course we're not any better.

Speaker 7

I was also wondering, like, where are the people like deported to?

Speaker 10

Like it sounded like they've been in Brazil for quite a while when you were like mentioning there was all those all those other people who were deported out of the country, Like where where did they go?

Speaker 8

Yeah, there was a story I was reading about that I didn't maintaince in my notes. Some only half remember in it, but one of my sources would have had it of the names I listed at the beginning, but they were spoken about how there were these I believe Portuguese people in Brazil, as in Portuguese from Portugal who have been there and there and working there and whatever for years and years and years, and because they hadn't naturalized, they were like subject to like these heavy attacks. And

I believe some of them were deported as well. And so I'm assuming whatever country of origin they could be traced to, they would be deported there, or they're'd be deported to a neighbor in South American country. But I didn't really find specific details on where they were sent. I assume it's mostly their home countries or neighboring countries.

Speaker 10

Between that and like sending thousands of people to a penal colony with hundreds dying, like this is a massive wave of repression they're dealing with in like the early twenties.

Speaker 8

Here indeed, indeed, and unfortunately, their supposed allies weren't exactly a help. In nineteen twenty seven, the anarchists Antonio Dominquez and Damiao the Silver who murdered by the communists, who also wounded another ten members of the printers union and attacked and stole the assets of the footwear workers Union, so that further weakened the anarchist struggle when they were already dealing with that government repression. And in a sense,

anarchists are like roaches. We just keep on struggling and surviving, and the persistence of anarchist resistance in spite of all this repression, we would trigger a further backlash by the bourgeoisie. We should also arise to challenge the survival of anarchism, and they left in general in Brazil, from the very same Italy that brought Many an anarchist, also came Many a fascist, which brings us to the Brazilian integralist movement. But to find out what happened in the nineteen twenties

and thirties and onward. You'll have to wait for the next episode. I have an andrew sage you can find on YouTube dot com slash Andrewism and feature in dot com slash same true and this has been it could happen here. All powerful the people welcome to that could happen here. I'm addressage of future channel Andrewism. Today will continue in the last in American Anarchism series with that

exploration of anarchism in Brazil. I'm joined by Garrison D. Hello there and once again thanks to the scholarship of Edgar Rodriguez, Jesse Cohen, Philippe Corea, Raphael Vianna, Li Silva Cowan, Williando Santos, Edieline Toledo, and Luigi Biondi. When we last left off, anarchist labor resistance in Brazil had triggered a

turning point and a reaction. Weakened by the splits caused by the Bolsheviks and the military repression of the government, another faction would step in to cripple the anarchist cause even further. The Integralists in the nineteen twenties and nineteen thirties, Brazil saw the rise of the Brazilian Integralist Action, the aib A nationalist movement led by Pinio Salgado. During a trip to Europe, Salgado became enamored with Benito Mussolini's fascist

movement in Italy. Upon his return to Brazil and at the height of Catulio Aragas's dictatorship, which was ushered in thanks to a cool weather the bren Alliance, Salgado founded this Society for Political Studies, gathering intellectuals who were sympathetic to fascism. Then he essumed the October Manifesto, laying out the groundwork for the Brazilian Integralist Action. The movement closely mirrored Italian fascism with its green shirted paramilitary wing, regimented demonstrations,

and militant rhetoric. The Salgado publicly rejected racism, many members of his party adopted anti Semitic views. Integralism was financed in part by the Italian embassy, with the Roman salute and the Tupe word an nawe meaning you are my brother, as key symbols of the unity. Integralist action drew its support from lower middle class Italians. And Portuguese immigrants, alongside

sections of the Brazilian military, particularly the navy. As the party grew, it became the dictator of Vargas's primary right wing basis support, especially after he began to crack down on the Communist Party. Integralists frequently engaged in street violence and terrorism aimed at leftist groups. In nineteen fifty one, Podagas introduced the Labor Regulations based and Mussolinian's Labor Charter.

Independent industrial unions were banned. Union membership had to be registered with the Ministry of Labor, two thirds of the union membership had to be native born or naturalized Brazilians. Oh no, yeah, and union officers were required to either be resident in Brazil for ten years if naturalized, or thirty years if foreign born.

Speaker 10

That's pretty fucked up, I would assume. Also just very damaging to the entire labor movement in the country, A very intense series of restrictions.

Speaker 8

Yes, as a very immigrant empowered labor movement. Yeah, yeah, that was definitely targeted. Definitely definitely targeted. Obviously, like the class consciousness of the immigrant workers was such a threat that they had to root them all from any position of influence within the sanctioned unions. Salgado and the Interioralists, of course, welcomed these degrees and work with the police to capture in the ten workers. The communeists also apparently

welcome the impositions the Ministry of Labor. Meanwhile, anarchists and workers were weathering rightist violence. One time, integralists kicked down the doors of the Bakery Workers Union, the construction workers leave the mill and ware house operatives, Stonemason's Union and Union of Caffee Employees, destroy their assets and extra judiciously hauled away the workers as prisoners.

Speaker 10

So they just started like kidnapping people and doing like basically state sanctioned terrorism exactly.

Speaker 8

Another integralist, Gustavo Barosso, used his walking stick to break the arm of an anti fascist sixteen year old worker named neer Colejo as she was making a speech against fascism.

Speaker 7

Time is a flat circle.

Speaker 8

Indeed it is instead of sticks this time they're using cars. But it's the same same principle and sticks. Oh yeah, people are still collecting sticks.

Speaker 10

I have been hit by many a stick from a fascist at a street demo, but especially as the data hture.

Speaker 8

Hmm, down. So with all this violence the deal with in this time the anarchist presses had to hounked down and prepare to face further attacks. In nineteen thirty three, the Libertarian Anti Fascist Committee sounded alarm on the dire threat of integralism as what anarchist press wrote, like fascism, integralism means to enslave and fetter the people that has now defend our liberty like men. Let's we be forced

to weep like mad men hereafter. On December twenty fourth, nineteen thirty three, the tensions were an all time high for when it humiliates and defeat at the Saloon ser gu Garcia Plinio Salgado's Integralists, known as the Green Shirts, planned a show of force to assert their dominance. Their target union leaders and leftists, particularly anarchists, who sit against

their fascist vision for Brazil. According to reports from those of US on December first, the Integralists had organized eighteen companies of green in shirted marchers who would parade through the heart of South Paolo, prepared to crush any resistance that came their way. Reinforcements from Rudishonneio, led by Gustavo Barosso bolstered their numbers with five hundred trained assault troops

prime to attack. The police, of course, were openly supported of the Interioralists and had even stationed machine guns at key points throughout the city to ensure the march went smoothly. Co Arleino de Olivera had an additional four hundred troops made up of infantry, fire brigade units and cavalry ready to intervene. Seems like clear overkill, but it was a

shower force, so just to be expected. By the time the marchers reached the pressure that say, a huge crowd had gathered, some curious onlookers, others outright opponents of the fascist movement. As the Interroorists survived at the cathedral, cries of death to the Fascists and down with the Green Shirts echoed throughout the square. Suddenly shots rang out. Some say the fire and began accidentally when a machine gun

set up by the civil Guard was nudged. Others claim it was the communists line in wait, ready to ambush the march. Regardless, chaos erupted before the anarchists had even initiated their planned attack. The scene quickly evolved into pandemonium, people fled in terror, shots continued to fire, and several

were mortally wounded. The planned pledge of loyalty to Planio Salgado, the head of the Integralists, never took place that day, but by nineteen thirty seven, Salgado launched a presidential campaign, hoping to ride the wave of crow and support for his movement and become a dictator in his own right. However, when Varragas canceled the elections and established the authoritarian Estado Novo regime, he banned the Integralist Party along with all

the others sideline in Salgado. In response, Integralist militants launched two uprisings in nineteen thirty eight, of which failed. Sagata was imprisoned and lead to exile to Portugal. After spending most of his life supporting the dictators of Brazil, his attempts to become one of his own utterly field.

Speaker 10

There's a few interesting things in this moment here, particularly like how the like initial struggle against fascism once again kind of laid at the feet of anarchists and communists had like a degree of hesitancy to like to like jump in fully and then also, like I find it interesting the way that these like this era of fascists in Brazil particularly, we're targeting unions, but as almost as a way just to target like immigrants, Like it was like the easiest way for them to actually just do

anti immigrant violence was like through the unions.

Speaker 8

Yeah, anti immigrant violence is almost always anti worker violence as well.

Speaker 10

Yeah, no, no, in the States at least right now, we're just like seeing another kind of uptick in like anti immigrant rhetoric and violence, and yeah, a lot of it is tied to like labor, like how immigrants are are taking jobs away from the lower classes, that sort of thing.

Speaker 8

Huh. As always you remember that, you know it could happen here, and it's important to be constantly aware and on God against even the ghost, the shadow of fascism creeping up in your communities. It's easy to be treated by the media or by others as just oh, you're making a big deal about it, over exaggerates in the threat. But know, these things sinuwable very quickly. They need to be nipped in the bud. And it's largely thanks to anti fascists on the front lines that the situation is

not as bad as it could be right now. Yeah, even though it is getting this every day. For the already weakened anarchists and labor movements in Brazil, Integralism had posed a dire threat. They were already splintered and in decline, struggling to maintain influence. An Integralism's rapid rise, with his militarized structure and anti leftist violence, fully suppressed their hopes.

The communists weren't exactly a help either. The anarchists lost a significant strongholder their struggle on the premises of the Anti Clerical League and Heriodi Jhaneiro when communists sent to disrupt their meeting called the police on them, leading to the arrest of eight anarchists and the closure of the

Anti Clerical League center and its newspaper. With the help of the Integralists, communists and leaders of Cardinal Sebastio Lem's Brazilian Catholic Party, Getulio Vargas faced little resistance in establishing his Estado Novo dictatorship. His authoritarian regime lasted from nineteen thirty seven to nineteen forty five and was marked by

continuous crackdowns on labor, autonomy and anarchism. But despite the common claims the nineteen thirties marked the end of anarchism in Brazil, anarchists remained active in unions and cultural spaces despite repression. Anarchists published influential periodicals like A playbe and a Childdreta, and aimed to create a national anarchist political organization.

Post nineteen forty five, in the era of re deemocratization, anarchists converged in South Pawerlo for Brazilian Anarchist Congresses in nineteen forty eight and nineteen fifty nine, which brought together veterans and motivated the re establishment of social centers. The anarchists resumed educational and cultural activities that I found in the Centro des Cultural Socil the CCS, which became a hub for anarchist intellectual life, hosted lectures, conferences, literary events,

and even theater performances. The anarchists were back. The CCS had played a key role in building anarchist networks, even hosted exiles from Spain and helped establish similar cultural centers in the suburbs of sal Paolo and other cities across Brazil. In Rio de Janeiro, a similar space emerged in nineteen fifty eight. The Centrol de Studos put Fessor jose Ka or CEPJO, like the CCS, DECEPJO, hosted courses, lectures, and debates.

