Behind the Insurrections - Mussolini's March on Rome: The First Fascist Insurrection

with my producer Sophie. Sophie say, hi, Now, not literally sit down together because of the plague, but we we got on a text chat and I was like, you know, this fascist insurrection against the democratically elected government has a lot of similarities with other fascist insurrections against democratically elected governments.

Perhaps we should talk about the history of fascist insurrections against democratically elected governments in order to better prepare people for what needs to be done in the wake of this to stop them from succeeding the next time. And of course, once we had that idea, the only person we could possibly bring on was our good friend Jason Petty, a k A PROP. What what the LICKU read? What's up with that failed nation state? How y'all feeling like? Literally?

I think I text PROP and I was like, hey, I want to do this, and like it was like, yes, yeah, no brainer. It's like they're so like you know, Robert myself, anybody else who has like a seventh grade level understanding of history has been like kind of flaring their arms like the crazy scientists in every movie. That's like, y'all, the aliens are coming. Guys, I don't understand how come nobody is seeing us telling y'all, we're standing on our heads yelling at you like this is point for point,

like bar for bar, point for point. We've seen this before, and I don't understand what you don't understand. Yeah, how did this? Because I've been warning about this for quite a while and uh that it could happen here, and people continuously are like, I can't believe you predicted this, and it's like nobody predicted this. Everyone who was paying attention was like, oh, this is obviously going to happen because thousands of people are promising to do this. Yes,

it's like the dog. My favorite one, my favorite meme going around was one with Ron Burgundy. He was like, wow, that estalated slowly over the past ten years, like yeah, I know, I can't believe these people did exactly what they said they was gonna do. This is crazy, Yeah, it's it's very frustrating. Um. And so you know, the reason we decided to do the special mini series Behind the Insurrections is that I think historically that's what this

is called. That you're listening to the insurrection, Yeah, you and I did a similar thing last year when the uprising against the police started, where we kind of talked about the history of the police, and I thought that was useful to inform people both the context of why folks were angry for a lot of folks who maybe had never really thought that much about the police and didn't understand all the hatred. UM. And I also thought it was useful because understanding, you know, the history of

something that you want to fight, is useful in fighting it. Um, whether it's the police state or a fascist insurrection. And understanding what other fascists have done throughout history and where they've succeeded and failed, and how the people opposing those fascists have succeeded or failed is important both for us to know what's coming next and to avoid making the same mistakes that other people made in the past that led to them being ruled by fascists, which I'd like

to avoid. So naturally we're gonna start with Rome, right yeah, yeah, yeah, we're we're gonna be starting with my old friend Benito, m Um big Benny as no one has any move

Yeah yeah. The thing that I like, I mean, we're gonna get into this, but like off jump the in in my hopes to like, you know, help people figure out ways in roads too, you know, their family members who have been cooked by this, Like fascist movement is like is dig inside of you and understand what it feels like to be disenfranchised and what it feels like to feel like you've been left behind by those that

are supposed to take care of you. And if you can understand that, you know, coupled with a person having really non powerful antennas to know that they're being fed bullshit, you know what I'm saying. Um, then I feel like you're you're like you're you're starting to get on. There's manual asked to like how to not let yourself and you trying to stop a fascist regime not incensing and creating martyrs out of them and confirming their feelings that uh,

you know, Airby against them. You know what I'm saying. It's just it's a matter of like getting behind that and being like, Okay, if this election was stolen, that would suck. You're right, that would suck if that was true. It's yeah, not though it's not. Yeah, it's not, it's not. It's like, yeah, I mean, if a bunch of Satan worshiping pedophile wizards were eating all of our children, that would be a problem. We should fight that. But that's

not happening. It's just not true. Bro. Yeah, the real pedophiles in power are more like the guy you think is the second Coming. Um. But yeah, yeah, so let's let's let's talk about old old Benito Mussolini. Um moves. I started thinking about Benito as I was watching live stream footage of people breaking through the capital barricades and

into offices with zip ties and weapons. Um. And I know that while this was happening, in the immediate wake of it, a lot of people started bringing up historical comparisons, and unfortunately, I think a ton of those historic comparisons were bad. We're the wrong ones. To make a good example of this would be a ton of people who compared the events of the sixth to Krystal knocked the Night of Broken Glass. UM, and I think everyone here

knows what that is. For those that don't listening, it was a pegram, which is a racial amass, racial assault like on members of a specific race basically, UM, that was instituted by the Nazi government against Jewish people in Germany. Hundreds of synagogues and Jewish owned businesses were burnt down on the space of a night. UM. Hundreds of people were killed. Um. And it was a nationwide racial attack carried out at the government's behest right. UM, that's not

what we saw on the set. It's not this. Yeah and yeah, probably the most prominent person to make that comparison was our current governor or former governor of California and current Arnold Schwartzenegger. Arnold Schwarzenegger UM, whose video otherwise had some really good stuff in it about Yeah, I was gonna say, I kind of dig it in the sense of, like the way he was talking about the

remorse of people that was a part of it. I think if he was gonna pull the Austria card like it would have been a better although miss Leny's a better parallel. But yeah, when UM when they burned the parliament right before. Yeah, that's a more better comparison, you know what I'm saying. Then? Yeah, absolutely, Yeah, has a great TikTok content. He's got like a pet donkey that

follows him around. I'm sure he does. I do. He's definitely like the like the meme of like, you know, when it's heartbreaking that the worst person you know, it's an excellent point, makes a really good point. Yeah, great point, bro, And I think his best point was just like how you know the victims of fascism continued long after the war, including the children of Nazis who you know were abused by parents and stuff. Great point to make, wrong about

