A zone media. Hey, everybody, Robert Evans here and I wanted to let you know. This is a compilation episode. So every episode of the week that just happened is here in one convenient and with somewhat less ads package for you to listen to in a long stretch if you want. If you've been listening to the episodes every day this week, there's going to be nothing new here for you, But you can make your own decisions.
This could be a giant disaster. Those were the words that Elon Musk texted biographer Walter Isaacson on a Friday evening in September twenty twenty two, claiming that the Ukrainian military was attempting a sneak attack on the Russian naval fleet in Sebastopol. In the annexed region of Crimea must have been providing Starlink Internet to the Ukrainian military for months as part of their ongoing conflict against Russia's invasion, and the resourceful Ukrainians began using Stalink as a way
to remotely control the Kamikazi drones. Musk, having spoken to a Russian ambassador, saw Crimea as a red line that, when crossed, would escalate the conflict, potentially even provoking a nuclear retaliation, and so he acted disabling or depending on who you ask, refusing to enable styling access in the Crimea region. When the Ukrainian drone serbs approached their targets, they suddenly stopped communicating with their operators and eventually washed
up ashore, harmless and impotent. While the specific details of this episode are hazy, the core truth is unambiguously clear. Elon Musk is a supremely powerful individual and through action or inaction, has the ability to influence the outcome of combat operations in the bloodiest war inflicted upon European generations. It's a level of power typically only reserved for nation
state actors, not tech company CEOs. Throughout history, we've seen plenty of examples of individuals and companies with outsized country like power and influence. Musk isn't unique in that regard, nor is he the sole cautionary tale about why this
shouldn't be allowed to happen. As a private individual operating within his capacities as CEO, he's unconstrained by democratic accountability, and as a private businessman, he has his own conflicts of interest from Tesla's long history of sourcing aluminum from Russian companies to his contacts with the highest echelons of
Russian leadership, including Vladimir Putin himself. Historically, the only real accountability mechanism for people like muscusbeed in the media, and yet in this case, the media is chosen instead to fate the Elon musk creation myth that he's a trailblazing real life Tony Stark that will take humanity to the stars, rather than asking him many hard questions of any kind.
This situation is the product of a media industry dominated by journalists seeking access to popular public figures, pulling their punches in the process. The most notable access journalist is Kara Swisher, who has spent decades covering the tech industry with a pantomime like aggression, asking the quote unquote hard questions without ever really pushing the level of discover that
might make a source um willing to pus aarticipate. Swisher famously, in an interview during the All Things Digital conference in twenty ten, convinced Meta CEO then called Facebook Mark Zuckerberg to take off his hoodie after asking him a challenging question about Facebook's invasion of privacy, only to be distracted by the design of the inside of what he was wearing, effectively objecting to her own line of questioning for entertainment purposes.
Eight years later, Swisher would interview Zuckerberg about Cambridge Analytica and Russian interference in the twenty sixteen elections, lobbing softball questions like make a case for keeping info wars on Facebook and responding to Zuckerberg outrights saying he wouldn't ban Holocaust and Sandy Hook deniers by asking how it made
Zuckerberg feel when people said Facebook killed people Nyanmar. The Swisher house style is simple, ask a big meeting question, and then failed to interrogate a single answer in any way, shape or form a round. A month later, Swisher would interview Elon Musk, who at that point had aided harassment campaigns against reporters, called a man saving children a pedo file, and had his companies faced multiple allegations of sexual harassment
and racism. When asked about his fights with the press over Twitter must claim that the Wall Street Journal, whose Wisher used to work for, outright lied about investigation into Tesla's production figures, to which Swisher asked him if he realized the dangers of him saying such things about the press, and proceeded to help Must paper over his claims, saying
that he quote just doesn't like falsehoods. One of the richest and most powerful men in the world sat before Swisher, and her interrogation involved asking him simple questions about why he was doing things, lightly teasing him, and saying that he looks and I quote rested in calm. To be clear, this is an ultra powerful billionaire, and this is a was at the time enterprising journalist who everyone looked to.
In April twenty twenty two, the week that Must announced the Twitter acquisition, Swusher gave a strange interview to James D. Walsh of The New Yorker, defending Musk, who had of course waived you diligence on the acquisition, did not seem to have a single clear plan about how he might run the same. She claimed that you couldn't pin Musk down, that he was quite complex, and that we would be
surprised about what he likes and doesn't like. Musk, who has invented none of the core products that make him rich, is a quote visionary that gave Swish a genuine answers and arguably the most damning thing she could have said, would call her back. That was her litmus test that he would return her calls. Her ultimate defense of Musk was that and I quote inventors were very difficult, problematic people, and the moderation on Twitter was not working at the
time of acquisition. These are all, of course, demonstrably force based on the events that followed, the growth of hate speech, the lack of accountability, the biggest face on the platform, and the fact that every third post seems to be some kind of spambot, either selling T shirts or pornography
or cryptocurrency scams. Swisher only turned on Musk when he emailed her calling her an asshole in November twenty twenty two, including a screenshot where, according to Swisher, she was actually defending him, saying that the US government should pay Elon Musk for starling. Since then, Musk has gone from a difficult to pin down visionary to carver Swisher calling his social network a and this is agonizingly horribly written a
thunderdome of toxic asininity. Swisher, it appears, only worried about what she called Musk's price of cocktail of ignorance and big ego until he was rude to her. One of the most famous tech journalists in the world who has failed to take any real shot at any of the people she's questioned across decades of doing this has now been reduced to making epic dunks that sound like a twenty one year old Harry Potter fan trying to cast
a spell. It's embarrassing. Swisher isn't the sole media figure guilty of having treated Elon Musk with kid gloves or treating his bloviating with otherwise on ducrid duity. This is a problem that affects almost every news outlet and reporter that covers billionaires. The assumption is always the billionaires will act with empathy, patience, and grace, three things that Musk, Bezo, Zuckerberg, and their ilk totally lack. Failing that, one would suppose
they'd act like a normal person, a losing proposition. If you've ever read Jeff Bezos's texts, these people are not like us. They do not experience human struggle. They don't have bills or bosses or fear of anything, let alone authority. Each and every billionaire is effectively above the law, and that is the place that you must start to understand them. It's deeply frustrating, especially when you consider the myriad of opportunities where the media could have taken must task and
held him accountable. Take high Poop, for example, Musk's concept for a high speed mass transit system where pressurized capsules would hurtle between cities through vacuum tubes at speeds as fast as seven hundred and sixty miles an hour. Hyperloop Musk promise would allow commuters to travel between San Francisco and Los Angeles in as little as thirty minutes, and with the network powered primarily by solar power, with no real environmental impact. If anything, this could have been a
much bigger deal than Tesla. High speed transit that doesn't burn fossil fuels could truly have changed the world. So what do you think happened? Do you think that Must delivered on this on this product that helped play a vital role in cementing his image as a real life Tony Stark. Not only would it be faster and cheaper than anything currently in existence, but it'd be greener too.
What followed was a gushing or at least gredulous flow of media coverage, including from The Washington Post and The New York Times, both papers of record. It wasn't until the hype gradually died down that people began asking serious questions about hyperloop's viability. An exhaustive report published by the Transportation Research Laboratory earlier this year raised a serious questions about the feasibility of hyperloop, particularly when it comes to
passenger transportation. Riders, it noted, would be exposed to extreme physical and mental stress, with the noise, vibrations, and rapid acceleration and deceleration inflicting an unknowable toll on the human body. Questions about safety still linger, and then there's the thorny issue of cost, with high bloop requiring an all new infrastructure. Even the shortest routes would involve a multi billion dollar upfront investment. These points were for the most part absent
entirely from the earliest coverage of high ploop. The media also missed the fact that hypeloop wasn't even a new idea. In the nineteenth century, countless invetors toyed with the notion of an atmospheric railway where vehicles traveled through a near vacuum environment on the momentum of pressurized air. A small demonstrator route was even built by Ismbard Kingdom Brunel, the
legendary British engineer who designed the first transatlantic steamship. While Highpoloop differed in some meaningful ways, it was still nonetheless much like many Musk products, a derivative of an earlier idea, The Boring Company. Musk's hilariously named Tunnel Boring startup earned similar credulous coverage upon its inception, driven in no small part due to Musk's decision to raise working capital by selling branded flamethrowers dubbed the not a flame Thrower to
anyone that paid five hundred dollars. This stunt, aside, the Boring Company one praise due to its stated mission to reduce the cost of digging tunnels, which are often an inevitable and expensive part of road and mass transportation development. Like hyperloop, The Boring Company fed into the Tony Stark image of a billionaire that could, through sheer force of will,
change the world and fix once intractable problems. I quote Meashable when they said, Musk build machines to travel more efficiently on the Earth and above it, so traveling through Earth seems within the realm of his capabilities. If anyone can transform the seemingly absent minded half joke into world changing technology, it's Elon Musk, said The Guardian, And then
reality here. The Boring Company's first commercial project, a one point seven mile tunnel in Las Vegas, where I in fact live, wasn't a traditional road tunnel or part of an underground metro system. It was, in fact far less impressive, a single lane loop where human driven tests, there's varied passengers between points of interest in the Las Vegas Convention Center, and where traffic jams are a routine frustration for passengers.
Other projects in other cities, most notably Chicago and Los Angeles, have either been canceled or are on indefinite hiatus. There is nothing that the Boring Company has done. The tunnel in Vegas is useless. It's claustrophobic, it's ugly, feels like being in an airport lounge, except there's no food. It's strange. It doesn't feel like it solves a problem other than
how can Elon must get more attention? And that really is what he craves Musk's wafer thin skin, his volatility, and his propensity to overpromise an under deliver has never been a secret. While he's been able with some success to obfiscate a misdirect through a well crafted media persona,
the clues have always been there. Musk's reality distortion field goes some way to explaining how he has managed to amass the extent of the power he has and how he cemented himself into our nation's most vital industries like transportation, communications, infrastructure, and social media. He has a fairly consistent battle plan. He makes a big promise, he delivers enough to make the media believe he's for real, and then he relies upon the fact that very few parts of the media
will ever follow up with him. There is no challenging Elon Musk in the media. The thinnest amounts of criticism are usually meant by a horde of crazed Tesla fans or at times Elon Musk himself. He's created a paper thin media image built on the smallest, thinnest s structures of reality. He has found a way to manipulate the media using his large amounts of power, money, and his
few friends. Elon Musk is a danger to society. He's a capricious demagogue desperate for more power and attention, and he will do whatever he wants, whereever he wants, wherever he wants, because we are societally unprepared for billionaires. It's no longer healthy, or safe or honest to see Elon Musk as a dorky charlatan, carrying sinks into offices or destroying social networks to settle insular beefs. Elon Musk is a nation state level actor with a net worth larger
than the GDP of Ukraine. He associates only with equally spurious reactionaries like Bill Maher, Ronda Santis and David Sachs, and he's easily influenced by anyone who agrees with his thinly backed beliefs. Musk isn't polarizing, He's polarization given life, an empty man made of contrarianism and grievances, and he'll happily change the world based on his own personal beliefs.
As a result of our market driven government and compliant media, Musk has caused and will continue to cause human suffering. An actual death in his pursuit of fame, power and capital. It's time to stop treating him as just an entrepreneur, an investor, an executive, or an industry blow hard. As a result of our market driven government and compliant media, Musk has caused and will continue to cause human suffering an actual death in his pursuit of fame, power and capital.
It's time to stop treating him as just an entrepreneur, an investor, an executive, or an industry blow hard and see him as a man who has used his incredible wealth and status to twist the world to his petty, ignorant, and selfish desires. It's important to realize with complete clarity that Musk makes electric cars that are sold around the
world and sells rockets to NASA. He runs Twitter x or whatever it's called these days, one of the largest communication networks in the world, and of course Starlink, the satellite isp used throughout the world that is specifically marketed to places that are otherwise inaccessible to traditional broadband. This is not just the goofy redditor posting epic means and
saying exactly anymore. Elon Musk has chosen to and will continue to choose to use his influence over these networks to interfere with global events, and because the media and the government has been so utterly tepid in their approach to him, he's accumulated such power and influence that he is on some level unstoppable. Since his acquisition of Twitter in twenty twenty two and the subsequent layoffs of six thousand people, Musk has revealed to the world his deep
seated reactionary beliefs and his noxious, pathetic victim complex. He has become obsessed with the woke mind virus, a term that he uses to vaguely refer to everything from progressive education on college campuses to San Francisco's growing homeless problem. He's made Twitter's box prob one that he tried to use to cancel the original acquisition, significantly worse, littering replies with bots trying to sell your t shirts or make you join the latest script ocurrency scam, some of which
even include elon Musk's face. He took Twitter's verification system, a flawed yet workable solution to verifying whether a tweet came from the person who actually sent it, and turned it into an eight dollars a month premium account that verifies nothing other than whether someone is capable of completing a credit card transaction, and by destroying Twitter's trust and safety team, Musk has allowed the world's real time communications channel to become one rife with racism and other hate speech,
leading to Fortune five hundred advertisers worrying that the network and I quote perpetuates racism, which was raised in a Semaphore story from earlier in this year, Musk has shown he is more than willing to do things based on not what's good for the world, his businesses, or his users, but on what will confirm his biases and protect his
financial interests. As a result of these moronic and malicious choices, Twitter's valuation is tanked less than a third of the forty four billion dollars he paid for it, losing half of their advertising revenue and changing their name to X, which some have argued killed further billions of the original
company's brand value. Being a selfish, ignorant, and gormous Charlatan, Musk has now blamed Jewish nonprofit the Anti Defamation League for ruining his company, claiming that the ADL had pressured advertisers into killing X slash Twitter. Musk had previously sued the Center for Countering Digital Hate, another nonprofit that published research showing the growth and hate speech on the platform.