In nineteen sixty one, it helps establish an anarchist publishing house called Mundo Libre in sarth Paulo. Union activity surged, with three hundred thousand workers striking in nineteen fifty three and another four hundred thousand in nineteen fifty seven. This period of intense mobilization provided an opportunity for anarchists and independent socialists to come together and form the Syndicalist Orientation

Movement or MOS. Created in nineteen fifty three, MS aimed to fight for the autonomy and freedom of workers unions resistant state at corporate control. By nineteen fifty seven, they had enough momentum to contest union leadership positions, especially within the graphics sector. Despite these strides, however, the anarchists went

one faced considerable challenges. The re democratization after nineteen forty five offered some room for growth, but the labor landscape was dominated by corporatist forces, the Communist Party and the Brazilian Labor Party anarchists found themselves battling for influence in a crowded political field. Their efforts to revitalize the movement were further stifled by a lack of resources and militants,

which limited their presence in social movements. The momentum gained the nineteen fifties came to a crash in holds with the military coup of nineteen sixty four. Once again, Brazil entered a period of authoritarian rule, placing anarchist activists in a precarious position. In May nineteen sixty four, anarchists from Rio de Janeiro and South Paolo organized a secret meeting

to strategize, focused on safeguard and anarchist resources. Many went underground, facing renewed repression and uncertainty about the future of their movement. They shifted focused to education and cultural spaces to survive with initiatives like the newspaper or Protesto and the publishing

house Helminal. Anarchists, including young students new to the cause, formed the libertarian student movement the MEL in nineteen sixty seven, with the intention of fixing a position and fighting back, as well as having an active presence in class and ideological struggles market out directions more in accordance with the federalist principles which governed the life of every class organization.

But after one student, Edson Louise, was murdered by the military police, the MEL and other student initiatives faced heavy

persecution after the nineteen sixty Institutional Acts Number five. With the AI five, which suspended most civil rights including herbiest corpus, allowed for the removal from office of opposition politicians, enabled federal interventions and municipalities and states, and enabled the institutionalization of arbitrary detention, taught and extra judicial killing by the regime.

This military dictatorship that group Brazil from nineteen sixty four to nineteen eighty five forced anarchist movements into survival mood. In Rio de Janeiro, the Centro de Studo's professor Jose Equitica, operated secretly, while in South Paulo, the Centro de Cultural Sociel kept the flame of anarchist thought alive through underground

propaganda and secret meetings. These centers were vital in maintaining connections with international anarchist movements, insurance the ideology persisted despite the harsh political climate. You see the importance of international solarity for in its head yet again, and you see also the importance of having cultural centers, social centers, community centers where they movement contraw strength even when it's not

directly engaged in labor organizing or direct political struggle. Just that rejuvenation of community is enough to maintain the survival of that ideological struggle, even all hope seems lost.

Speaker 10

No, I mean this is something like you see a lot especially after or during like a movement that's faced incredible repression. Is that kind of it goes back to kind of its earlier forms, at least in terms of like like the like the social aspects. In some ways, it feels like it's kind of regressing back to kind of where it like started back in the last episode with some of those like same like you know, like

like underground newspapers all this. Like this this like a cultural engagements, as you said, kind of like a way to like keep the light alive during like an intense, like military style effort of repression.

Speaker 8

Yeah, it's really quite necessary. Unfortunately, in nineteen sixty nine, the headquarters of Sepchu was raided by Air Force agents. The invasion resulted in the arrass and prospers of eighteen members, including the anarchist Adiel Perez, who endured a month of imprisonment and torture. So between nineteen seventy two nineteen seventy seven anarchists were forced into even greater degrees of secrecy,

meeting in very small, title knit groups. In terms of organizational strength, this might have been the lowest point for anarchism in Brazil, but things began to shift in nineteen seventy seven as a dictatorship started to lose its grip. That year, the anarchist periodical or Animigouret or The King's Enemy, was launched in Bihir, marking a significant moment for the movement.

This newspaper brought together student and union militants from various parts of the country Bahir, Rioligheiro, Sapaolo, Prio, grand Rasul, Paraiba and Para. Despite internal conflicts and ideological differences, the paper played a crucial role in reorganizing the anarchist movement, either the influence of the counterculture or Inimiguorey tackled issues like revolutionary unionism, anarchist syndicalism, the student movement, gender sexuality,

and political theory. The paper ran until nineteen eighty two, and after hiatus resumed briefly between nineteen eighty seven and nineteen eighty eight. During this same period there was the first sign of notable anarchist engagement with the labor movement

in years. Following a wave of strikes involving more than forty eight thousand workers, anarchists began questioning the bureaucratic union structures in South Paolo to Collectivo, the Britario de Opposichiao Syndical or COLLOPS was formed, closely aligned with the ideas of the Metalworkers Opposition movement. Collapse was officially established during the first National Meeting of Workers in Opposition to the Trade Union Structure or ENTOS, held in September nineteen eighty

in NITROI. This meeting brought together in union opposition from sixteen states across Brazil, further spark in the revival of anarchist involvement in the labor movement. But one of the most significant developments to come out in this period was the rise of the movement Ento dos Trabahaldoes Urai Semterre, the Landless Workers Movement or MST, emerging nineteen eighty four, just before the end of the military regime, the MST

became a mass movement with distinctly anarchist communist characteristics. It adopted decentralized, non hierarchical structure that prioritized autonomous direct action principles deeply aligned with anarchism. However, the MST has resisted being identified as explicitly anarchist, avoiding the label to maintain broader support and avoid the stigma attached to anarchist movements.

Over time, while maintaining its independence, the MST has built alliances with the various political parties, including the Workers' Party, which would go on to form the government in two thousand and two. But the nineteen eighties, Brazilian anarchism began reflecting the broader new social movements that had emerged globally after the nineteen sixties. Ecology, feminism, and new discourses on

sexuality were now key components of anarchists. Thought. Then I saw the rise of pro homosexual actists like Nestor Penger, and Argentinian born intellectual who became a central figure in Brazilian anarchist Son.

Speaker 10

You know, some have considered me a pro homosexual, Okay, but but no mean this is a continued It is interesting to see this like starting with student movements and then getting back into kind of labor over time after they like rebuild their movement through students and then continuing to like adopt more and more like modern social views and like cultural engagement. Have an image here of one of their newspapers that has what looks like two men

having sex right on the cover. That's like the seventies, which is which is quite something.

Speaker 8

Incredible, must have been very scandalous at the time.

Speaker 3

Yeah.

Speaker 8

Where the nineteen nineties, as Brazil transitioned to the New Republic and embraced new liberalism, anarchists became key players in shaping a wave of social movements. They actively helped to create and integrate into these movements, advocating their principles and strategies. One prominent example was Brazil's involvement in the global anti globalization movement, inspired by protests like the Seattle Wto demonstrations

in nineteen ninety nine. In Brazil, this movement began in Santos on the same date, led by anarchists, ecologists, and libertarians. By two thousand, a coalition of these groups emerged, particularly in South Parlo and continued to organize in actions against the liberal policies until two thousand and three. The protest targeted institutions like the IMF, the World Bank and WO

and introduced the black block tactic to Brazil. Anarchists also helped to establish Brazil's Center for Independent Media CMI, part of the Global Indie Media Network, which aimed to challenge means stree media dominance. Active between two thousand and one and two thousand and five, CMI was a key platform

for independent journalism across fourteen Brazilian cities. Beyond protests, anarchists were involved in broader social movements, contributing to housing struggles in South Power and rerosion Ero, as well as supporting feminists, indigenous,

black and LGBT causes. They played significant roles in movements like the National Movement of Collectors of Recyclable Material MMCR, the previously mentioned Landless Workers Movement or MSD, and the Homeless Workers Movement the MTSD, reflecting their deep involvement in

Brazil's diverse social landscape. In the early two thousands, the anarchists popular Union the UNIPA helped form networks such as the Class and Combative Student Network or the RCC and the Federation of Revolutionary Syndicalist Organizations of Brazil or the FOB further cement and anarchism's influence in students and workers struggles. Despite being considered part of a or a leftist current, anarchists specifically made a lasting impact on Brazil's social movement

during this period. Today, Brazilian anarchism continues to evolve, shaped by the principles vispacifismo, a strategy we anarchists work alongside broader social movements or maintaining their own distinct ideology. Many anarchist federations have found common cause with groups like the MST, supporting their struggles or promoting their own vision of a stateless, non hierarchical society. The story of anarchists in Brazil is

one of endurance, adaptability, and reinvention. Despite decades of repression, the movement has continued to shape Brazil's political landscape, from underground propaganda dune ditatorship to the mass mobilization of landless workers and intellectuals alike.

Speaker 10

Similar to what they were doing ninety years ago. We've also seen a resurgence of anarchist anti fascism in Brazil. Indeed, around the same time we kind of saw this rise in the United States as well as in Europe with the emergence of these like right wing populist politicians between like Trump and Bolsonario, you've been seeing more of like the black block style anarchism in Brazil, which often kind of in this era went hand in hand with like anti fascist action in organizing.

Speaker 8

Indeed, so that's been the story, very summarized account like I would recommend that you check out. Of course, the scholarship of the folks I mentioned the beginning, the resources all across the Internet, particularly the Anarchists Library discussing Brazilian anarchism. This has been it can happen here. I've been Andrew Siege. You can find me on YouTube dot com, stash Andrewism feature dot com stas Saint Drew. I've been here with Gare and that's a piece.

Speaker 2

Welcome back to It could Happen Here, a podcast in which every week I sit down with my friends Mia and Garrison and I walk them through a little backyard chemistry project. Now today we are building a common commonly used explosive no paters called oh What's that?

Speaker 9

Cason.

Speaker 7

That is, we cannot give those instructions on air.

Speaker 2

Oh oh oh, well, what about what about for our DX like hexogen safe? We can make hexogen right?

Speaker 7

I think you need a special H tech stamp or permit to teach that.

Speaker 9

Sorry, what if we talk about how to make it in roadblocks?

Speaker 1

Oh?

Speaker 7

Yeah, no, that's fine. They haven't. They haven't cracked roadblocks yet. They correct minecraft.

Speaker 9

That's good, that's good. The FEDS don't know about that one.

Speaker 7

Okay, they don't know about that one yet.

Speaker 2

Well, in that case, I'm going to read these this ingredient list for pet in that I found in a torrent of Taylor Swift songs. So this is I'm certain the best information available right now. Anyway, we're talking this week about explosives. We're talking particularly about the fact that Israel just carry out an attack against Tesblah, a militant organization in Lebanon, using pet in, which is one of the two ingredients in Semtex. It is commonly used as

the detonator. It's a stable, high explosive, so it's often used to like basically trigger the larger explosive charge.

Speaker 9

Which is generally like hexygen.

Speaker 2

You know, you mix the two together with like plastic agents and you get like that's where you get the traditional plastic explosives. And it's come out recently that the Masad managed to sneak some of this stuff, well sneak's not even really the right word, but they managed to impregnate a batch of pagers and radios with pet in. Now, this was a pretty big story last week. I think a lot of people are focusing kind of on the

wrong parts of it. But yeah, that's what we're going to be talking about today because there's an element of this story that hasn't gotten out, which is the degree to which what Israel did to hasblah here is something that anybody with roughly thirty thousand dollars could imitate to

a surprising degree of fidelity. Like, this is an attack that is deeply easy to carry out, and the fact that Israel has kind of made the decision to pull this up is a kind of the breaking of a seal in a way, and I think it portins some very frightening things for all of us, and particularly for air travel.