Christal Knoch. We we're talking about actually good historic comparisons and valuable ones to what happened on the sixth in d C. There are a few. One of them, as you noted, was the burning of the Austrian Parliament, which I think we're going to talk about a bit later

in this series. Um. But and other folks have kind of much more aptly I think, compared what happened in the sixth to uh the Munich beer Hall push, which was Adolf Hitler's first attempt to seize power, and there's a lot of good reasons to compare that to the sixth. It's not really a perfect comparison. None of them are um in part because when Hitler tried to overthrow the government starting in Munich, he was a political rabble rouser with no power who was trying to spark a mass revolution.

And on January six it was like tens of thousands of the president's fans, including a lot of police officers, active duty soldiers, and elected leaders, who tried to take over the capital. It's a bit different. So if we're looking for a better historic parallel to January six, I think we might be better served by going back a year before the nineteen Beer Hall putch, when a completely different fascist, Benito Mussolini lad what came to be known

as the March on rome Um. A lot of really good comparisons to what's happened, a lot of good lessons in the March of rome Um. So most people, good before you start is just if you could. It's you never really want to like reach into the past and draw like direct lines, if you will, but if you could think to yourself just as a general grid, if in the story. You own the side of Mussolini, you probably own the wrong side of history. I think we

can say that completely. So now as you continue think about your position in this and you that might be able to tell you which side of history you should be all right now anyway going and if you're if you're rightfully on the side of history that's like, well, I don't want to stand with Mussolini, which I think the vast I think the vast majority of people listening

to this are already there. I think one of the things this teaches is why the people who didn't want Mussolini to wind up and charge failed, you know, and and it's important to know that as well. Right, Um, So, most people are probably broadly familiar of Benito Mussolini, but because of how history went down, he tends to be remembered mostly as like Hitler's ridiculous and kind of sad sidekick,

like the least threatening dictator on the axis side. Um, Mussolini doesn't wind up as like the frightening villain in a lot of movies, right, you know, Yeah, that's good. I ever thought of it like that, but yeah, yeah, because it's like you're just like, oh, you. Oh yeah, you Hitler light unless you was in unless you was in it, unless you was in Italy. Yeah, I mean even then Italy would have been it would have been better to be, you know, a Jewish person in Italy

than in Germany. Not a high bar, you know, the lowest bar in history, actually minimal. Yeah, but yes, he he gets this kind of reputation of just being like incompetent and the junior partner to Hitler and not very frightening. And that really misses a lot of the history and what what people at the time when Mussolini rose to power thought, because Hitler actually in some ways idolized Mussolini UM and he patterned his career off of Mussolini's career.

The Munich Beer Hall Putsch was inspired directly by the March on Rome. Mussolini was not just the first um like Mussolini was the first fascist dictator. He was the man who created fascism as a political ideology that actually took power. Right. We talked about Gabrielle de Nunzio, who kind of invented a lot of the ideas that became fascism as a and who was a contemporary of Mussolini's. But Mussolini is the guy who made fascism work for the first time. And when I say work, I mean

actually seized power, not that is a good government or anything. Um. He was the first fascist who seized power from a functional democracy. So he's he is not an incompetent buffoon and you kind of you it behooves you to understand how he succeeded in the way that he did. Um. We're gonna do a full set episodes on his life at some point on Behind the Bastards, but since we're just focused on the March on Rome today, I'm gonna give a little cliffs notes of Benito's life prior to

him coming to power. So Benito aml car Andrea Mussolini, which is quite a name. That is a mafia boss right there, except for the Andrea, right, except for that Andrea. When he got baptizes Christening, they gave him Andrea. Yeah, either that or it's like a boy named Sue situation, and it turns out that's actually a bad idea. Yeah. Uh. So he was born on July three in a small Italian town that I'm not going to try to pronounce right now. His father Alessandro was a blacksmith and a socialist.

He named Benito after Mexican President Benito Warez, who's the name sake of Juarez and who was the first indigenous president of Mexico. Um and was a famous liberal. You know. Um, I thought that was interesting. I had super interest. Yeah yeah, uh yeah in nineteen o two. So that's like his background. He goes a very left wing, right, like, your parents are naming you after the liberal indigenous president of Mexico. Like that's that's quite a thing. That's a flex right there. Yeah,

what a pivot. Yeah, this guy is one of the great all time historic pivots, you know. Um. In nineteen o two, Benito fled to Switzerland to avoid compulsory military service. He became active in the Italian socialist movement from Afar, and he grew obsessed with the writing of syndicalist Georges Morel, who believed that capitalist democracy needed to be overthrown by

a combination of general strikes and violent direct action. So he's he's a socialist, he's a leftist, but he's a fan of these guys who are like, we need a revolution and violence is okay in that revolution. Right, that's like a big, big chunk of his early ideological upbringing. In nineteen o or, Benito returned to Italy under a general amnesty for draft dodgers in exchange for which he's he had to serve in the military for two years.