Musk is now fine with the ADL because they resumed advertising a deeply confused and utterly pointless exercise that only sought to further increase bigotry on his website. For all his statements around freedom of speech, Musk is the ultimate capitalist dictator, willing to use his money to intimidate and
censor those who dared to criticize him. He's already done so on Twitter, banning an account that tracked publicly available records of private jet flights, censoring over four hundred tweets critical of Turkish President Erdigan in the week's running up to an election, suppress accounts critical of Indian Prime Minister Nearendra Modi, and cut access to links to newsletter platform
Substack when they launched a network competitive to Twitter. Musk is a propagandist willing to work with any fellow reactionaries who feel scorned by progressivism, personally helping Republican presidential candidate Ron DeSantis launch his campaign on Twitter and funneling money to alleged sex trafficker Andrew Tate through Twitter's Creator program
on our nation's roads. Muscus created another problem. In March twenty twenty three, According to The Washington Post, a seventeen year old stepped off of a school bus on North Carolina Highway five point sixty one. As he stepped off a testa Model y allegedly with Tesla's autonomous autopilot engaged hit him at forty five miles an hour, throwing him into the windshield and leaving him lying face down on the pavement. He thankfully survived, but broke and fractured his
leg in the process. Incident, which the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration is still investigating, is part of a growing list of victims of Tesla's open beta test of quote full self driving, a buggy dangerous software available on hundreds of thousands of Tesla vehicles allowing users to let the car drive, which has resulted in the deaths of seventeen people and led to seven one hundred and thirty six
other injuries and crashes. In theory, activating Tesla's full self driving lets your Tesla take the wheel, making turns, avoiding other vehicles, maintaining speed avoiding objects and theoretically helping you
arrive safely at your destination. The problem is that this has only ever been a beta, meaning that every new release involves some sort of new bug, such as the one that Electric Car blog editor Fred Lambert claimed tried to kill him in September twenty twenty three by trying to veer at highway speed into the median strip on the road. One might imagine that such a thing is illegal.
Effectively unleashing beta software onto the world's road without sufficiently testing it would for any normal person lead to imprisonment and a lifetime of fines. Musk, thanks to his incredible wealth and power equivalent to that of a small nation, has managed to avoid much scrutiny with the occasional government investigations that never seem to go anywhere, and despite a well documented culture of racism and sexism, very little seems
to happen to test the at all. This is because our society, in its government, its media, and its citizen try is woefully unprepared to deal with billionaires. Musk is able to operate as a noxious, abusive, and reckless monster in public, using his companies as vehicles to lend himself, money and political weapons with little scrutiny or punishment on
their own. One might fob off these concerns as one time things, but the reality is there's a pattern of malicious and capricious acts or one after another, again and again,
done in broad daylight for all to see. Musk has shown he will push what ever envelope he sees fit, and as Ronan Pharaoh's New York Magazine piece shows, there are very few people in the government, former and otherwise anywhere really, not investors, not other members of the Silicon Valley elite, who are willing or able to get in the way. Musk is so unbelievably rich, well connected, and powerful that he can push around just about anybody, even
if they work for the Pentagon. Yet Musk's desperation for attention and adulation mean that he can be pulled in any direction that feels like it scorns his critics, And when his critics are pretty much anyone who isn't a right wing lunatic, it almost guarantees he will continue to power around with authoritarian regimes that will influence his remarkably
malleable brain. The actual solution will be to treat Musk as what he is, a dangerous entity with a higher GDP than Ukraine and an ego that rivals their invaders president regardless of what happened in crimea Musk is the ability to know when attacks are happening and influence their outcome as a result of his for profit, privately held satellite internet communications firm that the US government is paying for. Elon Musk is a nation state global threat and must
be treated as such. He must be treated as if he will make decisions based only on what he believes will benefit or amuse him. He's the wish dot Com version of Bond's earned stavro Blofeld, an offensive, charmless, and boorish monster that has successfully bought his way into the elite and found that no matter what he does, their
patience is unlimited and their scruples are few. Musk, like another high profile narcissist, the former President Donald Trump, routinely finds himself ensnared in litigation, both in regulators and private individuals, even though the government never really seems to actually do anything to him. The SEC is currently investigating Musk for securities violations concerning his acquisition of Twitter. This would be his third tryst with the Commission, the first in twenty eighteen,
the second in twenty nineteen. In both cases, very little happen. However, at the same time, he faces actions from former employees stiffed on severance pay and from those who allege age and gender discrimination with factors in their dismissal from Twitter. For Musk, these lawsuits are unlikely to be anything other than the minor annoyance rather than any kind of existential throat or something that otherwise curbs is most egregious of behaviors.
There are people who could help. There are people that could sway.
You on Musk.
You know, people as rich as him, Tim Cook, Mark Benioff, Jeff Bezos, Mark Zuckerberg and the rest of the world's billionaires feel no need to correct Musk's behavior. They don't need to interfere or even chide him for his disgraceful acts because doing so would potentially make their actions and wealth more conspicuous, which is far more important to protect than free speech or human lives really, anything that normal
people face. They may act as if they have civic responsibility for the few people we have that could actually change things. The ones with the war chest to box out Musk. Blocking X from app stores and excluding him from their circles are sitting on their hands. One approach proposed by Stephen Feldstein in The Atlantic is to treat Musks businesses as they are vital to national security, and as a result, take them into public control when necessary.
This wouldn't be without precedent. The legislation that allows this, the Defense Production Act, has been invoked fifty times since its inception, both in times of war and civil necessity like the twenty twenty two infant formula shortage. While Stalink would remain a privately held company, it would be obliged to prioritize the national need. Full nationalization, Falsteine noted, would also be a possibility if Musk failed to cooperate. Full
nationalization would be a drastic measure. But at this point, what other options exist for Elon Musk? What other options exist for someone that is so reckless, so dangerous, so selfish, and so capricious. What options exist to deal with someone who has inserted himself into the most vital aspects of the American economy, making himself billions of dollars off of governments, subsidies,
and contracts. How the hell do you handle someone who has insulated himself from media scrutiny despite holding immense nation state power. Musk is not a goofy weirdow or the real life Tony Stark. He's a fragile, meanhearted ogre one hell bent on seeing his whims brought to life at any cost. The only way to write about this man, the only fair coverage of Elon Musk, the only clear perception of this man, is to frame him as a villain,
a bigot, a bully, and a crook. But what do you do about the man who has everything?
Hello? Everyone, it's me James, and I am joining you today for another and long series of the little recordings where I ask you to give us your money. Once again, I am asking you to support the mutual aid work being done at the border. I'm recording this in November, and this week we have terrible weather forecasts that will make conditions in her Cumba extremely dangerous for people who are detained out there by the Department of Homeland Security.
It will mean that it's no exaggeration to say that people's lives will be at risk and that the important mutual aid work that's already been done will only become more important as we get rain, we get snow, and we get cold temperatures, and people continue to be detained without shelter, food, water, or adequate clothing. If you would like to support those efforts, you can find the way to do so at link tree slash Border Kindness. There's a dot before the ee, so it's l I NK
tr ee slash Border Kindness. I'll also post a link on my Twitter if you'd like to find it there.
Thank you, Hello, everybody, Welcome to It could happen here. This is Sharene. I'm back to talk about Palestine because it's important, But when it comes to the history of the creation of Israel and the subsequent ethnic cleansing and mass expulsion of the Palestinian people, I feel like there's a part of history that often gets overlooked. People usually say Israel was created in nineteen forty eight, but the
intent to create it actually started decades before that. We're going to be talking about the Balfour Declaration, which resulted in a significant upheaval in the lives of Palestinians and was issued over a century ago. On November two, nineteen seventeen. The declaration turned the Zionist aim of establishing a Jewish
state in Palestine into a reality. The pledge is generally viewed as one of the main catalysts of the Nekba, the ethnic cleansing of Palestine in nineteen forty eight, and the conflict that ensued with the zion Estate of Israel. The Balfour Declaration is regarded as one of the most controversial and contested documents in the modern history of the Arab world. So what is it the Balfour Declaration It
means or is translated to Balfour's Promise in Arabic. It was a public pledge by Britain in nineteen seventeen, declaring its aim to quote establish a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine. The declaration came in the form of a letter from Britain's then Foreign Secretary, Arthur Balfour, addressed to Lionel Walter Rothschild, a figurehead of the British
Jewish community at the time. The declaration was made during World War One, which was just a reminder from nineteen fourteen to nineteen eighteen, and this declaration was included in the terms of the British mandate for Palestine after the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. So on November two, nineteen seventeen, the Balfour Declaration became the basis for the movement to create a Jewish state in Palestine. A week later, the declaration was published in the Times of London for all
the public to see. The content of the letter is rather short, so I'm just going to read some of it right now. It goes, Dear Lord Rothschild, I have much pleasure in conveying to you, on behalf of His Majesty's Government, the following Declaration of Sympathy with the Jewish Zionist Aspirations, which has been submitted to and approved by
the Cabinet. His Majesty's Government view with favor the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavors to facilitate the achievement of this object. Keep in mind, at this time the British had no control over Palestine. It was still under the Ottoman Empire, but in this letter Britain was essentially preparing to take it over in the very near future.
I also want to include that at this time Jewish people only made up six percent of the Palestinian population. I'm going to play audio from a video posted by former guests of the show The Amazing Sim Kern, where they break down the last part of the declaration. Sim is referencing in this audio Rashid Khalidi's book The one Hundred Years War on Palestine, A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance nineteen seventeen to twenty seventeen.
It being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights in political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country. That last bit sounds like, all right, well, he's saying we were not going to tread on the civil and religious rights of Palestinians.
That's pretty good, right.
But in The One hundred Years War on Palestine, the book by Rashid Khalidi that I am encouraging you all to keep reading along with me this week, Khalidi does a great job breaking down the rhetoric of this declaration and why it was actually a declaration of war upon
the Palestinian people. Yes, they were promised civil and religious rights, but they were not granted political or national rights, and this meant that for the next fifteen years, as people in Palestine tried to resist the establishment of a zion Est state within their country, the takeover of all their land by Zionist groups, they were unable to find any audience in the halls of power because Balfour had declared them to not have these rights and to not really
be people. They weren't even referred to as Arabs or Palestinians in the Declaration, just non Jewish. Ninety four percent of the people of this land had just been written out of existence as far as the Western powers were concerned. Kalidi describes how between nineteen seventeen and nineteen thirty six, almost all of the organized Palestinian resistance to Zionism was
peaceful and legalistic. They would form political committees, but the British said, you're not allowed to have political activity and shut those down harshly. They would send delegations to the League of Nations, to other countries to try to get to support to Britain, but they would not even be seen in the halls of power. They would not even get audiences because they were told basically, as Palestinians, you have no rights allowed to have nationalistic interests.
As I mentioned, the declaration was included in the terms of the British Mandate for Palestine. The so called mandate system set up by the Allied powers was a thinly veiled form of colonialism and occupation. In retrospective course, it's not a very thin veil at all. The mandate system transferred rule from the territories that were previously controlled by the powers defeated in the war Germany, Austria, Hungary, the Ottoman Empire in Bulgaria to those who were victorious in
the war. The declared aim of the mandate system was to allow the winners of the war to administer the newly emerging states until they could become independent. The case of Palestine, however, was unique. Unlike the rest of the post war mandates. The main goal of the British mandate there was to create the conditions for the establishment of a Jewish national home, even though Jews, again at the time,
constituted only six percent of the population. Upon the start of the mandate, the British began to facilitate immigration of European Jews to Palestine, between nineteen twenty two and nineteen thirty five, the Jewish population rose to nearly twenty seven
percent of the total population. And even though the Balfour Declaration included the caveat that quote nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of the existing non Jewish communities in Palestine, the British Mandate was set up in a way to equip Jews with the tools to establish self rule at the expense of the Palestinian Arabs. Understandably enough, the document is seen as controversial
for several reasons. First, it was, in the words of the late Palestine American academic Edward Zaid, quote made by European power about a non European territory in a flat disregard of both the presence and wishes of the native majority resident in that territory. In essence, the Balfour Declaration promised Jews a land where the natives made up more than ninety percent of the populace. Second, the declaration was one of three conflicting wartime promises made by the British.
Surprise surprise, when the declaration was released, Britain had already promised the Arab's independence from the Ottoman Empire in the nineteen fifteen Hussein McMahon Correspondents. However, the British also promised the French and a separate treaty known as the nineteen sixteen psychs Pico Agreement, that the majority of Palestine would be under international administration, while the rest of the region would be split between the two colonial powers after the war.
This Hussain McMahon correspondence was a series of letters exchanged in nineteen fifteen to nineteen sixteen during World War One between Hussain and Beinnati, who was the Emir of Mecca, and Sir Henry McMahon, the British High Commissioner in Egypt. In general terms, the correspondence effectively traded British support of an independent Arab state for the Arab assistance in opposing
the Ottoman Empire. However, the correspondence was later contradicted by two things, the incompatible terms of the sex Peco Agreement, which was secretly concluded between Britain and France in May nineteen sixteen, and Britain's Balfour Declaration in nineteen seventeen. The declaration, however, meant that Palestine would come under British occupation, that the
Palestinian Arabs who lived there would not gain independence. Third, the declaration introduced a notion that was reportedly unprecedented in international law, that of a quote national home. The use of the vague term national home for the Jewish people as opposed to state left the meaning open to interpretation. Earlier drafts of the document used the phrase quote the reconstitution of Palestine as a Jewish state, but that was
later changed. However, in a meeting with Zionist leader Heim Wizman in nineteen twenty two, Arthur Balfour and then Prime Minister David Lloyd George reportedly said that the Balfour Declaration was quote always meant to be an eventual Jewish state. Okay, let's take our first break here because.
I have to.
Okay, bye, and we're back. So we're talking about the Balfour Declaration. But who exactly is Arthur Balfour. Sim Kern in that same video that I played earlier, explains that he can be seen as the person most responsible for violence in the Middle East for the past century because when he wrote his declaration in nineteen seventeen, he effectively wrote Palestinian rights out of existence and surprising no one. Arthur Balfour was a terrible guy. He was a white supremacist,
a racist, and an anti Semite. The Balfour Declaration is a statement that can fit into two tweets. As we mentioned, Arthur Balfour, the British Foreign Secretary at the time, announced that the British government would support establishing a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine, and more than one hundred years later, those written words continue to define the
dynamic between Israelis and Palestinians. In twenty seventeen, marking one hundred years the declaration, Little Bitch Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin and Yahoo went to London to commemorate the centennial occasion with Theresa May. I hope you know by now, though, that the declaration is really nothing worth celebrating, And though he may be most known for aiding the Zionist cause in nineteen seventeen, it's crucial to remember that Arthur Balfour
was a white supremacist. He made that much clear in his own words. In nineteen o six, the British House of Commons was engaged in a debate about the Native blacks in South Africa. Nearly all the members of Parliament agreed that the disenfranchisement of the blacks was evil, but not Balfour, who almost alone argued against it. When talking about the black people in South Africa, he said, we have to face the facts. Men are not born equal the white in the black races are not born with
equal capacities. They are born with different capacities which education cannot and will not change. But Balfour's troubling views were not limited to Africa. In fact, despite his now iconic support for Zionism that celebrated by Zionists everywhere, he was not exactly a friend to the Jews. In the late nineteenth century, Pagram's targeting Jews in the Pale of Settlement had led to waves of Jewish flight westward to England
and the United States. Little insert here that the Pale of Settlement was a western region of the Russian Empire with varying borders that existed from seventeen ninety one to nineteen seventeen, in which permanent residency by Jews was allowed, and beyond which Jewish residency permanent or temporary was mostly forbidden.