Speaker 9

So that's what we're going to be talking about today.

Speaker 10

Do you think like the the either like hijacking or infiltration of the supply chain is as replicable for yes, a non state agency.

Speaker 2

Yes, that is the thing that is scariest about this attack to me, and that is going to be kind of the meat of what talking about. We should probably start by this sort of laying out the scale the attack.

Speaker 7

I mean, I also have one main question. What's a pager?

Speaker 2

So Garrison, once upon a time, Uh huh, we kind of had the ability to broadcast signals over large areas, but it was a real pain in the ass to like do that with a phone call or anything but a couple of words at a time. Oh so like a text message, like a text message, except for you can't really respond to it. Oh okay, but it looked pretty cool to clip on your belt in the late nineties, if you were like one of the doctors on the set of Er.

Speaker 9

Did you ever watch Er Garrison?

Speaker 7

Were you too young for that? That's the George Clooney show, right.

Speaker 2

Cluone tang, But yes, he looked great in it. Yeah, So that's that's where pagers came from. Was the television show Er, written by Michael Crichton, which means pagers are related to dinosaurs.

Speaker 9

And yeah, so.

Speaker 2

Israel managed to get We'll talk a little bit later about how, but they managed to get explosives in an unknown number, but certainly hundreds of these walkie talkies, particularly in the batteries. By the end of the first day of attacks, round a dozen people were dead and twenty seven hundred had been wounded.

Speaker 9

Many people.

Speaker 2

Seriously, there's like horrible videos of folks going flying off of bicycles and the like when this stuff detonates, Like it takes very little petn to create a pretty significant explosion, and we're looking at about like zero point one point one grams I think of explosive agent actually in each walkie talkie, which was enough to kill in May May shitload of people. Some of these folks were members of Hesbelah. I think HESBLA has confirmed that eight of their fighters

were killed. At least four of the dead are children, and the second day of the attack, a bunch of radios went off as well. Another twenty people were killed and hundreds more wounded. So you're talking about a very sizable attack. Israel is not claimed credit for this, but the New York Times has done some pretty keep reporting on this, and per that quote, twelve current and former defense and intelligence officials who were briefed on the attack say the Israelis were behind it.

Speaker 9

And it's just also obvious that this was Israel who else, Like who else would do this?

Speaker 2

Now, one of the reasons I'm getting into this is that there were a lot like the first kind of concern that people had when this attack was carried out is like, oh shit, was this some sort of a hack? Did Israel exploit some sort of a glitch in how these products batteries worked and basically like hack them to cause a runaway thermal escalation within the battery that led to it detonating.

Speaker 10

Is all of our electronics just one hack away from turning from being turned into a bob No?

Speaker 2

And I understand why people focused on that aspect of it, but it led to I think some articles that are this is going to be one of those we always we try to I hope we usually managed to be the like calm voices in the room, but this is one of those cases where really people need to be less calm. And I do want to highlight an article that I think went in the wrong direction on that front. It's a CNN business piece called we still don't know

how the Lebanon pager attack happened. Here's what we do know about our own electronic devices, and I'm going to read a quote from that. In short, your communications device is not at risk for exploding unless it's heavily tampered with, un least with explosives.

Speaker 9

Experts who spoke.

Speaker 2

To CNN set Justin Kappos, a cybersecurity professor at NYU, said that it's possible to cause damage to a variety of batteries, most commonly lithium batteries, but he said it seems like the devices were intentionally designed to explode when triggered, not a pager that everyone else in the world is using. If you're a normal person with a lithium ion battery, I would not be over concerned about this CAPO set and I think that that is an error, and we're going to get into as to why. But let's talk

about how Israel did this first. And this is again all kind of per the New York Times reporting how Israel built a modern day trojan horse. They seem to be the first people who have kind of put all of this together to an extent that is probably pretty close to accurate. There are some debates as to like, did they actually have a detonator in here or did they cause a thermal because PETN, while it's very stable,

can be set off by heat. So it's theoretically possible to get a battery hot enough that it can detonate PETN, but it's not going to be as reliable as using something like a bridge wire cap like a traditional like triggering device, and so it's a little bit unclear as to how this was made. But whatever the case, basically what Israel did is they made their own batteries for walkie talkies that were clones of an earlier kind of walkie talkie made by a Taiwanese company that were no

longer in production. Right, so, this Taiwanese company had made real walkie talkies for a while, they stopped making them. Israel got their hands on some originals and manufactured copies. Now that is the part of this that would be hard to replicate. But the copies of the walkie talkies themselves were not the explosive agent. What actually where the explosives were was in the detachable battery, and Masad crafted batteries themselves for these walkie talkies and wove PETN into

the batteries. So if you haven't really looked at a lithium ion battery like one of the kinds of batteries that you're going to like, I mean, it's similar to the ones in your phone, but it's just also like any kind of electronics battery. They are kind of these weird folded things, like they look just like a little square packet, usually with like a cord coming off of it if you actually look at the battery. But the way they're asseymbled is they're like laminated into an aluminum

foil pouch. And while you are kind of doing that laminating process, you can basically just weave some PETN into like alongside the battery, and it will cost you a small fraction of the batteries, like life like, you won't get as much actual battery time out of it, but it's not going to detonate on its own. PTN is They actually just conducted in twenty twenty a study to show that it can last for years. This is like the compound we use in the detonators in our nuclear devices.

Once you get a bunch of walkie talkies that are impregnated with this stuff out there. You could sit on them for years until like you needed to actually use them. Now, the key thing about this, it seems like when you're talking about wrapping a battery that's got you know, plastic explosives in it, well, that's the kind of thing that

only a state level actor can do. And this is going to bring me to the source that I really want to get to people for this episode, which is an article by a guy named Andrew Hwang at Bunny's Studios. Andrew is a computer scientist. He's got a doctorate in philosophy from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and kind of

critically for some personal projects that he had done. Recently, he has manufied lectured his own lithium ion batteries, and in doing so, he's figured out like how to actually build a personal production line to make batteries like this that you could customize to fit into kind of basically any kind of electronic device you want. You can buy an entire pouch cell production line that will allow you to make your own custom lithium ion batteries using Alibaba

dot Com. Yeah oh boy, Yeah, so that's great, right, or lithi Yeah, these are lithium pouch batteries, and it costs about fifteen thousand dollars in order to be able to make somewhere between like a few dozen and several hundred of these, right, So fifteen grand will provide you with all of the materials you need to from the ground up make at least, you know, probably a couple hundred pouch sell batteries.

Speaker 8

Right.

Speaker 2

And it's the kind of thing where it's not just any idiot could do it, but any reason intelligent person with the degree of like experience and engineering can do it.

Speaker 8

Right.

Speaker 2

Andrew is obviously a very smart guy with a lot of capabilities that you know, a layperson might not have. But basically any kind of competent engineer could figure this out pretty much. And you're talking again, a few thousand dollars to get potentially, you know, hundreds or even more of these made. Now, the other side of the attack here is that the Israelis created a bunch of shell companies.

You know, they started manufacturing copies of these walkie talkies so that they could put their own explosives impregnated batteries in them. And then they built a bunch of shady

ass companies in order to sell them. This was effectively what they were doing was creating like an Amazon like shipping company, right, and the same way that like anybody who wanted to, can you know, get a business license and get access to like a bunch of electronics and sell them on Amazon, like you could buy a consignment of a thousand walkie talkies, make your own batteries for them, and sell them on Amazon. Amazon does not do a particularly like any really checking up on the people who

choose to sell through their site. And even if they were to do that, PETN is effectively impossible to find.

Speaker 8

Right.

Speaker 2

There is a way to scan for it, but it takes like a half hour per package, and it's the kind of thing where even if you're taking this stuff apart, unless you have someone who is like doing chemical tests on what's in there, anyone who's even someone who is moderately trained, is not going to be able to recognize a battery that's had some pet and put into it

from like a regular battery. So I'm going to read another quote from that New York Times article about how the Masad kind of structured the shell companies here that allowed them to pose as a company making pagers. By all appearances, BAC Consulting was a Hungary based company that was under contract to produce the devices on behalf of a Taiwanese company, gold Apollo. In fact, it was part

of an Israeli front. According to three intelligence officers briefed on the operation, BAC did take on ordinary clients, for which it produced a range of ordinary pages, but the only client that really mattered was Hesbelah, and its pages were far from ordinary.

Speaker 7

Why were hesblow using pages in the first place?

Speaker 11

Oh, yeah, I can talk about that.

Speaker 10

Couldn't they afford it an iPhone? Great question or something? Well, I think we'll let mea talk about that a second. But gar I will say an initial response to that. You know how like all of the activists in the United States after twenty twenty especially are saying like, hey, your phone isn't safe, don't use your phone, you know for any kind of like actions.

Speaker 9

The state can listen in on that.

Speaker 2

Yeah, yeah, Well Hesbela has been paranoid about that for a long time, and the Masade actually has spent a lot of effort spreading rumors within Hesblah about how capable Israel's smartphone exploits are like how strong their ability to like listen and on conversations, and that played a significant role in changing like policy from the top and hes a lot to like we are going to use the lowest tech communications solutions possible, and we're going to talk some more about that.

Speaker 9

You know, it's not low tech.

Speaker 7

These products and services that support this very podcast.

Speaker 2

That's right, high tech and absolutely no explosives in them, probably but really there would be no way to tell if there were.

Speaker 9

And we're back Mia, you wanted to talk.

Speaker 4

Yeah.

Speaker 11

The only thing I want to mention about that is so there's been a lot of focus in terms of the page you use on like on Hesbela trying to build this communications grid that's like more difficult to like do to compromise, Yeah, yeah, we well to compromise from like digitally right. But the other thing that's kind of going on here that I think is getting a lot less attention is that Lebanon's economy has been an absolute

shit show for probably like eight nine years now. There's a massive dollars front kind of.

Speaker 2

The terminal like heart attack moment was that barge exploding, but it had not been doing it had been on the road down.

Speaker 11

I mean there were there were, I mean there were

there have been huge riots there over. So part of what's going on is like there aren't dollars in the economy, and this has made everything unbelievably expensive, and one of the things that's unbelievably expensive is phone calls, and so there are I don't think there's been much coverage of this, but it's like there's also just regular people also use pages for things in order to set up what a phone call is going to be, because if you're going to have a phone call with someone, you have to

make sure that both of you are like there. So it's it's not purely just a military thing. It's also just because of how unbelievably expensive like calling people has gotten, and this sort of terminal crisis of the Lebanese economy in the sense that like there aren't dollars to pay for things, and so we've gotten to this point where even even sort of stuff that we consider like fairly basically not that expensive, like phone service, has just gotten

unbelievably expensive for everyone. And this is sort of caused Yeah, a lot of like regular people who have no affiliation with this whatsoever, to sort of move down the technology chain because it's just expensive.