He did his time, he got out, and he became a left wing journalist and a firebrand, participating in a nineteen eleven riot protesting Italy's imperialist war in Libya. He did night or five months in prison for this. So not just like a talker, like he puts his skin in the game and he does time protesting and imperialist war. Dang all right, okay, yeah, yeah he was. He was. He was not like wishy washy about this stuff. I

guess it's the point I'm making. So as a hardcore leftist, Mussolini hated the monarchy, which in Italy at the time was similar in its kind of power to the British monarchy. Italy is a constitutional monarchy at this point, so more or less a democracy. But they've got a king and he has some power. Um. In nineteen twelve, Mussolini stated the king is nothing more than a useless citizen, and the Italian flag is fit only for a dung heap. Yeah,

burn it all down, burn it all down kind of guy. Yeah, yeah, yeah, very much, very much. Now, it may seem odd that the first fascist dictator was a committed left wing activist in his youth, but it's really not that strange. This is a pattern that we see repeating itself over and

over throughout the history of fascism. In more recent times, just to talk about stuff that's happened in the last like four years, Jason Kessler, who's the fascist who planned and organized the first Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, got his starting political activism and occupy in New York. You can find in Unicorn Rights discord jets him talking

about being very indu occupy at the time. Um Andrew Arenheimer, we've who's a neo Nazi hacker and a prominent member of the fascist movement in this country, claims to have been an organizer at Occupy Wall Street. I found discussions in Unicorn Riots archive where we've debates with other Nazis who were there about how Occupied could have been handled

differently and been more successful. And for a lot of these Nazis, the failure of the occupy movement to garner any real change, and the ease with which the police swept it aside were major factors in radicalizing these guys to the far right. One fascists that I found in a discord conversation said quote, I was at Occupy Wall Street in two thousand eleven. It was black pilling as fuck, by which he means the experience was so disheartening that

it pushed him towards fascism. Um. And that's really what we see with Mussolini. Um. He's very involved in left wing politics. He gets arrested for them, and he sees them continue to fail. Right. They don't succeed in overthrowing the government, they don't succeed in pushing the changes that he believes are necessary, and it starts to embitter him.

I I often think that like some of that happens in the black community with just also like like still trying to wrap my brain around Like I saw a video Crips for Trump on the on the UH at the at the at the at the insurrection earlier. It's like Chris for Chump west Side something something in and I could not wrap my brain around, Like how does

will work? But I think it's it. I think a lot of it does have to do with the fact that, like, you know, we've tried so hard, we put our flag in the sand with this particular way of approaching, you know, political change, and it's not working, that you're like, well forget it, you know, and then like, well, maybe this will work, Maybe this going this direction speaks more to like, since the Empire the machine just met us with might and just overpowered us with might because they're just they're

just more powerful, you'll only recourse is to be like, well I need to be more powerful than that. I don't know, yes, yes, that's exactly when you when you're I think you're really onto something like when you're when you're getting your ass kicked. And I think some of this is that I think it's probably more common with males who are kind of activism, like and you get your pride is harm by getting the ship kicked out of you repeatedly, by the repeated failure to win, to

advance by the sheer strength of your opponent. I do think that that can have the effect of pushing people in that kind of more violent authoritarian direction where you're like, well, I just want to win, Like, yeah, I wouldn't be surprised if that has if that's a part of what's going on, And I think it is for Mussolini, because the switch for him really happens as a result of

World War One. Um. So basically what you've got with World War one, Archduke friends Ferdinand get shot Dad along with his wife, and it starts this this series of events right um, where Austria is going to invade Serbia and Russia is going to come in on the side of and like it starts this whole domino effect. And so there's months between his assassination and the actual outbreak of the war where everyone knows that Europe is gearing

up for a war. And prior to that happening, the international left, the communist international, largely had been very anti war, very united across national boundaries. But as soon as a mass European war becomes a reality, ship starts to splinter. And there are a lot of folks who had been socialist leftist like workers who instead of kind of siding with workers Solidarity or like, well, I'm gonna side with my country on this um. And you know that's not

the only thing that's happening. There's also like this, the Second International tries to organize like some sort of workers strike or something like. There's a couple of ideas about how they might stop the war by organizing workers, and all of these ideas fail. Um. And you know, all of these ideas fail, and Europe lurches towards war. And it's kind of like this moment where this big international left wing movement shows it that it's toothless in the eyes of at least of the eyes of a guy

like Mussolini. Like we said like this, we weren't going to let this kind of thing happen, and now it's happening. Um. So that that for one thing as a source of frustration to a lot of people. Um. Mussolini is more directly enraged by something that happens earlier in nineteen fourteen, UM, something called Red Week, which was when a bunch of workers there's a big mass workers revolt in Italy that