So created by imperial decree. The Jewish pale of Settlement was that part of the Russian Empire within which Russia's Jewish population was required to live and work for more than one hundred thirty years between the late eighteenth and
the early twentieth century. Although it was initially intended to forestall commerce between Jews and the general population of Russia, the restrictions imposed by the pale fostered the development of a distinctive religious and ethnic culture in an area covering roughly three hundred eighty six thousand square miles or one million square kilometers between the Baltic and Black Seas. The word pale as used in this sense, comes from the Latin polus or stake, one that might be used to
indicate a boundary. A pale is thus a district separated from the surrounding country. It may be defined by physical boundaries, or it may be distinguished by a different administrative or legal system. The Jewish pale off Settlement was both a defined area within the Russian Empire and a legal entity regulated by laws that did not apply to the Russian
Empire as a whole. So back to the main narrative, the targeting of Jews in the pale of settlement led to immigration of many Jews to the West, to England and the US. This influx of refugees led to an increase in British anti immigrant racism and outright anti Semitism, themes not unfamiliar to US today. Support for political action against immigrants grew as the English public demanded immigration control to keep certain immigrants, particularly Jews, out of the country.
So this scared and xenophobic public found a sympathetic ear in Balfour. In nineteen oh five, while serving as Prime Minister, Balfour presided over the passage of the Aliens Act. This legislation put the first restrictions on immigration into Great Britain, and it was primarily aimed at restricting Jewish immigration. According to historians, Balfour had personally delivered passionate speeches about the imperative to restrict the waves of Jews fleeing the Russian
Empire from entering Britain. So maybe it's not as astonishing as you would think that Balfour, whose support of the Zionist cause has made him a hero among Zionists, would have implemented anti Jewish laws. But the truth is his support of Zionism stemmed from the exis exact same source as his desire to limit Jewish immigration to Britain. Both of these things can be traced back to his white supremacist beliefs. Balfour lived in an area of stirring nationalism
highly defined by ethno religious identity. Because of these sentiments. The early twentieth century was a time when seemingly liberal Western nations struggled with the challenge of incorporating Jewish citizens. Balfour wanted to keep the UK as a white Christian ethno state. What the Zionists provided Balfour with was a solution to the challenges Jewish citizens posed to his ethno nationalist vision, a solution that didn't force him to reckon
with them. Instead of insisting that societies except all citizens as equals, regardless of racial or religious background, the Zionist's movement offered a different answer, separation. Balfour saw in Zionism not just a blessing for Jews, but for the West as well. In nineteen nineteen, he wrote the introduction to
Nahem Sokolo's History of Zionism. In this introduction, Balfour wrote that the Zionist movement would quote mitigate the age long miseries created for Western civilization by the presence in its midst of a body which it too long regarded as alien and even hostile, but which it was equally unable to expel or to absorb. By both giving Jews a place to go and a place to leave, Zionism seemingly
solved two problems at once in Balfour's mind. In other words, his support of Zionism was motivated by his desire to protect Britain from the negative effects or the miseries, as he said, of having Jews in its population. Rather than protecting the rights of one of its minorities, Britain could simply export them, or at least not import anymore. This is one of the many reasons Zionism itself is anti Semitic.
We can even fast forward to now and see how Zionists are telling telling anti Zionist Jewish people that they're no longer Jewish for supporting Palestine. That belief and statement in itself is extremely anti Semitic. Criticizing Israel on the Israeli government, however, is not but putting that aside. We can see that from the very beginning, even in its origin, Zionists associated and allied themselves with the worst kinds of people, like people who believed that Jewish people are quote an
alien and hostile body among them. Needless to say, Balfour's view of Zionism is steeped in the same kind of white supremacy as Balfour's view of South Africa's blacks, But his support of the Zionist dream had another problem. Rather than solving the problem of how to handle a minority living in a white majority country, the Balfour Declaration just
shifted the same problem into a different geography. The tension between ethno nationalism and equality is definitely and equally present today between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean, and see where the Israeli state rules over the fate of millions of Palestinians who either have no right to vote, are treated as second class citizens, or our refugees denied repatriation.
Today it is Israel that views Palestinians as demographic threats and sees the quote presence in its midst of a body which is too long regarded as alien and even hostile, by which it was equally unable to expel or to absorb let's take our second break here again because I have to so see you later and we are back. So that Balfour's legacy of supremacy persists as much as
British support for Israel does is no accident. We have arrived at this point today because the white supremacist attitudes of Balfour informed policy lending imperial right to a project in pursuit of national self determination for Jews by trampling on the rights of native non Jews. Remarkably, by Telfour was unabashedly aware of the hypocrisy in his stance. In nineteen nineteen, he wrote a letter that said this to
the British Prime Minister. The weak point of our position, of course, is that in the case of Palestine, we deliberately and rightly declined to accept the principle of self determination. We do not propose even to go through the form of consulting the wishes of the present inhabitants of the country, the seven hundred thousand Arabs who now inhabit that ancient land. Those are his words and a letter that he wrote
to the British Prime Minister. So there's no misconstruing that there those seven hundred thousand Arabs, of course, made up approximately ninety percent of the population of Palestine. Again bears repeating that Jewish people, before this declaration was implemented, made up only six percent of the population, and therein lies the fundamental problem that continues through this day, more than
one hundred years later. Palestinians are denied the right to have rights because from the outset their views, their human rights and by extension, their very humanity, were consistently seen as inferior to those of others. That was clear in Balfour's perspective and the British Mandate's policy, and it persists in one form or another in many, if not most, of the policies of the Zionist State of Israel through
this day. In modern times, as much as in nineteen seventeen, the battle between ethno nationalism and equality has risen to the foreground. We saw this in Donald Trump's rise in America and in Theresa Mays brexited Britain. Rather than resolving this tension, Balfour's support for Zionism merely exported it to Palestine, and resisting the legacy of Balfour's racism is absolutely necessary. If there is ever to be peace in Palestine and beyond.
A little bit more history here about why this declaration was issued. The question of why has been subject of debate for historians for decades, with historians using different sources to suggest various explanations. Some argue that many in the British government at the time were Zionists themselves. Others say the declaration was issued out of an anti Semitic reasoning that giving Palestine to the Jews would be a solution
to the quote unquote Jewish problem. In mainstream academia, however, there are a set of reasons over which there is a general consensus. One, control over Palestine was a strategic imperial interest to keep Egypt and the Suez Canal within Britain's sphere of influence. Two, Britain had to side with Zionists to rally support among the Jews in the United States and Russia, hoping they could encourage their governments to
stay in the war until victory. Three, there was intense Zionist lobbying and strong connections between the Zionist community in Britain and the British government, as well as some of the officials in the government being Zionists themselves, for Jews were being persecuted in Europe and the British government was
sympathetic to their suffering. I think that last point is usually used as a validation to why Israel exists today, but feeling sorry for a people and giving them someone else's land is really not a solution in my opinion. Of course, the Balfour Declaration was also not received well by Palestinians and Arabs. In nineteen nineteen, then US President Woodrow Wilson appointed a commission to look into public opinion on the mandatory system in Syria and Palestine. The investigation
was known as the King Krane Commission. It found that the majority of Palestinians expressed a strong opposition to Zionism, leading the conductors of the commission to advise a modification of the mandate's goal. The late Anni Ebba Adhadi, a Palestinian political figure, condemned the Balfour Declaration in his memoirs, saying it was made by an English foreigner who had no claim to Palestine, to a foreign Jew who had
no right to it. However, it's very important to mention here that the other vital important source for insight into Palestine opinion on the declaration at the time. AKA the press was closed down by the Ottomans at the start of the war in nineteen fourteen and only began to reappear in nineteen nineteen, but it was under British military censorship in November nineteen nineteen when the Alisti La Da Laivi,
the Arab independence newspaper based in Damascus, was reopened. One article had a response to a public speech given by Herbert Samuel, a Jewish Cabinet minister in London, on the second anniversary of the Balfour Declaration. The article said quote our country is Arab, Palestine is Arab, and Palestine must
remain Arab. In nineteen twenty, the Third Palestine Congress and Haifa decried the British government's plans to support the Zionist project and rejected the declaration as a violation of international law and the rights of the indigenous population. I'm gonna pull audio from Sim's video here again. They kind of summarize in a really good way what happened in the years leading up to the Nukaba.
So here is Sim and even still until nineteen thirty six, Palestinians are trying to peacefully, legalistically resist decolonization, which, unfortunately history teaches us doesn't work that great usually. However, inspired by the examples of Iraq and Syria, which had managed to overthrow their colonizers starting with a general strike, Palestinians organize a strike in nineteen thirty six. Again, this starts out as just a peaceful strike, but it is brutally repressed by the British overlords.
We're like, no, you're not.
Allowed to strike. You are our captive wage slavery labor for us.
You have to go do your work.
Khaleedi shows how Britain was also very strategically sowing internal divisions within the Palestinian leadership, turning people certain to their side by bribing them to work again one another. And so the strike fell apart in nineteen thirty six. But then only then in nineteen thirty seven.
Did an armed revolt breakout.
Much is made by Zionists about this Arab revolt and how this was justification for the Knukba, which would ultimately kill fifteen thousand Palestinians and displace hundreds of thousands more. But this was no religious massacre, and that's reflected in the casualties. Yes, several hundred Jews died during the revolt, but it took one hundred thousand British troops to suppress the revolt, and the fighting was mostly between the Arabs
and the British. And it's estimated that between fourteen and seventeen percent of the adult male Arab population was killed.
Wounded, imprisoned, or exiled.
So the population of Palestinians was absolutely devastated by this revolt by the end of it. What struck me a lot reading the conclusion of this chapter was, you know, the Western media, which is so Islamophobic, portrays Palestinians as like inherently violent and bloodthirsty and anti Semitic, but that just isn't reflected in this history at all. In fact, as Khaldi mentioned, several scholars argue that, you know, the
Palestinians really should have organized an armed revolt earlier. It was too late by the time they did, but they had spent fifteen years since the Balfour Declaration trying peacefully and legalistically to earn their rights, and that was ultimately a dead end. But Palestinians really clearly did not want to fight a war. It wasn't until they'd exhausted every single other option to them. They tried legal routes, they tried organizing, they tried a strike. You know, they had
done everything they could. And this was a population that had been stripped of huge amounts of its land, that was destitute, that was impoverished, that was starving, that was shut out from any economic opportunity in the land they had lived on for millennia. They were farmers. They didn't want to wage a war. They wanted to make olive oil. But because this guy didn't want Jews moving to the UK, they didn't get to have their country anymore.
Even prior to the Balfour Declaration in the British Mandate, Pan Arab newspapers warned against the motives of the Zionist movement and its potential outcomes displacing Palestinians from their land. Khalil Sakakini, a jerusalemit writer and teacher, described Palestine in the immediate aftermath of the war as follows. A nation which has long been in the depths of sleep, only wakes if it is rudely shaken by events, only arises
little by little. This was the situation of Palestine, which for many centuries has been in the deepest sleep until it was shaken by the Great War, shocked by the Zionist movement and violated by the illegal policy of the British, and awoke little by little. And while Britain is generally and understandably held responsible for the Balfour Declaration, it is important to note that the statement would not have been
made without prior approval from the other Allied powers. During World War One, in a war cabinet meeting on September nineteen seventeen, British ministers decided that the quote views of President Wilson should be obtained before any declaration was made, and indeed, according to the Cabinet's minutes on October fourth, the ministers recalled Arthur Balfour, confirming that Wilson was quote
extremely favorable to the movement. France, surprise, surprise, maybe to no one, was also involved and announced its support prior to the issuing of the Balfour Declaration. A May nineteen seventeen letter from Jules Cambon, a French diplomat, to Nahem Sokolo, the Polish Zionist, expressed the sympathetic views of the French
government towards a quote Jewish colonization in Palestine. This letter, again the precursor to the Balfour Declaration, says it would be a deed of justice and of reparation to assist, by the protection of the Allied powers in the renaissance of the Jewish nationality in that land from which the
people of Israel were exiled so many centuries ago. The Balfour Declaration again is widely seen as the precursor to the nineteen forty eight Palestinian Nekba, when Zionist armed groups who were trained by the British forcibly expelled more than seven hundred and fifty thousand Palestinians from their homeland, and
they massacred fifteen thousand Palestinians. Despite some opposition within the war cabinet predicting such an outcome was probable, the British government still chose to issue the declaration, and there is no doubt that the British mandate created the conditions for the Jewish minority to gain superiority in Palestine and build a state for themselves at the expense of the Palestinian Arabs.
When the British decided to terminate their mandate in nineteen forty seven and transfer the question of Palestine to the United Nations. The Jews already had an army that was formed out of the armed paramilitary groups trained and created to fight side by side with the British in World
War II. More importantly, the British allowed the Jews to establish self governing institutions such as the Jewish Agency, to prepare themselves for a state when it came to it, while the Palestinians were forbidden from doing so, paving the way for the nineteen forty eight ethnic cleansing of Palestine. We're going to end the episode with one more audio clip from Sim's video. I just think it really describes and summarizes why exactly Arthur Balfour is an extremely evil person.
So here is Sim and the violence that has sprung from the creation of Israel goes so much further beyond its borders. I mean, the whole history of the Middle East and a Western imperial conquest in the Middle East hinges on Israel being there, all of US imperialism, the wars in Iraq and in Afghanistan, I mean, all of that would have been impossible without the existence of Israel. So add Arthur Balfour to your list of the greatest war criminals of all time.
It truly feels silly to be talking about anything else at this time. So I do want to mention here that at the time of this recording, there are over eleven thousand Palestinians who have been by the settler colony of Israel in their genocide that is currently happening. Nearly five thousand children are gone, have been slaughtered. Every time I open my phone, I see the worst thing I've ever seen in my life. And there are images that
we're seeing of. I mean, you've seen them, children under the rubble, crying for help, parents losing their babies, and it doesn't make sense for me to describe the images. But my point is we have never seen a genocide take place right before our eyes. All the proof is there. Israeli leaders have been very clear in their intention for genocide. Just for example, Israeli Cabinet member Avidijkter. I don't care if I said his name wrong, but he said that
they are rolling out Nekba twenty twenty three. That's one example of extremely genocidal language as being used by not just Israel but also American politicians as well. There are photos side by side of the nineteen forty eight Nekba to what's happening right now. It's happening again. The mass
expulsion of Palestinians is happening right before our eyes. There are Palestinians who have experienced the Nekaba in nineteen forty eight who are experiencing it again, being displaced so many times in their own country, and right now over a million Palestinians have been displaced. We are also just being inundated with the most bizarre propaganda from the IOF. I've decided to call them the IOF from now on instead of the IDF because they are not defending anything. They
are the Israeli offensive forces, not defensive. So just a disclaimer there over my choice of words. But it's strange they post photos of Arabic text saying it's something else. Just recently I saw that they posted a calendar that they found in a house that they say are a list of Hamas hostages. It's literally just a calendar with the words of the week written in Arabic. And that is just one example of many. And I feel like if I keep talking about this that will never stop.