Speaker 2

Yeah, and again it's this kind of perfect storm of like paranoia and economics sort of factors colliding here. But the sort of gist of it is Israel definitely wanted to push has a lot to adopting, Like they clearly had an understanding of what they could do and wanted deliberately to kind of push for this because it's a lot easier to get some a manufactured explosive and it would have been a lot harder to do this with like iPhones, right, Not that Israel hasn't done this with

cell phones in the past, sure, very famously. Back I think it was the nine. There is this Palestinian man yahya Ayash, who was I think generally credited as like kind of an architect of like car bombing attacks, who the Masad killed with a cell phone that they had put it explosives in it. In that case, it was a very labor intensive process with a single phone meant to target and blow the head off of like one guy. This is like a much more reckless and much more

like civilian casualty open operation. Again, I'm going to quote from that New York Times article in Lebanon's Baca Valley, in the village of Sarain, one young girl, Fatima Abdullah, had just come home from her first day of fourth grade when she heard her father's pager begin to beep. Her aunt said she picked up the device to bring it to him and was holding it when it exploded,

killing her. Fatima was nine. It's probably worth noting here that while HESBLA is a militant group, they are also effectively the state in a decent chunk of Lebanon, and a lot of the folks who would have these because these these pagers and radios were generally seen as part of like a defensive measure, like if there is an attack, if we go to war again, these are our safe comm system, right Like this is our like low tech comm system to allow us to like stay in touch.

So a lot of these people would have been folks whose role was more on the social side of things rather than like actual armed militants. You have no way of knowing who you're blowing up. Everyone's just getting these devices. And it's interesting to me that the Masad or that Netanyahu, because I'm sure this order had to have come from the top gave the order to carry out this attack. Now,

they had had these in place for a while. Exactly when is a little bit unclear, but long enough that there was like a nickname for the attack itself that everyone knew they were going to carry out at some point. So it's a little bit like, I wonder why this

was specifically targeted for this point in time. I kind of suspect it may have been due to the fact that Israel's actual like ground forces are still tied up in Gaza, and so they were looking for a way to escalate with Lebanon, with Hesbelah that didn't necessitate the deployment of forces that you know, would still have a

massive impact and be disruptive, which this certainly was. But you know, when it comes to kind of us and like why we're talking about this today, it's the fact that this is I think a Pandora's Box style attack, right like you have at this point opened up the possibility to doing this to any actor that has the resources, and as we've noted about, fifteen grand will get you

the capacity to manufacture battery packs like this. You can just go on Ali Baba and buy things like radios or there doesn't have to be that you could get you know, like most a lot of people now carry around battery devices, right, like external batteries to charge their phones when they're out. Sure, you can purchase those from Ali Baba by the thousand. You can disassemble them, stick in your own batteries, And it's not the kind of thing where you have to be capable of doing this

on the scale that the Masade did. You could stick this and you could buy two thousand batteries. You could stick this in two hundred of them, your own replacement explosive packs, and you could just send those out into

the world, right Especially. One of the things that scares me is the idea of you get a bunch of these shipped get you impregnate a few with explosives, but you have a bunch of batteries that you then have on you know, shipping through the air right and trigger in the air like while they're being shipped to a destination.

Like it's the kind of thing you would eventually be able to unravel who had created the front companies and the like, But there really is nothing built into the system that would very effectively be able to tell that you'd done this as long as you there was a degree of caretaken in the manufacturing process. And I want to turn back to Andrew Hwang's article here, and this is him talking about the way in which you could hide the fact that you had impregnated these battery packs

with explosives. Once folded into the core of the battery, it is sealed in an aluminum pouch. If the manufacturing process carefully isolates the folding line from the laminating line and or rinses the outside of the pouch with acetone to dissolve away any pet in residue prior to marking, no explosive residue can escape the pouch, thus defeating swabs

that look for chemical residue. It may also well evade methods such as X ray fluorescence because the elements that compose the battery separator and PETN are too similar and too light to be detected, and through case methods like sours spatially offset Ramen spectroscopy would likely be defeated by the multi layer copper laminate structure of the battery itself, blocking light from probing inner layers. Thus, I would pose it that a lithium battery constructed with a pet in

layer inside is largely undetectable. And this is from like folks I have talked to who have a degree of expertise in the matter. I think very accurate, and I think, you know, even if you're not striking air travel here number one, it would be easy to get stuff like this on planes and people. There was in December some somebody attempted to and just kind of their detonation method failed,

which is kind of with explosives. When people don't die and explosive attacks, what always saves them is it's kind of tricky to get the detonators right. But I'm very worried that the masade has effectively provided people with a perfect plan of attack to fuck with air travel or to fuck with the supply lines, because it imagine, just like a couple hundred people over the space of a week or so have battery packs or other electronics detonate on their person, like or a couple of dozen people.

What that does both to the economy, to the supply lines, Like the extent to which that would be disruptive in society is like, the potential is enormous, and the potential for like runaway terror is enormous.

Speaker 10

Yeah, I mean that was one of the first things that we talked about once news of this drop is like beyond the actual like physical injuries and death caused by this attack, this is like primarily an infrastructure attack. In this case completely destroys like the communications infrastructure of HESBLA.

But in like, yeah, the strategy behind this attack, it can be used just to target various types of infrastructure, whether that be like supply chains, travel, It puts distrust in your own equipment, and certainly it's application on like airlines is obviously very worrying.

Speaker 2

Well, it's very worrying. And one of the things that I keep thinking about is the degree to which the way Amazon has restructured the economy, and particularly the way that like digital commerce works, has created an opportunity for a malicious actor to carry out an attack like this with excellent security. Because you don't even have to be

the one shipping these out right. No, you can get I mean you have to shift them at some point, but you can ship them to a third party that is the actual company that deals with Amazon, if you have enough kind of resources and ingenuity behind it, basically set up a drop shipping scam where you were having someone else send explosives to Amazon, which provides a lot of opportunity for you to both get away and a lot of opportunity to you could seede with a couple

of different manufacturers, different devices.

Speaker 10

It's like terrorism in the era of the gig economy. Yeah, And that was one of the reasons I like to Fincher's recent movie The Killer, Yeah, just in terms of how much of the gig economy was like worked into these traditional industries, whether that be like terrorism, because hitmen aren't really real.

Speaker 7

But certainly terrorism is.

Speaker 10

And I think there's a lot of ways that these things can be applied in this kind of bizarre uber Amazon world that we've created where the economy is just so fractured in all these little ways.

Speaker 11

There's also I think the sort of production angle to which is that because the way that manufacturing is happening has become so decentralized and because it's become based on these it's kind of less so now. But a lot of like Chinese manufacturing had worked like this, where you'd get these sort of like smaller pop up things, and each of these sort of like fairly small like production facilities is like shipping stuff to like a larger one

who's like doing assembly or whatever. But that means that Yeah, like as you're saying with Alli Bob, it's like all of this stuff is just available to purchase because it's designed to be sold to these people who are like starting their sort of like small scale like production line.

Speaker 10

Yeah, there's no quality control, there's no intense vetting. It's all extremely accessible. It's very easy to infiltrate this process.

Speaker 2

Yeah, here's another line from that Andro Huang article on Bunny at Bunny's Studios, be you in an Ie Studios, which is his blog. You don't even have to go so far as offering anyone a bribe or being a state level agency to get tampered batteries into a supply chain. Anyone can buy a bunch of items from Amazon, swap out the batteries, restore the packaging and seals, and return the goods to the warehouse. And yes, there is already a whole industry devoted to copying packaging and security seals

for the purpose of warranty fraud. The perpetrator will be long gone by the time the device is resold.

Speaker 11

Yeah, and the other worrying part about that too is that you know, okay, so getting the explosives to work is kind of difficult, right, Like bomb making is not easy, but.

Speaker 9

You have to have a degree of competence.

Speaker 11

Yes, but the actual cost fifteen thousand dollars like that, that's not even like you're looking at like a millionaire, Like that's just something your local dentist can afford to pull off.

Speaker 2

You could carry out an attack like this in terms of cash expenditure for the cost of like a reasonably nice car, which is not prohibitive to a large scale international terrorist organization.

Speaker 11

Or even just like a rich guy. Yeah, not even that rich guy can pull this off, yep, Which is.

Speaker 10

I guess the kind of the main inhibiting factor is we still don't quite know how Israel got these two detonates, yes, whether that is some sort of hack that overheated the battery, whether it was like a message that was sent out that like triggered something.

Speaker 7

Within the device.

Speaker 2

It seems to have been a message that mede the explosive detonates, because they did send a message immediately before, so it seems to have been tied to some extent with a message. Andrew Hwang kind of looked into and came to the conclusion that you could very well do a thermal runaway to set this off, but obviously the messade doesn't have any trouble getting a hold of military detonators. Wang also walked through how you could build a circuit

into the actual battery itself, like a trigger circuit. You know, I'm just gonna go ahead, and I'm going to go ahead and talk about this a little bit when we come back, but let's do our second ad break now before we tell everyone how to detonated plastic explosives.

Speaker 9

This is going to be the one that gets all arrested. Yeah, and we're back.

Speaker 2

Here's a quote from Andrew on how these might have been detonated. Detonating the pet in is a bit more tricky. Without a detonator, PETN may conflagrate burn fast instead of detonating and creating the much more damaging shockwave. However, the Wikipedia page notes that an electric spark with an energy in the range of ten to sixty millidules is sufficient

to initiate detonation. Based on available descriptions of the devices getting hot prior to detonation, one might suppose that detonation is initiated by a trigger circuit shorting out the battery pack, causing the internal polymer spacers to melt and eventually the cathode anode pairs coming into contact, creating a spark. Such a spark may furthermore be guaranteed across the pet in sheet by introducing a small defect, such as a slight

dimple in the surrounding cathode anoid layers. Once the packets to the melting point of the spacers, the dimpled region is likely to connect, leading to a spark that then detonates the PETN layer sandwich between the cathode and anode layers. But where do you hide this trigger circuit? It turns out that almost every lithium polymer pack has a small circuit board embedded in it called the PCM or protection

Circuit module. It contains a microcontroller, often in a tssop eight package, and at least one or more large transistors capable of handling the current capacity.

Speaker 9

Of the battery. And basically that's where you put it. Oops. Oops, and again I did talk to.

Speaker 2

Someone with expertise and explosives who said that they thought it was likelier that there was a conventional detonator, not because it would have been impossible to do with a thermal runway or the way that Andrew's set up, but because this is the masade, they have access to detonators, and a detonator guarantees that you get the proper kind of explosion. But again, even if you're using kind of the less Gucci method here, that would be available to

a non state actor. If only fifty out of the three hundred devices you impregnate with explosives do a proper explosion and the rest just kind of conflagrate, well, that's still a very successful attack. You can do a tremendous amount of damage to people's sense of well being, into the economy to supply lines by carrying out an attack like that.

Speaker 10

This is so terroristic nature and like if any other group did this, like it has blood. Yeah, if homocitis attack.

Speaker 9

Oh my god, we would be we would be bombing them right now. Yeah.

Speaker 10

If some like just random like accelerationist network somehow pulled this off, like ye, we would be pully or hair out.

Speaker 7

We would we would like go to war over something like this.

Speaker 10

And the fact that it's like it's this type of attack is only okay when this one military does it is just I don't.

Speaker 7

Know what to do aniven, They've endangered.