was brutally put down by Italian police and the Royal army. UM. And this had kind of convinced him that the bourgeoisie leaders of left wing political parties, the actual like liberals and socialists and government didn't really support revolution and he did, so all of this stuff is kind of in the mix, leading to him getting kind of black pilled, to use the words of that other Nazi. Um And Benito doesn't

come out as against the war as a result of this. Instead, he decides to become incredibly pro war because he thinks it's going to accelerate the collapse of the Italian state and lead to a revolution, right. Um So, in mid September, after Italy announced her neutrality in the war, Benito tells the staff of the newspaper he worked at, Avanti, which was a socialist paper, that he'd become convinced that war

alone could bring revolution to Italy. Um So, yeah, he's kind of like an acceleration is we need to go to war because that's going to force a revolution, is the only way? Yeah, yeah, I I yeah. When you it's it's a always at least in my head, like I've I've kind of let go of the like linear swing of like you know, far right far left in my brain. I know, we use that because that's how we understand the world right now, but like it seems much more like circular to where it's like, uh, they

ended authoritarianism. At the end of the day, they end with a with a strong dude like so so it was crazy like yeah, so like the further left you go, You're still gonna end that a dude overpowering. I think, yeah, I I which I was gonna say, which which why like I'm now leaning more towards thinking in anarchist ways of being, Like, you gotta get off this loop. It's just this the whole it's there. We're gonna land in the same place at some point, somebody's going to get oppressed,

you know. Yeah, and what you're so, there's a couple of things, a couple of terms that are used a lot for the kind of thought process that you just explained. One of them is horseshoe theory, which is this idea that the left and the right, when you go far enough, come around to the same place. And I I don't subscribe to that because I don't think that left wing ideals and far right ideals are super similar. But I do think that what you see that looks like that.

The reason why the far left and say Soviet Russia under Stalin and the totalitarianism of Hitler have a lot of similarities and similar body counts. Is because authoritarians always trying to say exactly exactly it's the authoritarian left, authoritarian right. And Mussolini is always an authoritarian leftist. So it's easy to go authoritarian right. If you're anti authoritarian, it's a lot harder to wind up at that. We should have

a dictator place. Sometimes get off the loop, because if it ends at authoritarianism, then this is not where I need to be. Yeah, exactly, if it ends with like all of the we're being in one dude or a tiny number of people's hands, yeah, no, that's not what I want. It's like somewhere on this horse too, I knew that that wasn't a good idea. You know what

I'm saying, We need to get off the ride. And and Mussolini is very much just a guy who's he's of that, he's he's always been kind of an authoritarian um in part because he is very in love with his own ideas and thinking. And that's the same when he's on the left as when he's on the right. And you know, it's not a clean process of him going from socialist to fascist, but it happens over the course of not just World War One, but ramping up

to getting Italy involved in World War One. So Italy had, prior to the outbreak of hostilities been allied with the Central Powers, so they should have come in the war on Germany's side. But they, very intelligently, We're like, no, no, we're not We're not doing this. This does seems like a good idea, but and that's why. So they say we're not getting involved in the war. And Mussolini becomes a pro war activist, trying to force Italy to come into the war on the side of the Allies, so

fighting against the people they've been allied with before. And I'm gonna quote now from a write up in nineteen fourteen to nineteen eighteen online, which is a World War One encyclopedia. It's a very good resource. And all this after his late October editorial demanded Italian intervention. Socialist outrage prompted Mussolini's resignation. So he's forced to resign from the party he had been a member of. When his pro interventionalist newspaper will Popolo, the Italia, the Italia, the the

Italian people. I think it is what it stands for. Yeah, not appeared in mid November, the party expelled him. Mussolini concealed its funding by industrialists, the French, his wealthy lover

Margharita Saffrati, and possibly Russian agents. For six months, through editorials and demonstrations, he promoted the interventionalist movement, Collaborating with syndicalist Filippo Corradoni, Mussolini demanded war against Italy's allies Germany and Austria Hungary to demolish bulwarks against European Revolution of victorious war would forge a national mass movement demanding political change. If the government rejected war, Mussolini threatened revolution most Italian's

favorite piece. But Vittorio Emmanuel, the third King of Italy, forced a war declaration on twenty four of May nineteen fifteen. So there's a lot of interesting stuff that's happening there. One of them is that Mussolini has an ideological reason for wanting war, because he thinks it's going to lead to revolution. Another is that he's very likely getting paid by foreign powers in order to incite Italy to come

in on their side. Um, kind of like our ad sponsors who pay us, you know, who does come in sponsored violence against trying to accelerate our wallets. Yeah yeah, yeah, accelerate your wallets, accelerate our wallets. There we go. We can't we had we landed on it. Here's products. Uh, we're back. Um. So yeah, we're talking about Mussolini becomes this very much like interventionalist figure, and there's a mix of ideology and foreign backing that kind of pushes him

towards it. And I could talk about websites like the Gray Zone and they're weird Russian funding and how they're ostensibly left wing but also pro imperialist intervention when some countries do it, but I won't because we need to move on to the story of Benito Mussolini. But we've seen these patterns happen recently as well. So Mussolini was obviously just one very prominent voice in favor of war.