But my point in bringing us back to modern times is that this all started with a decision made by men who had no business making a decision. Arthur Balfour had no fucking business handing over a piece of land that had nothing to do with him. It was never his place. And what galaxy does that make sense to anybody? Zionism and Jewishness and Judaism are not equivalent, and I hope at this point in time people are realizing that.
I hope that this episode sheds some light on how the roots of Zionism itself are rooted in anti Semitism. It's nobody's place to decide to play god and just pretend people don't exist in a place that you want. It doesn't work like that. That's not human. So I think it's important to remember history like this because something like this does not happen overnight. It did not happen
or start on October seventh. This is something that has been decades in the making, and it all started with one stupid man making a decision with other stupid men that have way too much power that resulted in the suffering, the continued suffering of an entire people, the dehumanization of an entire people, We're seeing it play out right now. So I think as you learn about history, as to learn about things like this that maybe seem like they
happen so far away, they really didn't. We are experiencing the ripples of those decisions. And that's the episode for today. I hope it was informative, and I hope the genocide of the Palestinian people comes to an end. So in the meantime, Free Palestine, No no dot Com.
In the week since the end of October, the confie landscape in the AMMA has significantly changed. The Hunter and its alignment issues have taken unprecedented losses, and the PDF, as well as several ethnic revolutionary organizations, have swept across the country, seizing bases, weapons, tanks, and even towns and cities. As the offensive was ongoing, I spoke to Sire montine a leader in the madelid PDF, and Billy Ford of
the United States Institute for Peace. What follows is my conversation with Billy and some insights on a situation on the ground with the Madelai PDF. You'll hear more from Sire Montiney in another episode that we're working on, but I wanted you to hear his personal on the ground perspective now as well. First, I let nine nine, the translator from Mandel a PDF, introduce our guest.
Oh yeah, Layes, he is the leader of the Commanding and Cohesion team, and you can also say that he the leader of our organization.
To start with, I asked Billy to explain for you the developments in the conflict in the last few weeks.
I mean, it's really been just the past what is it since the twenty seventh, so thirteen days kind of a level change in the conflict trajectory, Whereas I'd say, I mean, you got coup February first, twenty twenty one, major military operate resistance operations began September seventh, twenty twenty one, and frankly since then it's been more or less incremental change.
You can, I wouldn't characterize it as a stalemate as many have, but there's there's essentially been, you know, small pockets of progress where the resistance is capturing territory, but all almost exclusively rural areas of the country. And then things changed radically on October twenty seventh, when whereas Before the twenty seventh, you had a range of armed stakeholders involved in the conflicts, some under the deposed National Unity government, as well as what's called the K three C, which
is four of the biggest ethnic armed organizations. But a lot, a lot of the reason why we hadn't seen the level change in the military balance of power was because of the absence of some of the biggest and most powerful armed organizations that had more or less state on the sidelines.
I mean, they were.
Arming and training resistance forces that were engaged in active combat, but they hadn't themselves in a meaningful way.
But on the twenty seventh that totally changed.
This alliance called the Brotherhood Alliance that involves three of the biggest armed organizations, initiated coordinated attacks in Northern Shan State on the border with China, and have since the twenty seventh.
We're talking to.
You on the tenth here of November, one hundred and fifty posts have been taken. Seven towns are now under full z distance control, seven others by my counter under partial resistance control. And the operation in Northern Shan State on the border has effectively spurred resistance operations in other parts of the country, and so now you essentially have operations in all corners of the country. I mean, you've seen PDFs taking towns in sagain along the Indian border.
You've seen the kN you taking important towns on the logistics corridor on the Thai border. Kareni groups have moved into Meyse on the Thai border with Kareni State. The Chin National Front has initiated attacks in Balatwa and Southern Chin State near the Bangladesh India border.
Yees.
So it's really just the trajectory of conflict has gone from an incremental trajectory where it's like this is a slow burn that could last a long time, to a we need to start thinking about potentially day after. I mean, nothing is a given, and the minamoral military has been resilient in the past, but it does feel like this is a historic moment in a lot of ways, and the military is weakened in a way that we've really never seen in the history of the country.
I asked Montiney to explain a little about how he got to a point where his force, who hadn't fought it all in twenty twenty one, we're able to fight alongside the Eros and deal a serious defeat to the junta.
So in twenty one March he decided to go for the unrevolutions. And then he started reading the books about the military and tactics and then warfare things. And then he said that he is still learning and reading from the books about the military tactics till now. And one more thing is we we are having some problems about the other reverse Defense Force perdief that they don't have the well forming and then they don't follow the code
of context or something like that. So we organize world that we won't become a blood dirsty organization, but just to fight for the military pool. And one more thing is we are following the two CEOC, which is a code of context and then chain of commands before we form up as these military organizations.
A number of the Eros rightconas you won't have heard before, and that's because they haven't been part of the conflict before. So I asked Billy to explain who the Eros in the north were and how and why are they identityfied now?
Sure, So, the Arakan Army is a Recine ethnic based armed organization. They're based on the China border, but for those who know MEMMR geography, Rakine State is actually on the complete other side of the country. But this like many were Like many newer armed organizations, they were essentially
incubated by some of the longer term armed organizations. In this case, the Kachin Independence Army helped for the emergence of the Arakan Army, which has really grown in the past ten years into one of the strongest armed stakeholders
in the country. Before the coup, under the on Sansuchil National League for Democracy government, they were in intense fighting with the MR military and on Sansuchi strongly supported the MEMR military's operations against the AA, and that kind of built some bad blood, as you might be might imagine, between the AA in the National League for Democracy and and that bad blood has made it difficult to build alliance across ethnic lines and with those resistant organizations that
involve n l D folks. But the key point here is that the AA is operating in two places were kind State and in Northern Shan State on the and Kachin State also actually it's the GUY now, but and they're an extremely powerful armed organization, highly disciplined, highly effective.
Well armed.
The The second group is the Ta'ang National Liberation Army. This is a an ethnic based army in northern Shan State that also is a relatively a newer armed organization. They it's it's a pretty complex military environment in Northern Shan State because the t n l A are often in tension with other shn ethnic groups that are in Shan State and footing the RCSS or the Shan State Army South, which is competing for control in other parts
of Shan State. We've also seen some tension between the t n l A and the s SPP, which is another Northern Shan army that's closely aligned with the Wah and Chinese. So that's a that's a pretty complex array of relationships there. But the TNLA is also an increasingly powerful armed organization, one that administer administers territory and has also been locked in conflict with the Memory military for some time. The last group is the m n d
a A the MEMR National Democratic Alliance Army UH. This is a Ko Kong ethnic based armed organization that for a long time controlled territory along the China border. In two thousand and nine, Men Online, who is now the commit ender in chief and the head of.
The sac.
He essentially was leading commands in north, in the northeast and led operations to push the m n d a A out of that territory and replace it with a border guard force of.
Another ethnic Ko Kong ethnic army.
And we can get back to that, but that ethnic army became or is a criminal enterprise that's now operating massive scam and human trafficking operations with the support of the m R Military. They're commissioned under the MEMR Military. But I think a key point here is that there's it's very personal with the m n d a A and this border guard.
Force and and men online.
And so this is really the m n d a A is an organization that has been pushing for a very long time to retake this territory and particularly this city of Lau Kai. And so that that that three constitutes the Brotherhood Alliance. There's other stakeholders in this region, including the United Waw State Army, which is the largest armed organization in Meanmar, or non state armed organization as well,
which is very closely tied with the Chinese. I mean they use Chinese currency, they speak Chinese they fully administer their territory and autonomously. And then the other organizations that are relevant here is the National Democratic Alliance Army and d a A, which is essentially you can think of it as a closely tied.
With the law and the Chinese.
And then the Kachin Independence Army, which is a Kachin ethnic based armed organization very much founded as a social services I mean, it's it's kind of got a different identity from some of these other groups. It's very much like a revolutionary organization with political intentions. There's kind of Christian beliefs that are embedded within the organization.
So yeah, all to.
Say, it's a highly complex array of actors with different intentions and motivations. But in this particular case, they came together to at least the Brotherhood Alliance came together to launch this coordinated attack.
The T'ang National Liberation Army the group who received many of the young people of Mandalay who went on to form the Mandalaid PDF. Those young people started out as a strikeforce within Mandleay, but there are only weapons on Molotov cocktails, and every action they took with the risk of their whole families if they were caught by march. A few weeks into the revolution, Montenay and others took to the mountains with the Tang National Liberation Army to
learn to fight. Before the revolution, he said he had no experience and he didn't even play fighting video games. I asked him how it felt to be joining a group he'd been raised to hate and how he got there.
If all, we we formed many peria.
We started as an mst which is a manually special task Force.
It was the first training for our organizations and H.
At the time we only have a SAM handmade weapons like Molotov, but we really don't use like handmade guns. But the after the support of T and L, we we got the automatic rifles with the help of our lines and UH. At first, when we act as a MSTF manally special tax force, we restrict the rooms for not attaching to the schools or hospitals or the civilians, and then after that we start using the handmade weapons like just like Molotov.
We didn't use any handguns at the.
Time, but after that we trained UH and we contact with the tn L. We have a We now have the automotic rifles and then others, uh, missiles or something like that.
Now.
So when he decided to contact with the T and L and the End National what he expected were nothing else but some few problems that about the racists because of most of the ethnic groups, they most of them they hate Bumbis people and they even called the Bummy's army. So he was explaining that we will be having a racist problem. But when he actually reached to the End region, uh, he found out that there is no hatred to the Bombish people, and then there was no problem about the racist problem.
Yeah. He also thought that it's because of the.
Community condication between the bombies people and the plan racist Uh. Because Palan people they provide tea, leaves and the other things to eat bambished people and then they make some tradings and then some they do some business with barbised people. So that there was no problem about that. But the only other thing was about the weather. Because of the rough weather in the mountains, it's a very different weather
from the like Manulee region. It's very cool for the people from the Manley region because Manley's yeah, and in mountains it's very cold in here. So we stay having problems about the weather problem, but now we are getting
used to it. And he said that he is also surprised that TNLA, the a National Libation Army is a wealth am military and then they are also following the code of conduct and then the following the democracy way, and then most of the leaders from the TNLA of the liberal ideas and then they also one we work on to the young leaders from the Revolution Force US.
So see, he was surprised about that.
Billy told me that this same dynamic could occurred all over the country. And this is probably a good time to remind listeners that we've covered the formation of the PDFs and our two previous series about Membar and if he hasn't had the time to listen to those, I really hope you do because it'll make this one a lot more interesting and this one probably won't make much sense without it.
Yeah, and I think this is really a key dynamic. And we can come back to the conversation maybe about day after or the political dimensions of the conflict.
But there's frankly, before the coup, these sorts of coordinations would be uh like incomprehensible.
I mean, you'd see the Arakan Army, the Kachin Independence Army, the T'ang National Liberation Army, all of them have deep connections with mostly Bamar ethnic pds, some of whom work in coordination with the National Unity Government, some which are slightly more independent. But the this is an inter ethnic collaboration that's that's very novel and demonstrates a shift and inter ethnic and intercommunal dynamics in the country that are
is very positive in a lot of ways. So yeah, the t n l A, the has been provided weapons and training for PDFs in Mandalay, the k i O, the k i A has been providing weapons and training and tactical and strategic support to PDFs and sagain, the Arakan Army has been maybe more than any group, providing tactical UH support and weapons and training to PDFs in Bogo, Arowadi, Maguay and now more recently in Segaine, so really the
the Burman heartland of the country. So yeah, all of these ethnic minority based armed organizations are now collaborating, sharing resources and knowledge with UH, with with Bamar ethnic PDFs. There's a so that I think the main question here is like what does this mean for intercommunal relations, What does this mean for the future uh of you know, of the country is there? Does this indicate there's potential for greater national solidarity in the absence of the MEMR
militi very fracturing communities and so on. But yeah, it's a radical shift in those relationships.
But he also shared that as we've heard from every single PDF fighter we've talked to, their time alongside the eros IS comrades in arms has changed the way they see ethnicity in the future of their country.
And I think this is also manifesting a lot of the research that my organization, the US Institute of Piece
has been doing at the among the general public. I mean, we've done three different studies over the past year to assess intercreminal relations in the post couperiod and to kind of see how relations have shifted, because there's a really dominant narrative that MEMR is kind of irreconcilably fractured and that the communities are loyal to their ethnic identities not their national identities and.
So on, and.
Frankly, all of our research has has pointed to a similar trend, which is one of inter ethnic relations are considerably better.
There's a there's greater solidarity.
There's actually one of the serv the experimental research studies that we did found that national identity, as in being from MEMMR was more was more important to respondence than
ethnic identity, which totally cuts against narratives about MEMMAR. And Yeah, I mean, I think there's been considerable gains and inter ethnic relations, and it's you know, it's hard to determine, you know, the causal linkages here, whether you know, the improved inter ethnic relations are spurring greater military collaboration and
collaboration on humanitarian assistants and governance and so on. But it does feel like there's a major shift and social dynamics in addition to these kind of military shifts that
are taking place. I mean, I think that the research we've done has found there to be sort of extremist national perspectives still remain, but that they're they're the likelihood of them escalating to violence is reduced, in large part because the public's vulnerability to UH incitement or to highly devisive political speech.
Most of what came.
From Mailmar military run troll farms is is much I mean, there's much more resilience to those that that form of political violence, So you know, I think there's still a lot of work obviously to do to build intercommunal cohesion and understanding, but that the likelihood, you know, for example, in a post sac world, that you will be you know, see mass intercommunal violence, it seems much lower than a lot of people are presuming that it would be that
the that the actual horizontal relationships across communities are not
are not as bad as many presume. Actually, one of the surveys that we did found that Memar's intercommunal relations are no worse than countries with much lower levels of violence, which is kind of an indication of the fact that it's really vertical dynamics like violent political speech, highly exclusionary governance structures that are driving intercommunal violence, and so that those on that dimension at least that the person to
person intercommunal relation or relationships, I think there's a lot to be.
A lot of positive narratives there.