Speaker 2

There, they have endangered everyone, right, Like, like every single person listening to this is less safe because it is reel carried out this attack.

Speaker 7

What is airport screening going to look like if this keeps happening?

Speaker 9

Importantly?

Speaker 2

Am I going to be able to take all of my batteries on the planes that I could play video games on a fourteen hour flight?

Speaker 9

Garrison? You know, Yeah, the plugs in the seats don't always work well.

Speaker 10

I mean, and even like what if you're able to do this to like the electronics of like the pilot jeez, and then you just you just like take out an entire airpa.

Speaker 7

Yeah.

Speaker 10

It's like it's such a fucked up Pandora's box that it feels like there's gonna be no real consequences for which is just kind of yeah, things have been this past year, I guess.

Speaker 6

Yeah.

Speaker 11

And the other the other issue with it is that like the only way to fix this would be an actual like you would you would have to change how our supply chains work, and it's like, well, no one's gonna do that.

Speaker 7

No one.

Speaker 11

There is no number of people that you like, maybe if they literally killed the president of the United States, maybe you could get enough political capital together to try to do something about it.

Speaker 2

But like, there's no way, no, and there's there's no way, and like the way the state will respond to this is by making air travel vastly worse. Right, Yeah, it's

probably not the only thing that they will do. But that is like because there's just not an actual it's not really with present technology, there's not an easy way to actually find these things, like within kind of the context of like air travel, or the way in which like digital merchandising works, right, which is again why the Masad probably should have done this.

Speaker 7

What many reasons?

Speaker 9

What of many reasons, the dead kids being another.

Speaker 2

Yeah, I do want to conclude I've quoted a lot from Andrew Huang's wonderful article turning everyday gadgets into bombs is a bad idea, But I want to quote from his conclusion here. Not all things that could exist should exist, and some ideas are better left unimplemented. Technology alone has no ethics. The difference between a patch and an exploit

is the method in which a technology is disclosed. Exploding batteries have probably been conceived of and tested by spy agencies around the world, but never deployed en Moss because while it may achieve a tactical win, it is too easy for weaker adversaries to copy the idea and justify its redeployment in an asymmetric and devastating retaliation. However, now that I've seen it executed, I am left with the terrifying realization that not only is it feasible, it's relatively

easy for any modestly funded entity to implement. Not just our allies can do this. A wide cast of adversaries have this capability in their reach, from nation states to cartels and gangs to shady copycat battery factories just looking for a big payday. If chemical suppliers can moonlight and illicit drugs, what stops battery factories from dealing in bespoke munitions. The bottom line is we should approach the public policy debate around this, assuming that someday we could be victims

of exploding batteries too. Turning everyday objects into fragmentation to grenades should be a crime, as it blurs the line between civilian and military technologies and that should be something everyone can agree on.

Speaker 10

Yeah, yeah, I think I think so Jesus Christ just as enacting terrorism through like the gig economy ecosystem. Yeah, and oh boy, what a fun time we've we've built for ourselves.

Speaker 9

What a great fresh hell for us all.

Speaker 11

Yeah, very excited first to have our first drop shipping terrorist attack.

Speaker 3

It's going to be great. It's going to be it's gonna be great.

Speaker 9

Yeah.

Speaker 11

Yeah.

Speaker 2

Anyway, folks, maybe drive next trip you got to take, probably should note before we come out here. The obvious question, and there's not a long answer to this for obvious reasons, is like, well, couldn't nonstate actor get their hands on PETN or RDX, you know these kind of explosive compounds that you can make into plastic explosives. And the short answer is yes, any moderately competent chemist with the right ingredients could make this stuff and they're not super hard

to find. But also a lot of people in commercial spaces particularly have access to pet in. It's a kind of thing that like is commonently demolition, right, yeah, it's coming to demolition. It's also something artists use a good amount. There is a specific formulation of pet in where they make it like a thin sheet that you can use to suddenly weld metals together explosively. And there are a couple of specific famous artists who like use petn in

order to like make bob relief sort of artworks. So it's again not something that is like impossible for people who are not the masade to gain access to.

Speaker 11

You need a chemist, an engineer, and someone who knows how to set up businesses. And between the three years them they are going to have enough money to this, which is yeah, not great, Yeah.

Speaker 9

Not great. Anyway, everybody, have a good night, enjoy your explain flight.

Speaker 7

Hello, and welcome back to it could happen here in your daily dose of the horrors that are in fact already happening all around us. I'm your occasional host, Molly Conger, and I am delighted to be joined today by the critically acclaimed author of Culture Warlords, journalist researcher, sword enthusiast, Sandwich expert, and my friend Talia Lavin. Hello.

Speaker 12

Yeah, I once introduced myself at an event as a Sandwich historian, which I think was the pinnacle of my public speaking career.

Speaker 13

But this is the second Pinnacle. Hey, Molly, what's up.

Speaker 7

Thank you so much for coming on today to talk with me about your new book, Wild Faith, is coming out in just a few weeks October fifteenth.

Speaker 12

Right, yeah, Wild Faith, How the Christian Right is taking over America. Not the terrible b movie entitled Wild Faith.

Speaker 7

Yeah, the SEO is scrambled on that one. But the book, however, is very good. I mean, first of all, I just want to say, like, so, I've been reading the Gally copy that you sent me, which I honestly made me feel very fancy. I've never received a Galli copy of a book that's not out yet before, so I felt, you know, kind of a kind of a broadcasting professional with my special book.

Speaker 12

It's an exclusive club. You're one of like five people thus read it. Oh my god, that that's very exclusive. Yeah, well it's about to become a lot less exclusive, So feel special while.

Speaker 4

You can, right.

Speaker 7

But I realized when I was reading it, you know, I have my little sticky tabs because I'm reading a lot more books lately. Regrettably, not not not big time book guy he's reading. I read a lot of court documents, but I'm reading a lot of books right now. For research for my show, and it's like my little sticky tabs, And as I'm reading it, I realize I'm not marking passages that I think would be useful for us to

talk about in this interview. I'm just putting my little tabs on passages that just like punched me in the gut, you know.

Speaker 12

Ah, sorry for punching you, no, but I mean, I mean with the way the power of your words, because like a lot of what I'm reading sucks.

Speaker 7

It's just right Like I spent all day yesterday reading like twenty five year old Issues of Resistance, which was the quarterly magazine for a white power music label. So this, I mean it's a real departure, so you know, really just reveling in the richness of the pros and the fact that it, you know, didn't want to kill me.

Speaker 4

Yeah.

Speaker 12

No, I also have experienced, you know, Nazi research fatigue, and also just like the sort of lentless grimness of flowing through these like fundamentally hostile texts and also like academic texts, which are difficult in their own way. I try to write accessively or just like excitingly. I find that a lot of especially nonfiction sort of journalism me. Books tend to be a little dry, and I'm like,

let's not be dry. Let's be like spicy and you know, like form and function, Like you're more likely to be moved by a message if you find the writing compelling.

Speaker 7

You know, it's just you have such a way with words.

Speaker 4

I mean, you know this.

Speaker 7

You're a professional writer. I don't want to embarrass you on the show.

Speaker 13

So I feel like I'm twirling my hair, like, yes, but I do write for a living.

Speaker 7

If you'll indulge me, if it's legal, if the publisher will allow this. I just want to read this passage from the introduction that I think is a good jumping off point, and it was one of the first things I marked because I was just like, oh, hell yeah, we're getting into this. There's there's good words in here, okay. The Christian Right is a force in American politics and has been for decades, half a century to be precise,

during which it has steadily gained power. It started in school rooms, continued in courtrooms, and perseveres with the aid of people who are perfectly willing to call in bomb threats to hospitals and attempt to overturn elections. It features self proclaimed prophets with a distinct interest in politics, newly minted apostles with very definite ideas about spiritual battle and its earthly components, and pastors eager to usher in the

end of the world. Its adherents have hymns and devotionals and speaking tongues on occasion, and the showiest among them are known to march through cities, blowing Ram's horns in an effort to topple, as Joshua once did, the wicked cities of the world. They have their own insular world, their own media apparatus. They have legislators who get fire in brimstone speeches from the badly carpeted rooms where laws

are made. They have lawyers too, and in case the lawyers fail, there's always the promise of congregations that might coalesce into mobs or arsonists. Who's burning holy zeal coalesces into the tiny pinpoint of a molotop cocktail. And I knew from the intro that we were in for a ride.

Speaker 12

Yeah, it's like cast of characters, the worst people ever, but like, let's write about it in an exciting way.

Speaker 13

I think that one of the themes of the book.

Speaker 12

Is really how these extra legal extremist movements like the anti abortion terror movement, and the legal framework of a

movement work together. I actually initially heard about this from a friend who's talking about how like during the gay rights movement, you had sort of the act up built demonstrations that diants, and then you have the sort of like more respectively coded like gay people who you know, we're talking to the government and trying to get elected and you know, really trying to influence research and that ever movement needs sort of a radical outside and then

a respectable inside. And I'm like, oh, this works in like the acratic movements too, where you have like this you know, fringe that's burning down clinics, and then people steadily working for fifty years to like ban abortion, and they have the same DNA and they have the same goals. They just go about it differently but complement each other.

And I think that's like a running theme in the book, is that like you have lawyers and you have legislators, and then you have mobs and they're sort of all working towards the same goals. And that's really what we're seeing, I think on the Christian Right after decades of building power.

Speaker 7

Yeah. One of the notes that I wrote down in that vein while I was reading was that, you know, the Christian Right drives its power across a spectrum, right from the clinic bomber to the senator. But it's not you know, you might say it's two sides of the same coin, but to me, it looks like this isn't too different spheres of power to sort of separate but coexisting or comorbid ideologies. They're just different numbers on the same dial. Right, it's turning up and turning down.

Speaker 12

Yeah, it's like the hand that lights the torch and the hand that puts it to the you know, pyre. They perform different functions, but they have really the same goals. And if like me, you view stripping half the populace of its bodily autonomy, imposing a theocracy, hounding queer people out of public life, slash into death as fundamentally violent goals, yeah, I don't think there's like a respectable iteration necessarily, there's just cosplaying respectability and right.

Speaker 7

You can say it with a tie on on the Senate floor, but it's it's the same message.

Speaker 12

Yeah, and I think so much of our mediaaratus and governmental apparatus is really sort of views like again, this like form and function, right, Like if you are if you say something politely, it doesn't really matter what you're saying, Like if you say something with a suit on in the register of like, you know, in a calm sort of Mike Penci and Rush Limbaugh and decaf as.

Speaker 13

He called himself.

Speaker 12

Boy, she says, did he say that, Yeah, that's what he called himself when he read it, did a like evangelical radio show.

Speaker 6

Yeah.

Speaker 12

No, no matter what you say, as long as you are like white and you say it politely, like this is fundamentally sort of fine. And then if you look at it from you know, a step or two back, and you're like, no, actually, no matter how politely say it, this is like a violent, deeply unpopular theocratic agenda that like fundamentally is incompatible with multiracial democracy. I also think and running into this like well meaning liberals being like,

but isn't there a separation of church and state? And I'm like, I don't know, do you fucking think there is in Alabama? Do you think there is an Arkansas? And all of these you know in Texas, Like all of these figures are like, we're Christians.