He was a major pro war figure, but he was probably was not the only one, and he was probably less influential than Gabrielle de Nunzio, who again we covered in a two party that I'd recommend people listen to, and to his minimal credit, after helping to monger his nation into war, Mussolini joined the army and fought as a burstiglieri uh, which is like a marksman. It's almost like a special forces unit, right, like it's an elite

military unit. Um, kind of like the Army Rangers, it seems. Um. And he was wounded at the front by an exploding mortar in one of Italy's many bloody stalemates with Austria. Since he'd become a very public face of the pro war movement, the king came to visit him twice while he was in the hospital. Benito became a bona fide celebrity and when the war ended this provided him with

a great deal of political capital. He moved further and further right, pulled in by the spell of Gabrielle de Nunzio's proto fascist rhetoric when Italy was screwed over by her allies with the spoils of war, because like, Italy had come in on the side of the allies, but they didn't really get ship at the end of it, Like they wanted a lot more territory, more of Austria,

and they kind of got sucked out of it. Um. And that pisss off the Italian right who feel like we fought and bled and lost our comrades for this and we didn't get anything. And it's because of our lay mass left wing government. Um, that's how a lot

of folks feel. Um And yeah, Mussolini becomes is basically by the time the war ins Is is pretty entrenched in the growing far right in Italy and he supports Gabrielle Benunzio when Denunzio leads an army of Italian Special Forces veterans to occupy the city of fume Um and this is we again. We talk about this in our episodes on de Nunzio. But fume is this city that was part of Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia gets created at wor World War One ends and they get this city that Italy

thought should be theirs. So Donunzio leads an army of retired Special Forces veterans to take it and they turn it into this weird it's like this melting pot because in you know, nineteen eighteen, nineteen nineteen, you've got all these ideologies that are like still kind of forming. Anarchism and communism and fascism are popular in a lot of

like similar circles of people. There's a lot of interplay between them at this period because they're all kind of new ideologies being developed and the same kinds of people who are interested in radical politics are all hanging out together. Um yeah, so Fume is like a big melting pot for all these kinds of things and it winds up being the place where a lot of what becomes fascism

gets cooked up. It's like, that's that's the ententy you say, because like I do picture it as like this, like yeah, like planets for like nebulous balls of gas where it's like it's all the same elements and like you know, you're it's still like, yeah, all this stuff is still kind of coalescing and stuff like that. And but I also think this particular moment in history for me is is it's it should be very anchoring or or calibrating for all of us, because what it tells you is

that borders are bullshit, like like it's not real. Borders aren't real, Like you know what I'm saying, Like somebody just decided that fumes in Yugoslavia, Like Yugoslavia came out of this plot of land has been here the whole time. On sometime I drew a line around, you know what I'm saying, So like a large chunk of the city's population are Italian, Like yes, yeah, all of a sudden, they just woke up in another country, you know what

I'm saying. So like that to me, like I need everybody remember that when we're talking about our modern politics, like the sick came from here and it's made up well, and when we're talking about why so many people Because one of the things you see in this period is a lot of people who were anarchists become fascists, and

a lot of fascists become anarchists. And it's because, in part because when you when you live through a thing where suddenly tens of millions of people wake up one day in a completely different country than they went to sleep in, everything is more malleable, right, Everything is more malleable. And it's not obviously like fascism of an anarchism are not similar ideologies, but people who are into both may

be drawn to certain similar things. For example, a major aspect of fascism is the cult of action for action's sake, the beauty of violence and physical exertion and speed, and a lot of anarchists were also into direct action, physical violence, fighting like and so if you've got communities that are kind of embracing this idea of action for action sake, some of them are anarchists, some of them are fascists, but a lot of times they're gonna wind up in

the same fucking places, you know, which is kind of you. Also, if you look at Germany prior to Hitler's Rice to Power, there were times when the communists and the fascists fought alongside each other against the cops. It happened. It's a thing that occurred, just this understanding that like, whatever we have right now isn't working exactly, like you know what I'm saying, like, and so you're all gonna be in the same space. Yeah, And a lot of people in

Fume they're not. They maybe have called themselves a fascist and anarchist at the time, where a communist it wasn't really settled in their minds. They just knew that what

they had grown up with was wrong, you know. Um, And yeah, So Fume is one of the things that comes out of this experiment in Fume is the Italian fascist movement gets like solidified in a lot of ways, But it starts before like there's thinkers pushing it before then, and while do Nunzio is off on his adventure and fume um, Benito Mussolini forms a fascist party in March twenty three of nineteen nineteen. Now, a lot of the impetus behind the early fascists in Italy were demilitarized army

veterans and particularly special forces guys. UM. Most of the fighters who accompanied Nuncio to Fume were members of the r d T, which is like the Italian equivalent of like Special Forces guys. Like. They were very elite soldiers. Mussolini had served in an elite unit of Marksman. Um. There were a bunch of like the the guys who followed de Nunzio, the RDD were like trench like stormers. They would do like what the German stormtroopers would do, um,