Talking of positive narratives, here's some positive narratives about products and or services. Another aspect of the conflict that has played out in Operation ten twenty seven, it's the role of China and the massive crime empires that the junta has facilitated along the country's borders in recent years. I asked Billy to explain some of those.
So this has become the major political dynamic between China and the SAC over the past year.
Frankly, I mean, it's.
Essentially what we've seen is the emergence of these massive scam operations that use foreign labor that's trafficked into MEMR into areas controlled primarily by MEMMR military commissioned border guard forces. So these are commissioned under the MEMR military, which is a very key point in most cases, and they are running scam operations at a global level that are scamming people using a scheme called pig butchering, which is long term relationship building.
And then.
You're yeah, theft at a large scale. This is like, these are sizable losses from individuals. So last year, for example, to give you a sense of that scale, China lost twenty billion dollars to these scam operations.
Twenty billion.
Yeah.
In the United State it's lost two billion dollars on scam operations emerging from Meanmar. I mean, the scale of this is wild. I mean there's more than there's more than one hundred thousand people being held in scam zones in Meanmar from forty six different countries. I mean it's a it's this is a total global operation because I mean this emerged actually before COVID, I mean in sia Hanookville, Cambodia and other places where there's you know, rule of
laws is dubious. They have have the initiated kind of casino operations which are illegal in China and really targeting Chinese public. And during COVID, when China a lot of Chinese nationals were forced back to mainland China, these criminal enterprises were short on labor and so they shifted their approach. I mean they shifted to trafficking people into their zones and then operating out a global scale finding labor from around the world, you know, using not not low skilled labor.
I mean this is these are high skilled kind of middle class workers seeking employment in the tech industry or some other scheme that they you know, eventually they're you know, held at gunpoint and forced to scam their co nationals.
So that's a little bit of background.
So this is happening in Ko Kong along the Chinese border, also in the Waw territories and in the n d A A territories. The largest areas are actually on the Thai Burma border with the Kren Border Guard Force and
affiliated criminal organizations. So essentially, over the past year, the Chinese have have noticed not only the financial losses but the potential for social instability because as youth unemployment has grown in China, you know, these young people are seeking new employment opportunities, crossing the border in memr for high paying tech jobs and then being held at gunpoints. So you have you know, mothers on social media saying I haven't seen my son in three weeks, and you know
he's being held in a scam operation. So you know this is this is diletarious at two levels, you know, the financial scam losses and the trafficking, and it's all being run by border guard forces that are commissioned by the Malamar military. And yet you see countries around the world, including China, going to the Malamar military and saying please
shut this down. And of course the Malmur military has no intention to shut this down because these these scam operations are financing the border guard forces that are their key weapon against the resistance. So they need the border guard forces and so they will never shut down the scam operations, and so what what ensued was essentially earlier this year. I mean the Chinese came to the Malmour military and said, we will suppor you at every level.
We will prop you up, provide you weapons, to provide you assistance if you can demonstrate the capacity to govern, the capacity to provide stability on our border, the capacity to provide to allow us to pursue our economic interests. And the SAC has completely failed this test. Scam operations have exploded China's economic interests. The Chupu Especial Economic Zone remains in a impact assessment phase. The Lepidon copper mind
is non functional, the Mitzo dam is non functional. They're just not getting out of the SAC what they wanted. And so there was a meaningful shift recently, it appears, and I think by all indicators that we can see the Chinese greenlit Operation ten twenty seven that they at least did not stand in their way.
And you'll see from.
The MND, I mean they really were the leaders of the operation that in the statements that they issued about the operation itself and when they articulated their objectives, the first objective was to shut down scam operations. I mean, you can see that this is they're speaking to a Chinese public and the government indicating that we're a responsible, good faith actor that will shut down these enterprises that are trafficking your citizens and scamming the public.
Out of billions of dollars.
So this has become a really dominant dynamic in the relationship between the Chinese and the SAC, and it's it leads to a really weakened position for the SAC if they're not being propped up in the way that they have been for so long by the Chinese. So we'll have to see how this kind of unfolds, but it's not looking good for the military.
When we do see how this unfolds, it'll be people like the mandol A PDF who we see leading the charge for a new and democratic MEANDMA. We don't exactly know what that means, but I asked them, if the weapons see is in operation ten twenty seven, we'd allow them to arm more fighters and get there faster.
We are also now recruiting a new recruits, but we will we will have to recruit until the genter is gone. And we also need more soldiers to form up the better army than the gener after we want, even after we want, we are going to need some more human resources to form up the better army than the Malei Army, you know. And for the arms and ammunitions, we got a lot of arm and ammunitions from the Male like but we it's they use a different type of the ammunitions.
And then because we for example, we use like a K types, we have the different So it is not very possible to arm the better weapons from the the Mali army. We only used some of the weapons, like for the artillery or something like that, but that's only a few we got from them. What we really need is about the better artillery or s A M or something like that for the a strights.
So yeah, it's not very usedful for us.
From the anthem ammunition we got from the Male army. He said that the main points in the arm revolution is it's about to catch up important points, not to catcha all the CDs or something like that, like to catchure the enemy sec quartas or the important places. We are going to need more plants, and then he say that he's unclear about that.
I asked Billy what he thought we could expect in the new Mianma. I see points out here. Everything every Circled analyst has said has been proven wrong by the revolution. They've exceeded the wildest expectations of experts in London and Washington, DC. And where they go next is really up to them.
Good question, and frankly, I don't have a lot of information about that. I mean, you've seen pictures over the past twelve days of the as the resistance has taken one hundred.
And fifty posts.
They've definitely captured a lot of heavy munitions and artillery, but yeah, I'm not sure service to air capabilities. I mean, I think the the fact that the meanmaur military is not able to push the resistance out of urban areas. I mean, this is the first time really that the resistance moved into urban areas and held them, including into guy and I mean Colon has been they're holding it, and so I mean that seems to be an indication
to me that the essay c's capability is weakening. I mean, yeah, their their access to foreign currency and to purchase weapons is highly constrained now. I mean their primary providers Russia and China, you know, ones fighting their own war and the other is kind of is a little bit more skeptical as to whether they deserve their support. I mean they just last week the US initiated new sanctions on the Meanoma oil and Gas enterprise that provided half a
billion dollars in revenue for the junta per year. Yeah, that's a major that's a major issue for them accessing US dollars which they need to buy weapons. I mean, the Ties can no longer pay the Memoir military and USD and the Memor military doesn't want bought. So they're literally negotiating barter agreements where they you know, sell gas for material goods. But now you have the Resistance controlling you know, part of Cocker Rig on the Asia Highway
into Thailand. I mean, they control the borders, are the starting to in a way they hadn't before, So even this sort of bartering or material trade is is less viable. So yeah, I mean, I think they're just really asset constrained, and it does I mean just the fact that they haven't been able to retake these critical logistic coups. I mean the border crossings that the Resistance has have controlled constitute forty percent of the of the of the overland
trade between China and Memar. It's you know, it's like four billion dollars in value that's being you know, that tax loss for the SAC it's considerable. It's considerable losses there as well. And how long they can really hold out and maintain their air assets is really questionable, particularly since they've had to massively diversify their air asset purchase,
which really makes it more complex to service points. And so yeah, I mean, I think I'm not sure that the Resistance has much more capacity in service to air or air defense, but it does seem like there the SACS capacity to inflict atrocities in this way has also been constrained.
Yeah, it sort of flies in the face of every sort of like analytical idea about the assets that you need to have in order to be successful in one of these Like they they've really proved a lot of people wrong in a really impressive way. I know, you have to go, I want to ask one more real quick the uh did these towns did the SAC pull out of the towns or did they like fight house to house or like how did they very across.
Well, the I mean, the SAC was you know, in their barracks themselves.
I mean, in these.
Towns it's a national uprising. The public is you know, opposed to the presence this is an occupying force, and so yeah, it's just moving in and capturing military posts.
And as one person, resistance fighter indicated, essentially you fire your gun in the air and they lay down their weapons, which is more you know, an indication of of where the military stands and the support that these these highly isolated I mean, this is a fractured light infantry force that's dispersed a posts all over the country, and you know they're resupplying from the Northwest Command in Monuoas to towns within thirty minutes drive by helicopter because they can't
they can't move, so there's just not logistics support to these posts. And so yeah, you've got folks in there that just the will to fight is pretty small. Morale is shrinking from a very low base, and so I think there was the the general pattern is just resistance taking military barracks and posts.
Rather than having to go house to house.
I mean there's villages in towns where there's these groups called pew Sawtee that are like military aligned militias, but yeah, that's not really you know, a nationwide fighting force, and it's in most cases it really is just the resistance capturing posts and pushing out you know, or military personnel. And I mean there was a they're also using drones to a high degree of effectiveness.
They recently killed a colonel who.
Is on He was about to be become a brigadier general, the highest ranking person to have been killed in battle from the menmoral military through a drone strike in northern Shun State, I believe for kit Chen, and I think that, yeah, the resistance drone capabilities have also increased considerably.
And this is also an.
Area where you see nug collaborating a lot with the ROS. So yeah, it's it's it's just yeah, it's embarracked, you know, menomour military personnel and they just in many cases just lay down their arms because it's just moral so low. And the probability of them to be able to fend off indefinitely is when they have the public against them and a resistance movement against them. It's just really a challenging set of conditions for them.
We don't know exactly what the future of MEA. Murray is, but it took an interesting turn the last few weeks with the k NDF the Saquareni National Defense Force Fish Battalion issuing a statement of solidarity with the people of Rejava and the people of Java in the form of the YPG and the YPGA, their defense units of men and women respectively, recording a response a great risk during the ongoing grown campaign expressing their solidarity and support for
the revolutionary people of Myanmar, something will cover in greater detail on another episode, but it's yet another illustration of how the revolutionary people of Mianma have continued to defy everyone's expectations about how and where they will go next, and how they've managed to dream up a vision from more equal and just future, even as they face the injustice and inequality of fighting a war the world doesn't
seem to care about. Without a single dollar of international military aid, little support other than strongly worded letters from the UN at sporadic intervals have come. To the end of the episode, I asked Sya Montine if he had anything else he would like to share with.
Our Okay, he said that if he is able to talk, he wants them to know that we are not the white people. We most of them are educated we are only fighting for the democrats. But in some international news there will be some news that like pdf revolution forces are killing each other or something like that, but it's like not fully correct. Maybe some a few will be doing that, but most of us are not doing that way.
It's just a propagona from the male.
Like you know, we also say that we are no more expecting for the help from the other countries. We will be fighting our own and then with our spiritatively in And he also wanted to say that to the US government or the King of England or the other countries authorities that we are not wild ones. We are educated, and then we are just fighting to get the democracy
back to our country. He's a little bit from words, you know, say that if other governments are not helping us because they can't get any benefits from helping us, even if they don't want to help us, just don't look as like we are the wild ones. We will be trying to get the level of the other countries.
We will always be trying for that.
If you have any chance to speak out in a seminar or the workshops or any other things or any meetings, he wants you to tell the news about killings. Each other of our revolution process is just a propagunnas of SAC. If there is no more SAC, there will be no issues like the anymore. Most of some issues are just because of SAC and then they spread in some rumors
about that and then take news. You know, if you guys can can come and visit us, and then you can see how we treat people, and then how we respect the civilians, and then how we follow put of contexts in person.
Do you want to follow the medal APDF? You can search them on Facebook where they post regular updates. We'll include the link in the show notes for you. If you want to hear more from Billy, I'll let him tell you how.
Sure.
Yeah, I mean, we put out a paper at USIP dot org yesterday on the relationship between the scam operations and the.
Conflict dynamics.
I'm putting one out probably next week on the day after quote unquote dynamics, summarizing some of our research.
I'm on Twitter at b I L L E E.
The number four, the letter D, so you can try to stay up on some of the conflict dynamics there.
But yeah, the USIP websites where we published most of our most of our stuff.
In closing, I just want to share how much hope I found in the conflict in the MR in recent weeks. At a time when the world seems so full of cruelty, it's inspiring to see people relatively unified, committed to respecting life and civilians and succeeding against all the odds. This doesn't mean they don't need help. They do desperately, and I hope that this people continue to advocate to us
millions in Gaza. They can include civillions and revolutionaries from me and Mark in their demands going forward.
Welcome, Welcome to it could happen here. I'm Andrew Siege from YouTube channel Andrewism, joined today.
By James Hi. Sorry, I'm doing my own track hire.
Yeah.
Yeah, I'm excited to hear about something. I don't know what yet, So this should be a fun adventure.
Yes, Well, today we are doing a little bit of time travel. Then we're gonna embark on a journey to explode movements of about two hundred years ago that I think is still quite relevant even today, particularly in our very technological, fast paced world. So when we put a new games in the early nineteenth century in England great, which you know, is a time of great change, of evil, disease or that jazz.
Yeah, I think I had thrived as a person with diabetes, that would have made it approximately, you know, a couple of weeks.
Yeah. The Industrial Revolution was in full swing. It hadn't quite reached that point yet as far as I know, but it was transforming the way that people lived and worked. It was a time of innovation, was also a time of great uncertainty, and amidst the classroom looms and rise of organization, a group of workers emerged to became known as the Latites. They were, you know, some early adopters. Ah, Yes, of resistance, Yes, resistance to the changes of the Industrial Revolution.
And you know, for that cardinal sin they've been missing too preton ever since. So today we're going to be explaining exactly who who the Lights were and why their actions resonate with us today in the twenty first century. We'll talk about their history and their motivations and their brave stand against the relentless march of capitalist progress. We're also such on some figures, some of their tactics, and the last impact they left on history. But most importantly,
we'll be covering why they struggle Somatus today. So here we are. You know, in the nineteenth century indust Revolution souping through England, British working families were going through some very tough times as the economy was in turmoil and unemployment was spreading like wildfire. It really wasn't a good
situation to be in. There was this never ending war with Napoleon's France, there was Drian resources and causing what Yorkshire historian Frank Peel described as the hard pinch of poverty. And to make matters worse, food was in short supply and the prices were shooting up. Not only were jobs hard to come by, but even putting basic food on the table was becoming a serious challenge. So it's a really tough period for these families and they were feeling
that squeeze in every way possible. So that Light emerged as a response to these seismic shifts as a loosely organized group of textile workers and weavers who healed primarily but not exclusively, from the nottingham Shire region of England. At the heart of their struggle was the mechanization of the textile industry. Factories powered by steam engines and intricate machinery were replacing traditional cottage industries, leading to unemployment and
a decline in working conditions. In the place of a cottage industry where cloth workers could work as many or as few hours and days suited them, the factory had a reseren where workers would work long hours at dangerous machinery, be fed meager meals, and submit to the punitive authority
of the foremant Factory owners were winning. As I alluded to earlier, the rights were not blindly opposed to this idea of progress, as they've been misinterpreted, but they were seeking to protect their livelihoods and the quality of their craftsmanship. Many of the original rights were actually quite savvy when
it came to technology. In fact, some were highly skilled machine operators that ended up smashing the very machines that they were accustomed to use in They had no issue with welcoming innovations that made their lives and their jobs easier, but they had an issue with the way that the new machinery is being used by the factory owners to
reduce them to mare cogs in the industrial machine. And they didn't like that factory owners were using the machinery to kick out the trained and skilled cloth workers in fear of child laborers and other lower skilled workers would
be easier to exploit. The cloth for these machines produced was of lower quality, but because it was so cheap to churn out and there was so much of it, the factory owners were still ted inner profit and so that you know, that sucks for them, which is why the rights to resist these changes embraced a distinctive form of protest. At the time, labor organizing was labor organizing was illegal, so they chose a suppose even more drastic
method of targets in the newly introduced machines for destruction. Yeah, they were.