Speaker 13

We're making laws for Jesus, and.

Speaker 7

We have covenant marriages and we want you to too.

Speaker 12

Yeah, like we're gonna outlaw divorce because of God, and like, you know, women dying of sepsis in hospital parking lots is what Jesus wants and like, and I experienced this, I think you probably have to when you like report on you know, zealots and extremists, and people inevitably wind up like measuring other people's weep by their own bushel. In other words, they're like, they can't really believe this stuff, and it's like, no, they really do. They can't really

have these goals. First of all, they do, but also does it matter, right, I mean the question of like impact versus intent. First of all, I think it's perfectly possible to be both a grifter and a true believer at the same time.

Speaker 7

That's just synergy maybe Yeah.

Speaker 12

And also fundamentally, this is a world premise done grievance, where it's this idea that like the world has got one O, We're on you. And so in a sense, grift is just like, well, you know, the world's corrupt and I'm fighting a righteous cause, So what does it matter the ethics that I sort of skip on along the way.

Speaker 7

I mean, once you've amped the stakes up to you're fighting the literal devil and everyone who's getting in my way is animated by actual demons from Hell. I mean, the steaks couldn't be higher. So you do what you have to do exactly, and it's this theory of power. And so then people sort of.

Speaker 12

Standing outside of that paradigm who are not keyed into this idea of like we're in an ethical spiritual battle, like and we must create like a Kingdom of Christ on Earth in America to win again devil, and then people outside being like, you're hypocrites, and it's like it's not a valid criticism to them because they're like, first of all, you're not like a Christian if you're a liberal, but also like you're not on our level, like we're fighting Lucifer and you're probably.

Speaker 13

A stand like on his team if you oppose us.

Speaker 12

So you know, a multitude of apparent hypocrisies can be excused by the idea that like this is a holy war, and in war, there's like all kinds of amart behavior that's OK, but doing holy war crimes, Yeah, exactly. I mean this is why, for example, you see a lot of like prominent female figures from Philish slaughleet, you know, in the seventies and eighties to like the tradwives now, and it's like, how does this fit in with your overall sort of idea that women should be chaste and

submissive and meek and silent. I mean, first of all, tradwife stuff is often fetishish content.

Speaker 7

But yeah, I mean filish Filish made a living professionally saying that women shouldn't make a living professionally, but that contradiction doesn't matter.

Speaker 12

Yeah, I mean I think I call them valkyries for feminine submission in the book. Yeah, I mean, at the end of the day, like if you believe that this is your your calling, your mission, you know, your mission field in the service of the Lord to undo the demonic sort of influence of feminism, Like of course you're going to speak.

Speaker 7

You've been moved by God to do so. Yeah.

Speaker 12

And of course, like female leaders with the evangelical community, like sort of minority Republicans can be like knocked off their pedestal quicker and easier, but like they still can come out and exist and testify and schlafly throughout her very long prolific and lucrative career, you know, was like, I'm a housewife with six kids, and that was her.

That was how she defined herself, even while being this incredibly proper and a figure and one of the sort of key architects of the current Christian right coalition of like right wing Catholics. She and Paul Lyric and Leonard Leo and some other right wing Catholics brought these Catholic values of being all about abortion to the evangelical right, which prior to the seventies is like, that's a weird Catholic thing.

Speaker 13

You don't really care I.

Speaker 7

Wanted to talk about that. So I'm not sure how sort of common knowledge this is, but the Protestant Christian community in the United States did not care about abortion until the seventies. It was not an issue in their communities. They were generally pro abortion. They were you know, the Baptists were in favor of Rob Wade.

Speaker 12

Yeah, the fucking Southern Baptist Convention came out in like seventy four. I think it was and was like, yeah, we approved Rob Wade.

Speaker 7

So it's not like, you know, opposition to abortion is baked into Christianity. It is baked into the American Evangelical Christianity of post nineteen seventy five or so because of this sort of conscious cynical political decision, And that I think is so interesting because you know, you get into this conversation of well, what are their deeply held beliefs and do they really believe it and does that matter?

But we can pin down the moment they started believing this and we know why, and it's segregation.

Speaker 12

Yeah, I mean, first of all, I would say, like people can still like this is like several generations later of like constant barrages of extremely violent propaganda against abortion.

Speaker 7

Right, so the belief is sincere today, but you could look at it where it was born. Yeah exactly, it should have been aborted, right, Yeah, no, it definitely should not have been carried to term. But like it's it's crazy. And in addition, Tomi's book Randall Bahmer does some really good coverage of this.

Speaker 12

So the sort of general arc is like three sort of nineteen seventy you had this like generally conservative population of Southern Baptists who were like on board with McCarthyism, hated the godless reds, but kind of viewed politics as like worldly and not really their sphere, and we're not

particularly politically engaged. And then brown versus a board of education passes immediately, the white Christian populist just disinvests these from the public schools, leaving multiple counties in the South without functionally any public education at all. And this mushroom after rain, kind of like patch of patches of parochial schools with church or Christian in the name start popping up,

and they're all white schools. Their segregation academies is the sort of term of art for these, and they're explicitly under a Christian agis they're religious schools. Their tax exams as a result, and then in like the late sixties and seventies, the government was like, you can't be tax exempt and like considered a charitable organization if you are segregated and don't have any.

Speaker 13

Black students or minority students.

Speaker 12

And that is what woke the sleeping dragon of the Christian right really like, you know, get your filthy government hands off our tax exemptions. Like they just went, you know, nuts, they were really mobilized. You know, like these are the people who are like growing tomatoes at Ruby Bridges, Like, you know, they're really politically motivated for the first time

because they're experiencing like a consequence for segregation. And so this is when like Jerry Fowell and Ralph Reid and you know, James Dobson start sort of coming forward and being more prominent.

Speaker 13

And then by the sort of mids seventies to eighties.

Speaker 12

You had these like savvy or political operators coming out and saying, hey, guys, segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever. Is Like it's great that it really fired y'all up, but it has sort of a limited appeal.

Speaker 7

And they shot George Wallace. It's over.

Speaker 12

Yeah, Like there's gonna be a ceiling on that, And a lot of people think you suck. So why don't you get it on the ground on this new civil rights struggle abortion where you can fight for the unborn who conveniently will never disagree with you.

Speaker 7

Right, their voices don't have to be centered here. We can speak for them.

Speaker 13

I mean, they're the most convenient political constituency in history.

Speaker 7

Right, because they're so innocent and you can't milkshake duck a fetus. He's not even here.

Speaker 12

Yeah, he can't talk, but he's not gonna say shit. So I mean that's like the very capsule history. And then of course it becomes this idea of like the moral majority and where the guardians of America's soul and we're gonna get really weird about sex.

Speaker 13

Also, it's just.

Speaker 7

Like if you strip it all the way down to the studs, like the core of this is women are bleeding to death in hospital parking lots because Jerry Folwell didn't want to pay his taxes or stop being racist.

Speaker 13

Yeah, I mean that's not fair.

Speaker 12

No, people sometimes like are a little skeptical when I'm like, all of the hatreds are interconnected. But then you look at like concrete historical examples of like this world historical wave of misogyny. I mean, it's not that this population wasn't like weird about sex or weird about women.

Speaker 7

Like to start with. I mean, maybe they would have gotten here a different way, but that's how we got here.

Speaker 12

Yeah, we got here by just like no, we will pay taxes on our segregation academies. Bob Jones University's interracial dating ban is perfectly great, and we're gonna mobilize about it. And so what you have then now is just like fifty years of political lock step because and you see this.

Speaker 13

In like other religious communities.

Speaker 12

I mean, like, I know, like it's sort of notorious how much corruption slides by in New York because like the Considic communities vote as a block, Like it is very useful to have a congregation that all votes the same way. It's politically useful.

Speaker 7

I mean, what other populations can you get together once a week as a captive audience and speak to with authority if you can mobilize those people. And that's what Jerry Folwell saw, right, is like this is a great way to get a lot of people to vote the way I want them to vote.

Speaker 12

Yeah, And you know, the church has always been like a really prominent institution in American civil society, especially as the rest of sort of civil society has fallen away and degraded. Like churches are some of the only social outlets that Americans have. And what's interesting when you talk to evangelicals and next evangelicals is just like being a Republican is like part of their religious identity in a

major way. It's like this is how you vote, and this is you know, how you dress, and this is how you go to church and so on. But like the idea of being a democrat is like not only you know, a little bit out of step with your community, it's heretical.

Speaker 7

I mean, that's how the demons give in.

Speaker 12

Yeah, yeah, demoncrats, I mean, and like, yeah, it's stupid. But it's also like half of the people saying demoncrats like literally mean democrats are aligned with Lucifer.

Speaker 7

And I think that's a point that I don't want to get lost on the listener.

Speaker 4

This.

Speaker 7

You know, this idea that people literally have demons in them, that demons are active in the world, that demons are motivating the actions of their enemies is real for them. And I'm not saying that to be derisive or you know, it's real. It's real. It is an animating factor for a lot of these people. And that's hard to wrap your mind around.

Speaker 4

I mean, I.

Speaker 7

Struggle with the idea that that is real for them. But like that's how you get things like satanic panic, and we see echoes of satanic panic in this idea of you know, groomers in kids' schools, they really have this fundamental, like foundational belief in this, you know, whether or not they're calling it demons, that the existence of some sort of ontological evil that is coming for their children.

And like, once you arrive at the place where, like where you understand that that's real for them, their actions make more sense. Like they're not behaving irrationally if you if you truly believe that these things were happening, you'd act crazy too.

Speaker 12

Yeah, I mean, it's really hard to get people to step outside their own worldviews, and in both directions, right, Like I don't believe that demons are you know, abroad in the world and motivating like every element of political action to someone who.

Speaker 7

I'm starting to see them some places, but generally.

Speaker 12

To someone who does, my viewpoint is incomprehensible and vice versa. So I think part of I mean not that I'm like one of those people that's like polarization is the big problem, like you know, as opposed to anything with like concrete policy, like you know where it's like the big problem is we all don't like each other enough.

And I'm like, no, the big problem is like people are espousing policies that will cause deaths, and like also that people like believe their political enemies are like literally agents of Satan. I would say, is like a bigger

problem than polarization and the abstract. But yeah, I mean this this doctrine of sort of spiritual warfare, which if you like google it, it's just like, oh, this is the mindset and it's like you, the listener to it could happen here, like you've been drafted into the spirit war from like birth.

Speaker 7

Congratulations, private, and you're.

Speaker 12

Probably in the side of the devil, so good job. I mean, I don't know, like a lot of Americans believe in angels and demons and that's fine, but it's like when starts impinging on the political sphere in a very serious way, It's like, how far would you go if you believed your opponent was under the thrall of like Satan?

Speaker 13

You would go pretty damn far's.

Speaker 7

I mean that's why you know clinic bombings were and I guess are on the rise again, right, like these arsins of clinics. It's not like other kinds of crime in my mind, right, it's not a crime of passion

or an interpersonal dispute. It is people who have been motivated by this belief that this is a place where a genocide is happening, that there's a holocaust going on in there, that people are ripping you know, actual living babies limb from limb, and if you really did believe that, their actions make sense, and that's why it happens so often, right, because these people are motivated by this belief that God commands them to take this action.