and they were terrifying people. They would go into battle with like knives in their teeth and grenades in both hands, like running directly ahead of artillery barrages and like this is where like a lot of that cult of action for actions saying these are adrenaline junkies. That's a huge part of early fascists in Italy. And Germany. These are guys who became addicted to adrenaline during the war and

can't stop fighting when they get back home. And it's a thing that is a factor in our modern fascist movements, right, A lot of a lot of vets and cops and stuff wind up in that. UM. I'm also interested in just the whenever somebody says I started a political party, I'm like, logistically, what does that look? Was there like paperwork? You file? Like, how do you style? Like? I still think like, yeah, we'll start a party. We'll talk about that in just a second. I want to talk a

little bit more about some of these demilitarized vets. Yeah, there's a form online somewhere. Yeah. Yeah. The r d D had been formed in June of nineteen seventeen UM as a special forces unit in Italy. UM and they were like when they were like sort of um like new.

One of their commanding officers address the unit, these very young men, most of whom came from a peasant background, who had gotten to be very good at fighting, extremely experienced veterans, and he tells the soldiers, you are the first, the best, the future owners of Italy, the new Italian generation. Fearless and brilliant. You will prepare the great future of Italy the smile of the beautiful Italian woman as your reward. You can't tell, you can't tell, no, little like young hungry,

violent dude. That no, exactly right, Like you see the seeds of this, like why so many any of these guys become fascists? And as an aside, one of the emblems on their uniform that they wore in their hats was a skull and crossbones, which is the same basic emblem that the Nazi s s, which started as like Nazi street fighters before they were a military. And you know what they wore, right, Like a lot of the

same ships happening. These guys. The r d D are famous for giving the stiff armed Roman salute the sig

hile as most people know it. Um like, so a lot of this stuff again, you see it all cooking up in World War One, And by the time the war came to an end, the liberal biblical elite in Italy knew that these young guys were terrifying that like, oh shit, we trained up an entire generation of incredibly violent and competent at violence young men, and now we have nothing for them to do, like and um that they realized this as a problem, they disbanded the r

d D like immediately after the war ends. It takes less than a month. But these guys are still all out there and they have no plan for demilitarizing them. And again I could again make some comments about what happened in Iraq after we dissolved the entire Iraqi army. Yes, now it's never a good idea. You have to take care of these people afterwards, otherwise they murder people in the streets sometime or become the nexus of a fascist

political party. Um so again. Four months after the armistice ended World War One, three months after the r d D are disbanded, on March twenty, nineteen nineteen, Benito Mussolini puts together a group of one hundred angry young men, a mix of Italian war veterans, a lot of them special forces type guys, former socialist elected leaders and journalists. They meet in Milan and they declare the formation of

the Fascist Party. So that's how it happens. You get a hundred dudes together and you're like, we're a fucking political party. Now, start recruiting, and one of Benito's first moves is to start recruiting from the disaffected ranks of former soldiers. He brings in hundreds of these guys and he reorganizes them into paramilitary squads uniformed in black shirts and red Fez caps. Mussolini's Black Shirts start going after their political opponents in the street now in night. Yeah,

it's just like the formula doc. Find somebody angry and give him a uniform, Give him a uniform, tell him it's okay to go out and beat the ship out of people they already don't like. And I'm already angry, I'm already pissy. And you say, those dudes are your problem.

And there's in any society that has just gone through a war and is dealing with economic inequality, which Italy is at this period, in economic collapse and incompetent political leadership, you will be able to find tents, sorry, you will be able to find tens of thousands of those whom in her are like, yeah, I'll make this my whole life. Absolutely, Oh where whatever, Fred Perry shirts, fuck it, let's do it. I'll storm the capital. Yes, it's very easy. Yeah, um yes,

uh so, Mussolini forms the Fascist Party. He starts organizing all these squads of black shirts, and for an idea of how fast this gets out of hand, in nineteen nineteen, Mussolini starts the Fascist Party with a hundred men. By nineteen twenty one, there were three hundred thousand members. Yeah, so I'm gonna pause here for another little rant about modern anti fascism, because this is something that's also relevant

to us. Over the last four years, since antifa became a household name after the first Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, liberal celebrities and politicians have repeatedly urged people not to confront fascists in the streets. Some of even complained about doxing, which is the public naming and shaming a fascist activist who are caught in the wild doing Nazi stuff. Now, the general argument tended to go something like this, people showing up to fight them just emboldens

them and brings more of them out. Ignore them, and they'll go away. This was more or less the attitude of most, but not all, American liberals throughout much of the Trump administration. Antifa tended to be condemned as often as groups like the Proud Boys, Police were given a free hand to use violence on anti fascists, while fascist street movements were ignored or directly enabled by law enforcement

and by political parties. Well a political party. These organizations, as a result, grew steadily in power and reach for several years now. On January two, liberal activist Amy Siskin tweeted, if you live in d C, stay off the streets. On January six, let the DC police take care of the white supremacists like they did in Oregon yesterday. I actually think it will be fun to watch L O L. Yeah.