Is it E. P. Thompson who called it collective bargaining by riot?
Yes, yes, I believe so.
Yeah, I think that's an excellent way to understand it. I'm sure we'll get there, but it's yeah, it's a means of labor organizing when labor organizing is illegal.
Indeed, indeed, and then if no other options are available to you, you know, you're pressed against the wall. They have no other choice.
Yeah, So these uh, these loot rights would gather together in the dead of the night, usually in secluded areas like forests or hillsides to plan their actions.
To maintain secrecy, the Rights adopted a strict code of silence, making it very difficult for authorities to infiltrate their ranks. That secrecy was crucial to their survival and their ability to outwit the authorities, and so under this code they'd go on and break into the factories and smash the machinery, and occasionally leave an etching of the infamous ned Luod as a mark of their presence. Ned Luod, by the way,
was a symbol, not their actual leader. He was a legendary weaver who was said to have been whipped for idleness, so he smashed two knit in frames in a fit of passion. More likely, Nedlood didn't exist. He was more of like a folkloric character, but the Rights named themselves after him and would call them King Lood and General Luod. Funny enough, the authorities actually thought he was the ringleader
of the whole operation, so they tried to hunt him down. Meanwhile, of course, the Ludites jokingly referring to the Lud's office and Shewood Forest, and some of the Luodites would actually cross dress as luds wives during their protests.
Yeah, I do, like every time you find an instance of like cross dressing in history. So it was just amusing to note that. I guess some people have decided that like either either like cross dressing or trans people were invented in like twenty sixteen, not that those two things are the same, but like, we can find literally thousands of instances of of course trans people and also crossdressing, like as a form of like deliberate sometimes it's transgression.
Sometimes the thing that just people did. But yeah, you can see it in depictions of the Luddites, Like people even took the time to paint it into their paintings exactly exactly.
Yeah, but yees, so I mean the leader wasn't ned loud, the leader, well, it really was a lead less movement. The real instigators were just regular on the ground weavers and craftsmen, folks like, for example, George Mellow, a weaver from Huddersfield who played a pivotal role in organizing the right actions in the West Riding of Yorkshire, best known for the time that he fatally shot a mill owner
in the balls. Yeah, chad move indeed, indeed, But these actions were not just you know, random acts of vandalism and violence. They were a desperate plea for change. In fact, they mainly confined their attacks to manufacturers who specifically use machines in what they called a fraudulent and sitful manner to get around standard labor practices. The lights wanted machines that made high quality goods, and they wanted these machines to be run by workers who had gone through an
apprenticeship and got paid decent wages. Those were really their main concerns. And besides the raids and the smashing, they also had a couple other tricks up their sleeves. They organized public demonstrations, They sent out letters to local industrialists and government officials to lay out their reasons for wrecking the machinery. They were just smashing flow reason with no messaging. And in different parts of England, you know, you had
different approaches, different stances and different material conditions. So, for example, in the Midlands of England, the rights had the Company of Framework Knitters, which was this recognized public body that could talk to the capitalists through named representatives, and so they used that legitimacy as a recognized institution to back
up their demands. But up in the northwest of England, textile workers didn't have these established trade institutions, so they used their letters to push for official recognition as a united group of trades people. You know, it's like an early union. The demands and just of course about smash machines. They also wanted high min on wages and again an end to child labor. They were playing the long game, and in Yorkshire, you know the tone shifts of it.
They were going from letter writ into making more direct and violent threats against local authorities who they saw support in these nasty machines that messed with the job market the Yorkshire that writes meant business. In fact, they carried around these sledgehammers that they call the Great Enoch, named after local blacksmith who had manufactured both the hammers and
also many of the machines they intended to destroy. As they declared Enoch made them, Enoch shall break them, which I think is just the division that gives me is like, you know, God of War style, you know, swinging around this sledgehammer smash of the machines.
Yeah, yeah, Like I mean they broke some big things, right, Like they weren't. Uh, this wasn't like, I know, like some sort of trivial sabotage like frame breaking is. It's still a capital crime in the UK, but it's also a serious feet of strength.
Yes, and I'm going to get into that.
Excellent good. Yeah, I love coming from a country with normal laws.
There's so many. Don't even get me started on strange laws around the world. I mean, yeah, you're ensuring that there are some really strange, strange laws. But yeah, yeah, I'm sure that could be a whole topic for a whole episode.
It could be you could suggest that they're not connected to morality. Perhaps maybe maybe the law and right and wrong is not the same thing.
M you might be onto something there, Yeah, ponder something to think about for sure.
Yeah.
So a lot of these differences and approaches like I mentioned, really depending on their material conditions. It also depended on the background of the workers. Some of them were frameworkers, some of them were weavers, some of them were spinners, and so they conduferent tactics and styles depending on what
they were experienced with and where you found them. Of course, they were sending out death threats to some industrialists as well, and in fact Some of these industrialists were so worried about let light attacks that they had secret chambers built into their buildings as escape plans in case things went south during an attack. Yeah, you could imagine them cowering in their holes. Yeah, just like as were outside.
Imagine being like, yeah, I'm making excellent choices in life. I employ hundreds of people, and I've built a secret hole to hiding when They'll never be trying to kill me because I've made their lives so shit.
Yes, like I am going to create conditions that are so terrible. These people are going to get so angry at me, and then I'm just going to make a place to hide, you know. Yeah, so of actually rectifying the reasons they're angry.
Yeah, exactly. Like you could simply take the money you spent on your secret escape hatch and distributed to people who are literally struggling to put food in their children's mouths. But I guess that's not the logic of capitalism, is it.
Yeah, that'll be too that'll be too humane.
Yes, yeah, yeah, you can't let them get you know, realize that you're afraid of them.
Indeed, for all these tactics, the rights were truly fights not only for their own jobs, but also for us, say, in the future of their industry and their communities. Like regular people of today, they were just trying to provide for their families and defend themselves against the ever expanding incursions of the capitalists. I don't know, James, how do you think the government and factor and has responded to
these ordinary people and their desperate and fair please for change. Yeah, surely it was a human response right.
From Yeah, that's what I would expect as a British person. Throughout history of our government has really shown of humanity and compassion for people, so i'd expect they did something similar here. That's what I learned it.
They're so compassionate that they created an empire that the sun would never set on m hm. And the reason is so considerate, you know, for people who are afraid of the dark.
Yeah, yeah, that's the real reason.
Yeah.
And of course they were doing it to uplift, civilize and christianize the other peoples of the world, and for their other reasons.
Such philanthropists, such philanthropists.
Kind people who bought tea and SCons to to the rest of the world. The British Empire and the British government.
Yeah.
Never am I going to learn something bad about them?
Yeah, I hate to let you down, but the government and the factory and I was responded with, you know, deploying troops to quell the Lights uprisings and firing against the protesters. In one of the bloodiest incidents, in April eighteen twelve, some two thousand protesters marbed a mill there Manchester, and the owner ordered his men because in addition to soldiers, you also have these, you know, private militias that capitalists
would hire. So the owner ordered his men to fire into the crowd, killing at least three and wound in eighteen and then soldiers killed at least five more the next day.
Okay, Yeah, that's that's not quite what we'd hope for, is it.
Yeah?
Yeah yeah. Many of the Lights were arrested, many were tortured, some even faced execution or even worse, exile to Australia.
Yeah. They're ultimate the ultimate crime, the ultimn penalty. Rather, Yeah, it's sent to the land of kangaroos and where they put mashed potatoes inside their pies. What Yeah, have you not seen this? This is it's terrible.
But unfortunately are you talking about like shepherd's pie or.
No, they'll they'll take a meat pie like a normal meat pie, and then they'll cut a bit and then put mashed potatoes like into in the top of it.
Just to what is called.
I'd have to look now, like I've seen it on YouTube meat pie mashed potato Australia. You can get it like it in like you know, like like it's like instead of having fish and chips. You can get it at a van. Like someone will bring it to you.
I think I'm seeing it.
You found it and then they put like gravy as well.
Oh man.
Yeah, it's like I've come from a country that does terrible things to food. But yeah, it's this one is really something else. You can see why people where it was the word.
I have to say though, I do admire that it seems to be a very balanced you know, you get in the cobs, the fats and the proteins in it.
You know, it's like, yeah, and it's all in one.
That's that's the gym bro and meats talking of course, but it seems like a very efficient meal.
Yeah. It's like it's not that the Cornish pasty is the truly the most efficient working man's power bar because you can you can hold onto the crust and eat the pasty and even if you have like dirty hands from working in a factory, you still get your lunch.
Hmm. Yeah, but we're getting a little bit side.
Yeah, yeah, we have. We've traveled a long way.
From the exiles Australia. I shut out the thought, but some of them, despite that, kept their fighting spirit to the bitter end, like for example, John Booth and no offense to you, James. But you know, a lot of the names I read, like British history are the most generic sound in names. You just casually find someone in British named like John Doe.
Yeah, we do. We're choosing from a limited palette. Like until very recently, we were really pretty pretty like pretty stodgy on the names, you know, Like.
I mean, I mean, it's it's iconic, but at the same time it's also hilarious that you like everybody from like regular people to like some of the movers and cheapers, the leaders in the military and you know, politicians and stuff, just all of them.
Yeah yeah, it's like they had yeah yeah, yeah, just some guy. Occasionally you'll get like a Cornelius or a Mama duke or just some absolute nons with like a really posh name. But yeah, otherwise, yeah, it's.
Well apparently like an Enoch, you know.
Yeah, yeah, you got to respect Enoch. Like once you go outside of England you get some good names. But like, yeah, we were moving with a pretty pretty pretty playing with playing with a small deck. I guess when it came to names for a while there.
For I mean, I can't even talk. My name is Andrews, so I think.
My name is the most popular name for boys born in the year I was born. So I can't really can't really say much.
Oh God, we're going off track again, right yeah. John Booth Right?
So?
John Booth was this nineteen year old apprentice who joined one of the light attacks. He was injured, detained, and died after being tortured to give up the identity of his fellow thelites. A local priest was in the room when he was passing, and his dying words became legendary. So John was like, can you keep a secret? And the priest was like, yes, my child, and then Booth was like, so can I and then he died.
There you go, what a hero.
Yeah, iconic, iconic.
Yeah.
So yeah, government officials by eighteen th eighteen, we're trying to quash the light movement by any means necessary, so they organize this massive trial in York after the attack on Cartwright's mill. A Rawford's near Clakheaton.
I've got a right, yeah, clak Heaton. I think that seems about right. Where are we in the Yeah, yeah, we're in I'm signing it on the map, okay, in Ellits Yeah, yeah, Bradford. I've not actually spent much time in that part of the world, but if I had to guess, raw folds something like that. We do, like one of our ano Another great tradition in Britain is having names which don't bear any relation to the way they're spelled. We just write them like that. Actually can tell if you're local or not.
Yeah, yeah, I mean we primarily use British spelling conventions. Internet in English, so I know all about your center with the R and then the E.
Yeah, defense and yeah. I'm working on a book at the moment and my American Microsoft word is fighting me every step of the way on my spelling.
Yeah, I mean, can't they see that the U is absolutely essential in the word color.
Oh yeah, and without it we wouldn't know what it meant. And that's what language does.
So yeah. So, after this attack on Cartwright's Miller Ruffles mayor Clakheaton, the government accused over sixty men, including Mellow and his associates, of various crimes related to the Lights activities. It's important to note that not all of these charged
men were actually the Lightes. Some had no connection to the movement, and while these trials were technically legitimateury trials, many were abandoned due to a lack of evidence laid in the acquittal of thirty of those sixty men, and it's evident that these trials were primarily intended as show trials to discourage other the Lights from continuing the activities. And then here's where we get to the important bit.
Parliament went on to make a machine breaking I eat, industrial sabotage a capital crime with the Frame Breaking Act of eighteen twelve.
Yeah, what a normal thing. And they've never repealed it, is that right?
Yeah?
I believe I don't think so. Ye're still in the books.
Yeah, listen if you're listening. Since it was yeah, I was gonna say if someone's listening in the UK, just give it a try and see what happened. Stakes stakes are quite high, but yeah, you know, you never know, they might be might be able to get the Machine Breaking Act struck down.
A frame brankingly. I wouldn't be surprised if, you know, since it was established in eighteen twelve, if by now a lot of the British colonies you know, might still have it in their books as well. Yeah, yeah, have inherited that common though and stuff. Yeah, and I'm not like a legal score. I don't know all the deeds on that.
No, I can see Liz trust incorporating it to her platform to return to our leadership position. It's like a very insane kind of Tory position, Like there's there's still this bizarre British like any time we have a protest movement in the streets in the UK, you can like log onto like meta on Facebook or whatever and see like a certain type of British person being like sending
the army. Like it's like a like there are people who have not reconstructed their opinions on labor organizing since the LA that period.
Yeah, indeed, indeed they are the Conservative Party picture them like smoking cigars with top hats, except I know they were not capitalists. A lot of them are just like regular workers, just like what are you even doing?
Yeah yeah, yeah, like you've like, don't you understand that your economic interests line up with these people and not with like the Boris Johnson's of this world, and your social social interest too of course.
But I mean speaking of of you know, interests aligning, there was actually a politician who did stand against that legislation, and that is you know, the well known English poet Lord Byron. Yeah, he was actually one of the few prominent defenders that it's especially after witnessing how the defendants were treated during the York trial.
I mean, go ahead, bar Byron has some surprisingly like good and then he was part of this romantic movement, right, like the idea that the industrial revolution spoiled the innocence of the rural working people, which it's it's paternalist at its core, but like when at least he's not paying for their blood.
Yeah yeah, yeah, Actually that attitude reminds me of Van go She was another all of his art was very obsessed with the peasants because he just saw it like a better way of life. Yeah, real romanticization of the person.