Speaker 12

Yeah, I mean there's your dual element to that. I mean, first of all, absolutely, yes, Like I've read some anti abortion terror manuals speaking of extremely unpleasant research, and it's just really like these people are murderers. It's mass murderers, Like you're like killing Hitler, right.

Speaker 7

And wouldn't you wouldn't you kill baby Hitler?

Speaker 13

Exactly?

Speaker 12

Poltical about baby Hitler in like a countrywide scale. And when specific abortion doctors have been mentioned in right wing media, those guys end up dead and that's not a coincidence. So there's there's that element of it, which is the majority of it.

Speaker 13

It's huge.

Speaker 12

But there's also this idea of demonic geography, where like demons can possess sort of places like abortion clinics or institutions like Planned parenthood or even the Democratic Party, which you know, I read a lot of demonology books, like Taxonomies of Demons. Pigs in the Parlor was this really big hit in like the seventies, and it's been like reissued and reissued and millions of copies, and it's just like, on one level, it's really compelling because it's like, are

you tired, are you sad, are you feeling clumsy? You have like persistent stomach aches. It's demons and here's how you deal with that. And like, in a country with shitty healthcare, I can totally see why someone who's like really depressed might go to like an exorcist or a deliverance minister, which is the Protestant if.

Speaker 7

You'll try anything, and this guy's going to do it for free.

Speaker 12

I watch so many videos of deliverance ministers doing their thing, and it's like crazy. It's like people you know, are just like sitting there and they're like people praying over them and screaming in their face, like and they wind up vomiting and crying and it's all very like intense. And you know, if you think about it from a placebo effect perspective. For like one second, you're like, obviously this person would feel a weightlifted from them. They've had

this ecstatic experience. And this isn't the majority of it. This is about fourteen percent of America identifies this as white evengels so many Protestants, and it's still so many people because people keep asking me, like how many people really believe should like this, and I'm like, well, about eighty to ninety percent of like people who identify as might evangelical Protestants vows most of these beliefs. So that's like,

that's like thirty million people. Yeah, yeah, And then you add in the Catholic right, which is.

Speaker 7

Getting weirder every day.

Speaker 3

Yeah.

Speaker 12

JD Vance, I hate women exist to reproduce, breathe you filthy sow. But like, even beyond the adult Catholic convert style weirdness, like right wing Catholics are an integral part of the Christian right, like Amy Cony Barrett, you know, antonin Scalia, that kind of thing. That's another bunch of millions. So this reactionary force has like numerically significant constituency. On the other hand, it definitely punches way above its weight in terms of right.

Speaker 7

They have an outsized influence of both you know, on the legislative floor and when it comes to you know who's racking up the most.

Speaker 12

Yeah, and also even like the culture wars right, like the sort of loudest culture warriors tend to at least come from like a background of I'm speaking for God or Christ is King or whatever it is, Like how many times have you and I encountered that an extremist contacts But also like the sort of more mainstream me, What the fuck the mainstream is? I don't know, it's full of piss, But like the more mainstream me, like Christian grifter, right, they come from this this I'm speaking

from my faith. These are my religious principles. But like it is with noting again, just just to rewind in our conversation, but like the whole concept of religious liberty and religious freedom absolutely was like an ad slogan coined in the seventies around segregation.

Speaker 7

Right, religious freedom to do what I mean, it's like states rights, states rights to do what right?

Speaker 12

Yeah, Like you answer the question, yeah, it's it's religious freedom to have segregated schools, is the answer.

Speaker 7

To that, And you still see echoes of that with either still religious schools that can't accept federal grant money because they don't let students be gay, right, Like it's not racial segregation anymore, but they are refusing to admit gay students and that is a violation of federal civil rights law.

Speaker 12

Yeah, but that's where I mean, that's where that stillgan started. And then it's blossomed to include basically like a gay person came into my shop.

Speaker 7

Except they didn't, right, I know, there's no standing, right, Like that whole case was built a lie.

Speaker 1

Whatever.

Speaker 12

That's yeah, but it's like and the standing in the Supreme Court is so ridiculous. This, I mean, in many ways, this Supreme Court is the culmination and embodiment and apotheosis of like Christian right theocracy because you have these like absolutely bat shit religious zealots. I mean, Amy Cony Barrett is like from a cult, and in this unaccountable body, they're passing unpopular theocratic principles that the majority of the

America public uh disagrees with. But like specifically what they are trying to enact and what they are what they are enacting is this theogratic agenda, where like the government

is in your bedroom. The government is in your doctor's office, Like the government is sniffing your panties, and it's it's gross and it's upsetting and fundamentally, like theocracies are just very famously all up in your junk, Like they're obsessed with like controlling and censoring sexuality of all kinds of but particularly female sexuality and queer sexuality, like sniff those out.

And so that's part of the reason why so many abortion arguments, Like, first of all, you have the like the you're murdering this cluster of cells, which is a full human baby. Like do you remember that article in The Guardian a couple of years ago that like showed the actual size of like fetuses at various stages of development, and it was like they were.

Speaker 7

Just like so little, like these little like little fingernails. Yeah, and it doesn't look like a tiny baby doll. That's just very small. Yeah, exactly, it's not like a mini baby like it like tides of gore. It's like literally like a tiny cluster of cells. So the anti abortion propaganda, like you are not immune to propaganda. It has like wormed its way into the popular consciousness just by virtue of its ubiquity and constant repetition being the key to

successful propaganda. But so many of these arguments in addition to this this abortion is murder stuff is also just like you should have kept your legs closed, right, This is a this is a consequence, God did this to you.

Speaker 12

Yeah, Like sex for your sins a mortal sin and sex should be punished, and.

Speaker 7

I they must be doing it wrong.

Speaker 12

Like, I'm like, why do you want sex to have consequences and be punished? The like intensity of the misogyny around purity culture is so intense.

Speaker 7

I wanted to ask you, you know, about the experience of writing the book, right, So you know, your first book, Culture Warlords, was traumatizing for you to craft, right, because you had to spend so much time in these digital spaces in some in some cases physical spaces with you know, neo Nazis, four Chan guys, you know, aspiring terrorists, and so that's traumatic to experience, you know. But largely that experience was alone, like at your computer screen, sort of

consuming this content that was eroding your soul. But the second half of this book is about child abuse, right, and you interviewed people who grew up in this movement about their lives, about their husband's raping them and their parents beating them as children, and like how did those experiences compare?

Speaker 3

And like what was that?

Speaker 10

How?

Speaker 7

I mean, how did you to do that? I don't even know how it'd begin to do that with care.

Speaker 12

I mean, I think my goal going in is like I'm not going to betray you, Like that was my guiding ethos of just like I view like your trust in me as a sacred thing, not like sacred in any formal religious sense, but just like you know, I view your trust in me as something that I hold very dearly. It's very important. I'm going to treat your pain with as much gentleness and respect as I can.

And like I interviewed over one hundred people largely about their experiences with experiencing child abuse and an evangelical milieu as it's laid out with painstaking instructions, and like all of these parenting manuals. Actually, like I think reading the parenting manuals was even more disturbing than talking to people, because like people were like this fucked me up and

it was wrong. And then these books are like, no, you must be your toddler because Jesus says so, and like here's exactly how to beat your toddler, and here's what you should use to beat your toddler, and here's the like supremely fucked up, like weird ritual that we prescribe, and then like reading those in tandem with like like the accounts of people who were like this specific thing like sucked me up for life and really messed up my ability to have like intimacy or self confidence or

whatever all of that stuff.

Speaker 13

I mean, it was tough.

Speaker 12

I definitely took more time. Like I wrote Culture Warlords in nine months, so I was like totally immersed constantly. It just like didn't come up for ayer, yeah at all. And this one I was like, I need a little more time, guys, Like I wrote it over you know,

almost three years. I also pretentiously started calling this philosophy Guarding your Heart because I really got lost in the sauce with Culture Warlords, Like I was in a dark place while I was writing it, and afterwards I was also the like it came out in mid COVID, so that didn't help either. But uh, it was a really really rough experience with I was like I'm going to keep writing, I'm going to write about sandwiches all the way through. I'm going to like make sure I have

friendships and stuff that's grounding me. And I think consciously having that at the forefront of my mind really helped that being said, Like, what was really encouraging was all of these people who had experienced this sort of child abuse industrial complex in the evangelical community, where like we really value that someone wants to hear what we have to say, and also that it's someone from outside the community is like paying attention and thinks this is important,

which is not to denigrate like expangelical voices, but more to say that, like, I guess there's a certain validation when someone who's like not didn't grow up in your corner of religiosity, dark corner.

Speaker 7

And sort of bringing it to an outside audience too. I think a lot of expangelicals their audience is largely their fellow expangelicals exactly.

Speaker 13

And I'm someone who, like I grew up as a Jew, and I'm like, yeah, this sucked. This terrible.

Speaker 12

I'm like appalled reading like to Train Up a Child by the Pearls or or The Strong Willed Child by jam Stobson which, like, to be clear, the strong willed child is a bad thing. It's a bad thing to have a child with us.

Speaker 7

You have to beat it out of them. Sure, literally, And I ran into this in the wild recently. I don't know if you have come across this guy online. Do you know the nineties movie The Little Rascals?

Speaker 13

Oh my god, alf from The Little Rascals turns out to.

Speaker 7

Be all Falfa. The guy who played Alfalfa's name is Bug Hall. He like, really like I don't got into a sort of main character situation over some posts about how he beats his infants. He beats infants because that's I guess, a good way to raise a baby.

Speaker 9

Yeah.

Speaker 13

Also I think he's homeless.

Speaker 7

No, he's a surf. Oh he's a voluntary serfdom arrangement.

Speaker 13

Oh my god.

Speaker 12

Okay, well he sounds like a big rat school. Yeah, he's continued that trajectory of rascaldom. But don't be your kids. I mean, I will also say the reason why this book focuses so much on child abuse, which, like I encountered some some haters and losers and doubters along the way who were like, why are you focused so much on child abuse, and I was like, there are a lot of different theories about like how authoritarianism develops, but one of the big ones is focusing on the pedagogy.

Speaker 13

In authoritarian societies.

Speaker 12

The societies that become authoritarian, you know, evolve from democracy to authoritarianism, and beating the shit out of people from when they're in infancy and particularly when they display disobedience or ask why, or you know, just deviate from expectations.

Speaker 7

It's a great way to make an obedient brown shirt.

Speaker 12

Yeah, exactly, Like this is a recipe for future authoritarians, like the people I spoke to who had sort of broken away largely from this culture. But many of the sort of most obedient soldiers in the Army's Army of God like are that way. Because again, I can't overemphasize how much these parenting manuals, which spanned from like nineteen seventy to twenty fifteen, these texts, you know, the dates

that they were published, emphasize having an obedient child. What you want is not like a child who's kind or curious or thoughtful or smart. It's obedient, instantly obedient. Don't make me count to three is the title of one of the books, and like, what you're creating is a culture of people who a like empathize with the aggressor

at all times. So hence this admiration for strength and even admiration for cruelty, people who are trained to obey and obey without question, and people who are very acclimated to the use of violence.