Not a take that aged. Well ah yeah. Now, when anti fascists say fascist movements have to be confronted immediately and often with physical force, they're not always at least using bluster or bravado. There's certainly adrenaline junkies within the ranks of man. I've met a few of those people. Absolutely, But that's not entirely even mostly what that is. It is, in fact, a calculation based on a century of documented history. Um again, from a hundred to three hundred thousand in

about two and a half year. Yeah wow, because ain't nobody say nothing? Yeah, because they were not enough with set You're not enough with set. It's it's yeah, it's crazy when you're dealing with like when you, like I said, you're already angry. You're already like all you understand is might, and it's like you can't reason with somebody that only understand might. Yes, but then if I go meet you with might and I don't beat you, then we all wasted our time and you you feel vindicated because I

wasn't able to stop you. It's just yeah, this the the whole the whole concept just puts everybody in a pickle. It's not an easy thing to solve. Yeah, you can't solve it, you know what I'm saying, Yeah, I like, I mean, the best solution is to oppose them with overwhelming numbers, because that actually drastically diminishes the amount of violence that there will be because none, none of these

guys want to get into a fight. If they're out number three hundred to one, that's not when the violence happens. It's when they have the numbers, or there's parody of numbers, you know. Yeah, And that's why people were saying, like, what if tens of thousands of people have showed up in the streets of DC to protests. I don't think they would have made it through the capital barricades. Now it's a pandemic. None of this is a simple situation,

and it wasn't simple in Italy. And we'll talk. We're gonna talk now about the anti fascist resistance in Italy because in Italian, like Italian fascism did face substantial resistance from anarchists and other anti fascists, um, and we're to

talk about why that didn't wind up working out. Much of the anti fascist resistance in Italy also came from members of the r d D, from other like uh elite soldiers who just like weren't Nazis right, hadn't or fascists who hadn't been pushed right who had gotten left instead, or who just didn't still believed in the idea of democracy.

Because again, anti fascists in Italy there's a mix of like the hard but also just like people who are republican right and then like the sense of I support a republican form of government, not like not like a modern republicans totally different. So the inciting incident for the violence between anti fascists and fascists in Italy is generally seen to as having been an attack Mussolini ordered on April fifteenth, nineteen nineteen, against the newspaper he used to

write for Avanti, which was the Socialist party in newspaper Um. Now, Italian fascists were courageous and often well organized, but they had to contend with not just fascists but the police in the army. This meant that the deck was stacked against them from the beginning. Meanwhile, events and Fume caused Mussolini to realize that he had an advantage in the fact that the police and the army were inherently sympathetic

to fascists. So again we talked about Donunzio's occupation of Fume Um in another episode, but a brief refresher here's worthwhile. In short, Uh, he occupies Fume for about fifteen months. Um, there's all sorts of art and weird sex and political churning. Yeah, things go a little wild, and eventually the King of Italy like is forced to do something. So King Victor Emmanuel the Third, whose nickname was little Sword because he's a tiny guy. Um, at least he all things to

be called sword. Yeah, yeah, you know, I mean they're Italians, you know, what they're saying. Yeah, that's called it. You can't be the king and called little sword. You like, he's not a very good king. So um, he's very sympathetic to what do Nunzio is doing. He wants Italy to control Fume, right, so he thinks that de Nunzio and his proto fascists are in the right. But also Fume went to Yugoslavia by international treaty and he's not about to go to war with the rest of Europe

over a city of sixty thou people. So he has to send in the army and navy to clear Denuncio out in December of nineteen. Now, after this do Nunzio spell over the r d D and the other really hardened war veterans who had like gone to him and us like they're his spell over them is broken and they switched their allegiance to Mussolini. So these guys, the best fighters, like Mussolini's early guys, aren't really as competent.

The people who had taken Fume, who were like really actually hard and dedicated, um to fucking shut up, Like those people start swarming over to Mussolini in mass after December of nineteen twenty and they expand the ranks of the black Shirts significantly. Um And Mussolini doesn't just benefit in that way, he also takes a really important lesson away from what happens in Fume. And I'm going to read a quote from the Warfare History Network, who did a great rite up on all of this. This is

them describing what Mussolini learns from this occupation. The police would often overlook fascist depredations in favor of attacking their traditional leftist enemies, the socialists. The police would also fire on opponents of the monarchy more importantly, the Duce Observed,

which is Mussolini's nickname, So would the military. Therefore, he realized he had to win over the king, the police, and the armed forces by a clever mix of both public bluss and behind the scenes old fashioned political maneuvering to attain appointed or elective office by legal means. In other words, do Nunzio. He realizes Denuncio was able to get this far and occupy the city because the army

wasn't willing to fight him. The police weren't willing to stop him while he was marching there because they're sympathetic but when do Nunzio put himself in opposition to the Italian crown and the will of the government, the police in the army cracked down. They did their duty because they're loyal to the state inherently. So if he's going to win, he can't be fighting them, and he can make use of the fact that they're sympathetic if he

just becomes part of the government. That's the way Mussolini realizes. Fascism is not going to win by a revolution. Fascism is going to win by democratic means, because the deck is stacked in our favor. If we try it that way. If we try to lead a violent revolution, they'll murder us like they would anyone trying to lead a violent revolution. If we become part of the government, they'll help us