Yeah, it was. I think it was a thing that's sort of spread around Europe in their late nineteenth early twentieth century maybe like in the eighteenth centuries, no, they yeah, nineteen to twentieth century, like this idea that yeah, like the innocence of the rural peasants have been broken, and like it's just so reflected in so much art from that period.
That is, that's literally just like the evolution of nostalgia. Yeah, fully think about it.
You know.
It's like it's kind of like our people today are like, oh, the nineties was so much better. Oh, the two thousands were so much better. Oh the eighties or the seventies. It's just that but with peasants. Yeah yeah, like disco whatever. Yeah, yeah, you're right, Like, yeah, it is. It's like doing like doing a ironic wearing a fanny pack, but with a peasant. Not even just in fashion. It's also like the angel
like material reasons people feel nostalgic. Nostalgic as well. Yeah, like when think about you know, safety, when you think about the ways that our cities have changed, think about you know, all of the material realities that have changed in these decades, and it makes sense. But just like I wished for the simpler life of the present, our people now wish, you know, go back to these simpler times of.
You have the minus strike when.
The media posts gym through and colonial independent inspience.
Yeah, yeah, I mean it's uh I think also we forget the hardships. But yeah, like it's a way, and change accelerates so much quicker now because we've raally fucked the whole planet, and climate change accelerating and obviously to technological change accelerating, so our nostalgia cycles are much shorter.
But yeah, this is just like when I had an estate and I could direct the peasants to trim my trees in a certain shape, life was better for them kind of, but like in a meaningful sense, right, Like
the lives of working class people were not improved. Right we see, like the like GDP, which is a useless metric that, like the amount of of like value of goods the country produces an industrial revolution goes up and up and up, but the quality of life and even life expectancy does not, right, Like people are dying earlier and certainly like and chiefly life expectancy is dropping because children are dying, right, either from the industrial conditions or
conditions in cities, and so like, in a meaningful sense, those people's life was not improved. The life of the bourgeoisis was improved.
And like.
We see that later in Britain with things like the Britain's forced to incorporate the bourgeoisi into into its politics, right, so that doesn't have a bigger revolution, that's what it does in the Great Reform Act. But like the working class people, it continues to suppress. Like after this, you know, we look, we see it with the chartists and like the violent suppression of chartism. But yeah, this nostalgia isn't it helps them, but I guess it's not really invested
in their agency. It's more of a paternalist like it's I guess not dissimilar to the way Britain treated its colonies in many ways.
Yeah, And I think another aspect of it as well is, you know, when we look at this sort of nostalgia, whether it's talking about this romantic nostalgia for the simple life of the peasant, always talking about the nostalgia of for example, an example from Trinidad, the oil boom period in the seventies and eighties, right, Yeah, we gain independence nineteen sixty two, and in the seventies and eighties we got this oil boom, and you know, a lot people
who live in lavish But whether you talk either of those cases, when you look at the reality of the situation on the ground, it's like, oh, you actually go back to that time, it wasn't also on Shannon Russ, you know, like it actually was not good to be a peasant. Actually, I mean there are certain things that you know a lot better than now in terms of perhaps the vibrants of culture or the ability to lean on a community for support and that sort of thing.
But or take for example, this oil boom situation talking about with Trinidad. Yeah, like there was this massive influx of wealth and stuff, but there's also you know, a whole bunch of corruption. And also we had the whole nineteen seventy Black Power revolution that was born out of the frustration of the people at the time. There's an all sunshine and rainbows, you.
Know, yeah, yeah, yeah, there's just always this sense like you see it in like nostalgia as well, right, Like the nostalgia for East Germany that German people will talk about like you also had the starz e Like, yeah, exactly.
Yeah, I mean I get it when I look at some of the maps of like like they're talking about with Germany, some of the data related maps sociological data of things like religiosity or things. Yeah, current with some other examples, but there's some like stark differences between the two sides of the country. Yes, yeah, yeah, very much so, so I completely understand people would feel like, oh, we feel so separate and distinct from you know, West Germany and all that stuff.
But yeah, and when you've become like they went from being like a I guess, like a nation within the USSR to like the often the less economically advantage parts of a nation which is near liberal and capitalist, and like neoliberal capitalism is not kind to the less economically ad advantage people. It wasn't a great situation before either, to be clear, but like I can see how suddenly being incorporated into like not everyone's going through this, but you are are, and the state's not going to do
fuck all to help you. It's like I can see how that might promote some nostalgia.
Definitely, definitely, And I mean speaking of states doing nothing. At this time, Byron is making his speech before the lords, and in that speech last with sarcasm, of course, he was highlighting the benefits of automation, which he believe led
to the production of inferior goods and unemployment. He concluded that the proposed law, the Frame Breaking Act of eighteen twelve, was only missing two crucial elements to be effective twelve butchers for a jury and a Jeffries for a judge, which was a reference to George Jeffries, an infamous hanging judge known for his very harsh judgments.
Yeah, it's also mad that, like, but also not uncommon in this period that you are seeing like the leftmost political opinion being advanced within Parliament being advanced in the hereditary chamber, like the House of Law, Like.
Yeah, exactly, as soon the the what's the word, the aristocratic, Yeah, the aristocratic realm is still you know, having to deal with this.
Yeah, it's very much tied to like a paternalism and a sort of feudal attitude. But it's just it's just fascinating to see, like, and it does happen especially and I think also there's this a deep, deep disdain for new money. That is a powerfully British vibe that that comes especially from the House of Lords, right, like like this, like they don't identify with the bourgeoisie at all and fucking hate them because they're they're they're turning up at the country club or whatever.
Yeah, and it's so it's so funny about a lot of old money. And I'm gonna say this, and I'm gonna, you know, give her contrack. What's so funny about the old money folks is that a lot of a lot of cases they don't even have of like as much money as the new money people. Yes, yeah, about money for them at this point, it's really just about linear and culture and whatever.
Yeah.
Like Britain's class thing is like it's almost like a caste system, Like your cast is your class is inherited regardless of your actual financial means. Like they're like lord living in a castle that he can't afford to heat is. It's like a it's like a it's a trope for a reason in Britain, I guess.
Indeed indeed.
Yeah.
But the passing of that Act, and in the years had followed, the Light Movement came to an end, but the actions left a lasting mark on the labor movement. There's tactics of collective action even though Clandestine laid the groundwork for future labor unions, demonstrating the power of organized resistance, defenders of their way of life. Reminders the technology, while
transforming to it, can also disrupt lives and communities. The lights experiences, the lights experiences echo even today, you know, in an era with the fear of technological unemployment, with discussions and the impact of automation and AI.
Yeah, you know.
Before he had said his infamous last words, John Booth also said that the new machinery might be man's chief lesson instead of his curse, if society were differently constituted. In other ways, technology can either help common food or harm them, depending on not just what the technology is, but also what society the technology develops with it.
Yeah, that's very true.
So I'll leave you all with that for now, and next time will be shifting our focus to the present day and examining how Bloodism's principles have been applied by movements of the twentieth and twenty first century.
Cool.
Nice, that's all for me. You can find me on YouTube. Dot com slash Andrewism and support on Patreon dot com slash Saint Drew this husband, it could happen here. Welcome back to it could happen here. I'm Andrew Sage and you can find my stuff on my YouTube channel, Andrewism. I'm joined once again.
By James getting no less aw quid as we go behind Andrew, I'm excited to learn about what we're going to learn about today.
Yes, we're picking up where we left off by tackling the bloodites of today. In our previous episode, we unravel the story of the Floodites who stood against the encroaching forces of the industrial revolution and more specifically, the abuses of workers by profit seeking capitalists. They were challenging the world view of lazier fair capitalism with this increase in amalgamation of power, resources, and wealth, rationalized by its emphasis
on progress. Today, it seems this history as we have of repeating itself as we face a similar struggle against technological changes that come about to the detriment of workers. As some tech has been used by tech companies in various industries to drive down wages and worsen conditions for common workers. Say, for example, technological unemployment. Theladites who once resisted the encroachment her machines would find their concerns reflected
in our modern world. As a technological advancements often come with the cost of those whose jobs can be automated away.
For instance, in the manufacturing industry, robots and automated assembly lines of streamline in production lead into increased efficiency and lower costs for companies, but these efficiencies often meant the displacement of human workers, and such as in manufacturing, the ripple effects extend to various sectors like customer service, transportation, and data analysis, and so there's this fear of job
displacement looms large. However, technological unemployment, which is the belief that as technology advances, human jobs are at risk potentially into widespread unemployment, has been described by some economists as
a fallacy. Back in the early days of the Industrial Revolution, when the advance of mechanization began transforming various industries, and with workers fear and automation would render them job less and devalue their labor, the people took a stand, but as time passed, new industries and job opportunities emerged to replace some of the old ones. Ultimately absorbing that workforce.
Fast forward to the twentieth century and the rise of computers and automation technology reignited concerns about technological unemployment, but again, new jobs were created in new industries. Today, the debate continues as artificial intelligence, robotics, and automation advance at an unprecedented pace, and it remains to be seen what the
long term consequences of those technologies may be. My position has really always been that we should be working less anyway, but instead people are obsessed with creating new jobs, even when they're unnecessary. See you know, of course, David Graber's
bullshit jobs. But you know, even if the idea of mass unemployment due to tech is not true, if we end up replacing the jobs that are eraised with new jobs, whatever the case may be, tech is nevertheless quite capable of destroying livelihoods, creating unintended consequences, and further concentrating power in the hands of fewer and fewer people. Tech advance
when it makes a job more fulfilling and enjoyable. They are also those who make it more tea us and grinding, I mean, yes, tech and free us from some tasks. You know, accountants have digital spreadsheets to make their lives much easier. For example, writing is way easier now that the personal computers is more common. But while technological progress can produce prosperity, there's really no guarantee that the prosperity will reach the workers. In most cases on the capitalism,
it very clearly doesn't. In fact, many of the benefits of the industrial revolution were really not felt by the workers until decades later, after many of them had been you know, crushed or poisoned or killed or you know, died in a factory fire or whatever they shut down when protesting, you know, like that, they didn't see the benefits until much later on. You know, it's not like
you know, these things introduced and boom, everybody benefits. I mean even now, not everybody in the world is benefiting
from you know, the computer age. There are still many people, like for example, in the Congo, who are endurance slavery and slave like conditions in order to you know, procure the materials necessary for the computer age totally, and yet they're not seeing those benefits and arranged we're scene when they'll see the benefits that many of us enjoy in various parts of the world, and particularly that there was
enjoy in the global North. In our relentless pursuit of progress and technological advancement as defined by capitalism, we also end up losing our nature, our community, and in many cases are craftsmanship. I mean, I remember John Booth, the one who had said can you keep a secret? Or so can I? Yes? Other words, you know that the new machinery, right, Beman's chief blessing in Surface Curse. It's
a side he were differently constituted. That's where I have to bring in the one and only the ls I've spoken about him before, of course, the Austrian philosopher, the theologia and the sort of everything Guy ivan Ilich.
Oh yeah, fun times, fun times.
Yeah. He was a thinker ahead of his time. You know, it's really strange in some of his positions, I think, but a lot of his concepts resonate today in various movements. In fact, one of the foundational concepts in the modern movement of the growth is the concept of conviviality, which was redefined and introduced in the context of our tools in Elisio's book Tools of Conviviality. Eligious vision as explored by the book is one in which technology sales humanity,
not supplant it. We had convivial tools empowered individuals and communities, fostering creativity and autonomy while preventing the concentration of power in the hands of the few. According to Ilig, conviviality is individual freedom realized in personal interdependence. It's basically the ability of individuals to interact and to interact creatively and autonomously with others and the environment to satisfy their individual
and collective needs. Convivial tools, or those which are robust and durable, preserve or enhance ecosystems, level unequal power relationships, and give each person who uses them the greatest opportunity to enrich the environment with the fruits of their vision. And a convivial society is one in which tools, which according to Lag includes physical hardware, productive institutions, and productive systems,
so tools will be factories, hospitals, schools, farms. All of those things are being included in his definition of tools, and a convivial society is one of which those tools operate on the humans scale and save the people instead of rulers. The idea of configual tools really challenges us to a few technology as a means to enhance our
lives rather than displace our livelihoods. It's a call to harness innovation for the bettend of society instead of the perpetuation of radical monopolies, which I spoke about in a previous it could happen here episode. I think a Lodites like John Booth would have certainly appreciated that message.
Yeah, and to the rights of.
Today certainly do because yeah, I'm not the first nor the only person to see lessons to be learned from the La Lite movement. The concept of a Neolodite movement has been embraced by a variety of folks who may or may not understand what the original Ledite movement was about. Like, you know, you have these primitivists who embrace the Neoloodite cause because I think it means hate and technology, and you have the anarchists and the trade unionists and the environmentalists.
We're looking more at the label, organized and roots of the original Latite movement, and of course even see echoes of Ogloodite action in the vandalism against self driving cars.
Yeah, yeah, Yeah.
The Neolodite movement is composed of activists, workers, scholars, and social critics who stand against the predominant worldview that unbridled technology represents progress, point ins key, then critiques, and in some cases actual action against technologies and tech companies that desecrate our planet and our society. Philosopher Lewis Mumford, who had written the Myth of the Machine Pentagonic Power, reminds us that technology and compasses more than just physical objects.
It also includes the techniques of operation and the social organizations that make up particular technology work. Technology reflects our worldview. The forms of technology we embrace, whether they be machines, techniques, or social structures, are seeply roots in our perception of life, death, human potential, and the relationships between humans and nature. Our choice of technology, in many ways, mirrors our outlook on
the world. That outlook in the modern world is shaped by a rather mechanistic approach to life, characterized by rational thinking, efficiency, utilitarianism, scientific detachment, and a belief in humanities, ownership and supremacy over nature. That's how the end of getting texts like the Military Industrial Complex and they were and sprawl. Honestly, in a sense, the old lites kind of had it easy.
Not.
I mean, obviously their conditions were horrible. When I say they had it easy, I mean it's in the sense that their machines could be destroyed by their sledgehammers.
Right. Yeah.
Our technology is a lot more ephemoral. You know, it's in the cloud. It's as nebulous as microplastics in the soil, the water, and the breast milk. I mean, it's everywhere, and it's integrated into everything. It's like, where do you even begin?
Yeah?
Wow.