Speaker 7

I mean, you're doing fascism in the home, right.

Speaker 12

So the the author, like Alice Miller, the author of the book For Your Own Good, lays out a pretty she was also a Holocaust survivor. She lays out a pretty strong case for like, you know, early twentieth century Germany having this poisonous pedagogy that also involved beating the shit out of your kids until I was illegal to love your children. Yeah, to obey you, and how basically

this is how you make a torture. And the book is called for your Own Good, and yeah, I mean I really think it is like under valued in politics, Like how much this culture of corporal punishment, which is yeah, Americans have like moved away from universal approval of corporal punishment, We're still like a lot higher than other.

Speaker 13

Western democracies in that regard. And like on a national level.

Speaker 12

We're the only country in the world that hasn't ratified the UN Conventions on the Rights of a Child, which include like having a name and like not being beaten and not being thrown in to like juvi solitary.

Speaker 7

Oh well, that's why America can't touch that. We need to incarcerate the children.

Speaker 13

Yeah, the children yearn for the cells.

Speaker 12

But it's also just like a lot of it actually was like worries that like evangelicals like would sort of object to the the interference in there.

Speaker 7

It's an infringement on their religious freedom to be this shit out of babies.

Speaker 12

Yeah, and their parental rights, which is another buzzword of this, this movement.

Speaker 7

Pnal rights is a red flag for me.

Speaker 12

Oh yeah, no, I hear parental rights, and I think you want to beat the shit out of your kids.

Speaker 7

You don't want your children to learn science.

Speaker 12

Yeah, you out of homeschool and under educate your kids or miseducate you want to cause a measles outbreak exactly. But that's like for us, because we're weirdos. We're like obsessively clued into this stuff. If you're not, Like parental rights is like religious freedom is like it sounds good. Yeah, it's an effective marketing slogan, but like what it means is like we're going to show up at the school board and yell about how I mean.

Speaker 13

And Trump is like bought.

Speaker 12

Into this obviously because he knows where his bread is buttered. He has savvy Like he's like, you guys do the policy, but like his current parental rights based his biggest like policy that he's advocating is like denying federal funding to any school with any vaccine a mandate, which is basically just like make measles great again, like bring back diphtheria.

I think, like, yes, the MAGA movement is sort of the the efflorescence, the apotheosis of this sentially building power, but like there's also just like fifty years of power building behind it. And like, even if Trump is defeated at the federal level, which like I profoundly hope he is, sorry to come out as like a you know, partisan a voter, like a hashtag a voter, but like I

think it would be just a nauseatingly harrad. It's a horrifying thought that he I mean, first of all, you would absolutely enact every item in this theocratic agenda starting with a national abortion band like that would happen in the first hundred days, I think, which would just functionally plunge American women into like a very very dark septocemic nightmare.

Speaker 7

Yeah, the dark place that we're going as a coffin.

Speaker 13

Yeah yeah yeah.

Speaker 12

But even should he lose, which you know, hope, there's still twenty two states where abortion is outlawed or severely restricted, and these places are becoming care deserts. Like medical residents. My extremely sexy partner is a medical residence, so I know more about the state of medicine than I otherwise would. But like residents don't want to do their residencies in states with abortion restrictions.

Speaker 7

They're like, right, given a choice, gynecological providers just are practicing there anymore. Like even if you know, even though your primary focus is not abortions, or even if your primary focus is not you know, pregnancy care, they just don't want they just don't want to work there.

Speaker 12

Well, it's also first of all that, but second of all, it's like, if you're in the er, you're going to experience pregnancy loss because it happens in one in five pregnancy.

Speaker 7

Right, so they're choosing to work in states where they're not going to go to jail for doing medicine.

Speaker 12

Yeah, like they don't want to incur the moral injury of not being able to apply the standard of care to patients in extremely common situations such as incomplete miscarriage and you know, pregnancy loss, whether you know self induced or just like miscarriage is super common and nobody talks about it.

Speaker 7

It's more common than we an Ectopic pregnancy is so much more common than people realize. Like there are so many things that your body can do to betray you that you need a doctors help with just ordinary pregnancy. And then after the baby is born, then your lustrous hair all falls out.

Speaker 12

Yeah, like ordinary pregnancy is so fraught with like weird body horror. Like but anyway, that's besides the point.

Speaker 13

Whatever.

Speaker 12

The point is someone presents with abdominal pain in the er and it turns out to be an ectopic pregnancy, and like you can't do standard of care like dilation and cure tash procedures without checking with the hospital lawyer. Like that is a really bad position for a care

provider to be in. So when you have these fundamentally unscientific laws, right, that are produced by people who don't know anything about pregnancy and are like very intentionally ambiguous so that cautious institutions will sort of interpret them at maximally interpret them.

Speaker 7

Like the life of the mother, How dead does she have to be? First?

Speaker 12

Yeah, she has to be almost dead, right, and then sometimes she winds up dying because almost dead is tough to judge, Like, it just winds up this grotesque sort of farce of medicine. And they're you directly, like, residents don't want to train, doctors don't want to practice in these places.

Speaker 7

And so you know, right, so this ends up killing more people than just the ones hemorrhaging in the parking lot. There are people who have completely unrelated problems who are now unable to access unrelated kinds of care because the doctors just aren't there.

Speaker 12

Yeah, Or people who have ordinary wanted pregnancies who can't access neonatal care, who have to drive hours and hours and hours to like get checkups. Like you know, I mean, human reproduction is like a pretty major part of like life, and a lot of people are doing it. Yeah, Like it's sort of how you know, it's just people do it all the time and not being able to access medical care around like the entire spectrum of like reproduction

is pretty catastrophic. But yeah, it also impacts all the people not engaging in reproduction at this moment in time, like doctors who are just like, fuck this, I'm not wearing out a dar in Tennessee, you know, because I want to be able to treat patients.

Speaker 7

Without a lawyer in the room. Yeah, exactly, I.

Speaker 12

Mean, and then there are doctors who are bigots and doctors who are happily on board with abortion bands, But like, do you want that to be the.

Speaker 13

Only doctor in your county? I don't think so, you know.

Speaker 12

It's just it's a really grim situation. And I just like, I'm such an absolutist about bodily autonomy. It's like, if you don't own your body, you are not a full citizen, period, end of story. Like if a major organ in your body is treated as a controlled substance, like, you are not a full and equal citizen with rights, which I would like to be.

Speaker 7

I aspire to it. Yeah, so I want to ask you one more question about your book, and I will let you go. I told you that I wouldn't keep you very long, and I lied.

Speaker 12

But it's like, it's just because I like talking to you. So it's I think I've done the majority of the topics.

Speaker 13

You can't.

Speaker 12

You can't be like, oh, it's about your book, which you should buy listeners, preorder it now wherever you buy a books. And if you like the dulcet tones of my voice, which are I shouldn't have you to narrate in my audience books, you brush that passage.

Speaker 7

I'm a professional talker now, yeah, yeah.

Speaker 12

Well I narrated the audio book and then was like, why did I write such complicated sentences?

Speaker 13

Afterwards?

Speaker 7

So now that I read my own writing like on a regular basis out loud, which is new for me, right, So you know, I have my podcast and I'm writing my little scripts and then then I'm reading into a little microphone. Now that I struggle with that. I noticed while I was reading your book that oh, I wouldn't be able to read this out loud. Where would I breathe? I know it was because I write like that too, and it's something I'm like really grappling with right now.

Speaker 12

She's like call me ten clubs. I'm like, oh fuck, this sentence is this paragraph. This sentence is a paragraph.

Speaker 7

Stop it like I really really lost, really lost momentum that one.

Speaker 12

Yeah, I know, but like I managed to get through it. And if you if you enjoy the dulcae sounds of my voice, you can hear it for like, I don't know, eight hours or whatever. I assume you're being like, listen to my voice.

Speaker 7

But you know, invite me into your mind.

Speaker 6

Yeah.

Speaker 12

But I do think it's nice as an author to read your audiobook because I can like get mad and like, you know, emphasize stuff that I think is important. And also I'm a theater kid, like, like, I don't have many opportunities to perform, and it is a performance and it's it's fun.

Speaker 7

But yeah, and that comes out at the same time as the physical book.

Speaker 12

Yes, it comes out audio ebook, physical book with a cool snake on it.

Speaker 7

Oh yeah, Oh, I guess this is an audio medium. The listener can't see that I'm showing the cool cover.

Speaker 12

Yeah, it's got a cool snake, a red and black snake on the cover. I've named him Rocco that he has a cross for a tongue. If you're looking for a book to give to the metal head.

Speaker 13

In your life.

Speaker 7

Oh yeah, it's pretty metal.

Speaker 12

Heads, atheists, degenerates. Everyone is gonna love this book.

Speaker 7

It's perfect for everyone.

Speaker 12

And if you're light on cash flow, want it for supporting India authors is ask your library to stock it or your local bookstore because library orders are really important and you can just like put in a request in your library system and that is super helpful.

Speaker 7

Hell yeah, everybody go to your library's website right now and request that they purchase a copy of Wild Faith by Talia Lavin. Yeah, tallywhere else can people find you online?

Speaker 13

So I have a newsletter. It's on button down.

Speaker 12

I left some stack because they were like, we're never going to censor Nazis, but we will sensor porn. And I was like, I don't like your priorities, so I left for button down. So it's buttondown dot com. Slash the Sword in the Sandwich or if you just google, the Sword in the Sandwich comes up. Most Tuesdays I write about like the horrific state of politics, et cetera, And then Fridays I write an essay about a different

sandwich on Wikipedia's list of notable sandwiches. And so far I'm I've written one hundred and eleven sandwiches.

Speaker 7

The sandwich content alone is worth the price of admission. You need to find out about these sandwiches.

Speaker 12

I mean it just and I get really deep into like the history and the provenance and like like ah, the shifting of people's led to this sandwich. But so I get really deep into it. And then you can also find me on Blue Sky, where I most of the time now because Twitter is just like robots and Nazis and Nazi robots, where I'm at swords Jew. I'm still on vishy Twitter as Moby Dick Energy. And you know, if you want to say hi or invite me to speak at your synagogue or bookstore, I'm at tellyol Even

writes at gmail dot com. Or church if you're like cool.

Speaker 7

Yeah, if it's like a cool church, Yeah, you show up and they pass you a snake.

Speaker 13

Yeah, exactly. Oh god, I didn't tune up speaking at times for this book.

Speaker 7

Well, Tally, thank you so much for coming on today again. The book is Wild Faith by Talia Lavin, and you can pre order it now wherever books are sold, and you should request it from your library.

Speaker 12

Yeah, well, stand Civic services, and I'm a huge fan of public libraries and also of Molly Coungar.

Speaker 13

So thanks for having me on and take care.

Speaker 1

Bye bye.

Speaker 7

Hey.

Speaker 2

We'll be back Monday with more episodes every week from now until the heat death of the Universe.

Speaker 7

It Could Happen Here is a production of cool Zone Media.

Speaker 10

For more podcasts from cool Zone Media, visit our website cool Zonemedia dot com, or check us out on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

Speaker 7

You can now find sources for It Could Happen Here. Listen directly in episode descriptions.

Speaker 13

Thanks for listening.

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