In the book When Technology Wounds by Psychologists Chellish Clendening by psychologists Chellis Clendening, she studied technology survivors, people who had suffered injury or illness in recent years after being exposed to various toxic technologies in their homes and workplaces, whether nuclear radiation, pesticides, asbestos, both control devices, or drugs, and covered how they had begun to question not only the processes that maimed them, but the world that indifferently
forced those processes on them under the guise of progress. Glendening saw these victims as the basis of a new Bloodite movement struggling against what has been called the Second Industrial What has been called the Second Industrial Revolution alongside
thinkers like Lewis Mumford and Ivan Ilich. Those survivors have gone on to create groups such as as Those Victims of America as part of ME, Victims of Their Friends, Citizens Against Pesticide Misuse, DALK and Shield Information Network, des Action, and National National Association of Atomic Veterans, National Committee for Victims of Human Research, National Toxics Campaign, and the VDT Coalition.
All of these, of course are based in the US, and there are also actives groups like earth First that could have been classified under the Neololte cause and Earthful strategy was to stop environmental intrusions by any means available, legal and otherwise. So they will be slashing engines, slashing tires, disabling engines, blocking roads. Most famously, they would drilled spikes into trees and wilderness forests to prevent them from being logged by chainsaws.
Yeah.
But you know, while all these movements and organizations are happening in the Western world, it really wasn't just the Western world where this has happening. A positive undercurrent of the right spirit has surged where indigenous peoples have led the charges against the incursions of industrialism. Quncies of mainly resisting the machines and projects for industrialization, but also pushing
back against its cultural impact. Peasants and farmers staunchly rejecting participation in the various development initiatives imposed upon them by compliant governments, often under the influence of entities like the World Bank or the US State Department. For example, during the early nineteen eighties, some farmers in Mali took a stand against the construction of dams and dykes for a
rice growing program that they wanted no part of. Other communities elsewhere have rallied to hold dam projects that threatened to submerge the ancestral lands, and some of them successful, as seen of the villagers who protested the Narmada Dam in India and the early nineteen nineties, and others have faced more daunting challenges, like the people of eastern Java who protested against the Neper Irrigation Dam and faced deadly consequences at the hands of Indonesian security forces in nineteen
ninety three. Yeah interous tribes have also organized to combat deforestation and road building projects that encroached upon their territories. The Chipco tree Huggan movement in India during the nineteen seventies and eighties famously succeeded in stopping government clear cutting efforts, and similar projects have echoed across the globe, from Malaysia to Australia, Brazil to Costa Rica, Solomon Islands, Indonesia and beyond.
Traditional fishermen in many regions, such as the Indians of continent, Malaysia, Indonesia, and multiple ports along the Pacific coast of South America, including Ecuador and Columbia, have also taken action against industrial fishing fleets encroaching on their waters and jeopardizing their livelihoods. In some cases, these protests may have involved the destruction of machinery, but sabotage, you know, is not unheard of, like in the case of a high tech chemical plant
in Thailand in nineteen eighty six. The driving force behind these actions really mirrors to ethos you know, as they share this full un desire to preserve the ways of life and livelihood in the face of industrial capitalisms, relentless pull towards a wage and market system. And then, of course, outside these movers and shakers, these onderground activists, there are also you know, the philosophical litites like the aforementioned illage.
The neololite spectrum is more diverse and intriguing than one might imagine. While it may not have crystallized into a more formal movement with clear representatives, as is expected of movements these days, it unites a wide array of individuals to share common awakening from the allure of unchecked technology
and resist various aspects of the industrial monoculture. Perhaps of the connections between these separate groups strengthen we'd see a greater recognition of the interconnected challenges in this grand tapestry of all evolving world. But the thing is to address the challenges posed by these technologies. It's not enough to merely regulate orti vidual items like pesticides or nuclear weapons. What's required is a profound shift in our thinking about
humanity and in our relationship to life itself. We need to craft a new worldview that paves the way for a different way of interacting with our world, our technologies, and our felt human beings. We need to reconsider our place in the ground scheme of things and to imagine a world where harmony and balance take precedence of predomination and control. In notes toward a Neulrite Manifesto written in
nineteen ninety, also by Chelli's Clendoning. The author outlines three core principles and four prescriptions that could drive the Neulrite movement. In terms of principles, firstly, and I suppose most essentially to addressing the misconception, Neulorites are not anti technology. Actually says technology is intrinsic to human creativity and culture. But what they oppose are the kinds of technologies that are at root destructive of human lives and communities. The next
principle two is that all technologies are political. Quote a social critic Gerrymander rights in four argumented Elimination of Television, a book I read some years ago, by the way that a premedians revisit. But continuing the quote, technologies are not neutral tools that can be used for good or evil dependent on who uses them. They are entities that have been consciously structured to reflect and serve specific, powerful
interests in specific historical situations. The technology is created by mass technological society. Are those that serve the perpetuation of mass technological society. They tend to be structured for short term efficiency ease of production, distribution, marketing and profit potential, or for warmaking. As a result, they tend to create rigid social systems and institutions that people do not understand and cannot change or control. The last principle three is
that the poisonal view of technology is dangers limited. Glendoning argues that the often hood message, but I couldn't live without my word processor, because of course she's writing this, you know, years and years ago.
Yeah, yeah, I have my word my automatic typewriter.
Yeah. But this oftenhood message that I couldn't live up my word processor, and I guess you could substitute that for smartphone or computer. That message denies the wider consequences of widespread use of computers, for example, the toxic contamination of workers electronic plants, or the certifying of corporate power through exclusive access to new information and databases. As Manda points out, producers and disseminators of technologies tend to introduce
their creations and upbeat utopian terms. You know, pesticides will increase yields to feed a hungry planet, nuclear energy will be too deep, too cheap to meter, et cetera. And of course you know you have to throw in that that potshot at nuclear energy. It's very very twentieth century coded text. Yeah, however, quote learning to critique technology demands fully examining its sociological context, economic gratifications, and political meanings.
It involves asking not just what is gained, for what is lost and by whom. It involves looking at the instruct introduction of technologies from the perspective not only a few in use, but of the impact in other living beings, natural systems, and the environment. And then there's the neolodide program, which loses me a bit at some points, even where I may agree with some of their principles, and you know, you might say that's a sign of my propagandized mind
in our technological society. But I'll leave you to be
the judge of that. Here's what Glendening explicitly proposes one as I moved toward dealing with the consequences of modern technologies and preventing further destruction of life, the New Lotte movement should favor the dismantling of nuclear technology, chemical technologies, genetic engineering technologies, television, electuro wagnetic technologies, and computer technologies, which, according to them, you know, according to her course, disease
and death, create dangerous me to gens in case of television, functions as a centralized mind, controlling force, poisons the environment, all these different things. And I mean I gets some of the justifications for some of these technologies, right, yeah, of course, disease, death, you know, pollution, social issues, right yeah, But I at same time, I don't believe in through
and out entire sciences and technologies. Who will see like that, you know, it feels like it feels like a very myopic view being presented on some of these texts.
Yeah, I mean, I guess this was before really the decentralization of some of the means of dissemination of information that happened kind of later on with things like some parts of the Internet. I don't want to say by any means of the Internet decentralized, but at least the
promise of that which we occasionally see deliver as well. Right, Like if you saw today that I was just watching a video of the Yeppe Gay in Syria that the people in Rojaba like talking about the importance of women in the revolution in Myanmar, and like just occasionally the internet or technology gives us the thing they were supposed
to give us this ability to connect without barriers. Absolutely, but yeah, like you said that that's the computer or the cell phone and that was recorded on or whatever happened because somebody, somebody in the congo and in horrific conditions and the DC had to dig out some rare earth chemical and then got paid next to nothing and their ancestral homeland was ruined by some rabid company that makes billions of dollars and pays people like shit.
Yeah. Yeah, So, I mean, I absolutely agree that the supply side of a lot of these technologies to change drastically, and also the you know, just the supply chain as a whole, you know, from the raw materials to the finished product and how it gets to us. I mean, that might mean no more of certain technologies, or it might mean a different approach, but it really remains to be seen. We really haven't tried other approaches because you know,
we live under this capitalist hegemony. The next step in the program to the New Write movement should favor a search for new technological forms and the creation of technologies by the people directly involved in their use, not by scientists, engineers and entrepreneurs who gain financially from mass production and distribution of the inventions, and who know little about the
context in which their technologies are used. I don't necessarily believe in, you know, splitting it down the middle like that, as if you know, scientists and engineers are not going to be the people that are directly involved in their use. And in some cases that's true. But another case is, you know, you know, people who are using the pros sometimes the people who invented it, yeah, iterated on it and whatnot.
Like when I think about before there were three D printing weapons in the revolution in the amber, they were three D printing presteses because land minds are so common there, right, and so like for those people where the engineer is a person whose brother or sister or non binary sibling or what have you needs a leg and so they have iterated or designed a leg, and like that person is very much both like benefiting from the end use and doing the engineering exactly.
I get this is kind of like, you know, a screed against the Ivory tower types. But yes, I don't think that reflects on you know, all of the or even most of the scientists and engineers. A lot of engineers on the ground a lot of you know, barefoot scientists, as the expression is.
Yeah, yeah, Nick, when we talk about things like permaculture or the things we talked about before, like, some of that is a science too, right. We have a thesis and we test it and we prove it, and then we keep iterating on it like it's a hypothesis, I should say, Like, and that's certainly a science which is rooted in a place and people and respect for the environment.
Yeah, I mean, the manifesto goes a little bit further on this particular point. You know, she's advocating for the creation of technologies that are of a scale and structure that makes them understandable to the people who use them and are affected by them. She's advocating for the creation of technology is built with a high degree of flexibility, so that you do want to impose a rigid and
irrasible imprint on their users. And she's advocating for the creation technologies are foster independence from technological addiction and promise political freedom, economic justice, and ecological balance. They are I can't.
Disagree, you know, Yeah, I know, I'm down with that.
I'm absolutely down with advocating for that. Yeah, the third point in the program, She says, we feel creation of technologies in which politics, morality, ecology, and technics are merged
for the benefits of life on Earth. For example, community based energy sources utilizing solar, wind and waters technologies, organic biological technologies and agriculture, engineering, architecture, art, medicine, transportation and defense, conflict resolution technologies which emphasize cooperation, understanding, and continuity of relationship. And decentralized social technologies which encourage participation, responsibility, and empowerment.
Now you know, I'm the solar punk guy. I'm the you know, the anarchists on YouTube. Whatever he got me on these. You know, I agree with all of these obviously, But what I find interest in is that this list seems to ignore how, you know, the technology is being advocated here are linked to the previous technologies that would
just be in decride. You know, like in one section she's talking about, you know, a fan of these chemical technologies, but chemistry is an inevitable component of the biological technology such you're advocating for. Are you saying that you don't like computer technologies, But when you're talking about like solar wind and water energy, which to be fair can be low tech too. Yeah, there is usually some involvement of a computer in those energy systems. So I think it's
you know, sight inconsistency there. But I don't know, what do you think?
Yeah, I think yeah, like we can't sort of yeah, yeah, some times we can't say that to like you say, to a degree, all of these systems will require a technology, and like I suppose we start to get into like what is the technology right before we get too far, and then I think that's probably a question worth asking. But yeah, I think it's easy to throw to maybe out of bar water, I suppose.
Yeah. I mean, like, like Momford said, technology is more than just physical objects, it's also techniques of operation organizations that reflects a worldview.
Yeah, yeah, so I suppose, as you said before, right, Like it's what I think about often, it's like what we need to change is the way we see the world, and then the other stuff.
Well we can change in a midbe will fall into place.
Yeah, I think again, I'm gonna get back. So I
was just in Rojabo for the last few weeks. But one of the things that I heard from everyone there, right from like and not just from like people in the women's movement, but also from like random guy in the market who I'm having tea with, is like that this idea that we can't can't decolonize the country until we declonize our family, and the notion that like women were the first colonized group of people, which and so like if we can't do gender equality, what you know,
what are we doing what we can't where where we find this revolution to liberate our country when we can't liberate our spouse, daughter or what have you. So definitely, yeah, it's just it's a very powerful I know it's not like as fun as taking a sledgehammer to a cotton mill, but like if we if we replicate that kind of extractive extractive capitalism is what makes the supply side of these things so bad, and it's what also leads us to think about using them in a way that can
extract the most value from the worker. So I would absolutely say that you know, the break the frame in your mind.
I don't know, that's a good point. And it's funny, as you mentioned, you know, as going to be as fun as you know, smashing a cotton a cotton mill or whatever. It made me think that you know, perhaps in a revolutionary society. In guess society, you may see therapeutic rage rooms where people can smash out some of their last frustrations against the capitalist system. Yeah, consequences they have left for them to fix.
Yeah, yeah, to get that out before you you take that out on other.
Go and rewild or something. You know, you have to get that energy outfit.
Yeah yeah, yeah, yeah, remove the toxicity.
I like that.
Place where you can take that anger out.
Right. So finally, the fourth and final element of the program, she says that we favor the development of a life enhancing worldview in Western technological societies. We open in still a perception of life, death, and human potential, and technological societies they will integrate the human need for creative expression, spiritual experience in community with the capacity for rational thought
and functionality. We perceive the human role not as them of other species and planetary biology, but as integrated to the natural world with appreciation for the sacredness of all life. We foresee a sustainable future of humanity if and when Western technological societies restructure their mechanistic projections and foster the creation of machines, techniques, and social organizations to respect both human dignity and the nature's wholeness, and progressing towards such
a transition. We are aware that we have nothing to lose except a way of living that leads the destruction of all life. We have a world to gain. Quote word that was.
That was a nice, nice, a nice, very rhetorical flare at the end.
Yeah, that's.
I mean, in my opinion, coming to a close here, the neololites hits and a miss. They hit a lot more than they miss. There's things I have some slight quibbles with, and I really, of course I have to give them credit for doing a lot more to investigate and confront technology than the vast majority of people. I mean, they're asking the right questions, questions that you don't see
being asked at all. You know, you see you get these announcements for new technologies, new innovations, new techniques, new whatever. It's always just like you know, marketing and advertising, and then it's just implemented. There's no say of people, there's no raising questions about what are the consequences of this? Be ten years on the line, twenty years on the line, fifty years on the line, hundred years on the line, you know. Yeah, yeah, and the lessons of letters are
very clear. Technology should serve humanity, not the other way around.
Yeah. I think that's that's a key take home, Like, Yeah, it's there to make our lives better. We don't have to not to allow us lands more exploited.
Yeah, landscape is vast and it's constantly evolving. But the principles of the lights and the vision of contiviual tools, I think they can offer us some guide once and I hope you'll be able to take that away from this two parts. Yeah, and that's all I have for today.
Great.
Thanks, follow me on YouTube, Andraism support and Petreon, slash sent Drew, Thanks James for being parts of this and I thank you.
That was good. I enjoyed it.
This has been It could happen here.
Peace.
Hey.
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