crush our enemies and will gain power. Dude, that yeah, the finesse because it's yeah, it's when you lay it out, it's pretty logical, you know, Like, yeah, a monarch will talk about something that's lasted thousands, it's in their d n a dog, Like you can't you know what I'm saying, Like, just it's too it's like it's too much to ask. Yeah, you know what I'm saying, it's too much to ask these people to try to like go against their very nature to be like, but if you if you include

the crown, you keep you're king. We're just gonna get rid of the left. Yeah like them anyway, do you help us kill him? Like yeah, now, yeah, exactly. Yeah, it's very saving. And this is again why I think people need to have more of the kind of like respect for Mussolini is opposed to seeing him as this buffoon is He's the first he he figures it out. He figures out how fascists are going to win anyway.

So Mussolini decides, Okay, I have to um, I can't do what the anarchists and the communists and the left to do and try to like overthrow the government. That's not going to work. My path to victory is going to be finding a way into the government. And this was not hard for him to do. He runs for office and in May of nineteen one, he's elected to the Chamber of Deputies in Rome along with thirty four

other Fascist Party members. Quick, very quick, and they're kind of in the middle of the pack in terms of how many elected leaders they have. UM, but they're they're in the government now. And Mussolini barely ever showed up in chamber because he thought any governing body based around him compromising was dumb and not worth listening to. But he liked the legitimacy that elected office gave him and

his party. And it's not a coincidence that nineteen one is also the year when the Royal Italian Army joined the police and cracking down on anti fascists, because now the fascists are part of the government, right, so we can yeah now. Becoming an elected leader also gave Mussolini immunity from prosecution while he was in office. This was helpful because while the Fascist Party gained electoral power, Mussolini's

black shirts were increasingly committing murder. And I'm a quote now from a study in the Journal of Values Based Leadership. Fascists agitated against the left and streets and neighborhoods across Italy. Socialist offices, institutions, and party newspaper headquarters were attacked and burned, militias organized throughout the country, and anti Bolshevik crusades breaking up strikes and fighting labor unions and farmer co ops. The Fascist squads dressed in black shirts and uniforms, were

supported by the local police, landowners, merchants, and industrialists. They used violence to destroy any organization they felt could be an opposition to the doctrine of fascism. Thousands of people were beaten, killed, or forced to drink castor oil and run out of town. Hundreds of union offices, employment centers

and party newspapers were looted or burnt down. In October of nineteen twenty, after the election of a left administration in Bologna, fascists invaded the council chamber, causing mayhem and nine deaths. The council was suspended by the government. Later, so again, a left wing administration is elected in this city. Fascists invade the council and kill nine people and it's suspended by the government. Later, socialists and Catholic deputies were

run out of parliament or had their houses destroyed. The two Black Years nineteen two destroyed opposition to the fascists. Union organizations were crushed. The Fedya Farmers co Op shrank from some one million members to less than six thousand in less than five years, Unable to defend basic democratic rights or prevent the criminal activities of a private militia that operated openly in nationwide the state had lost all credibility. Yo, gang banging. Any of that sounds familiar, Yes it does.

It's yes, it's like, uh, god dug like you. It's something. It's something that fascinated me as you was reading. Is is like really helping you get into the brain of like a fascist to where it's like the government's not the head but an appendage. Yeah, like you're just You're a You're a You're a tool that I wield, just like the population, the labor unions, the military, the street guys. They're all just they're all just appendages. These are arms,

their tentacles, but your means to an end. So I'm getting into the government not because I feel like that means I made it. It's just no, I just need to wield the government for my and that like, to me, that's like a you just like oh, it's like your relationship is transactional, Like it's a functional This isn't the goal. I just need that. You're my sword And I'm like, yes, yes, exactly, government just a sword. Yeah, this is my weapon that

I use on you. It's it's not a list of as I think a lot of liberal seat It's not a series of obligations. It's not a social contract. It's a gun. It's a gun. It's a gun. And when you get that's crazy, they listen. These Everything we just read that the Black Shirts did has been the goal for years of the American fascist movement, not just of groups like the Proud Boys, but of more extreme and

explicitly Nazi organizations. Um. You can see evidence of this in attempted actions of men like Coastguard Lieutenant Christopher Hassan, who was caught with an arsenal and a list of Democratic lawmakers he planned to murder. UM. This is very much what groups like the Proud Boys wanted to do to left wing organizations nationwide. It's why you saw so many groups of right wing counter protesters and malicious show up at blm rallies, right. It's why before they were

showing up at left wing anti fascist events. It's what you saw during the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, leftists surrounded and assaulted and mass for standing against fascists. One of the great successes of the anti fascist movement in the United States that was not Uh. Something that we saw in Italy has been the fact that they actually did succeed in the widespread disruption of particularly the

leadership cast of different fascist organizations. Basically everyone involved in planning Unite the Right had their life ruined, and most of them are no longer relevant on the streets. Nobody talks about Jason Kesler anymore. Nobody talks all that much about Richard Spencer anymore. Um, some of them are in jail, like, uh funk, what's that guy's name? The crying not Chris can't Well, that's how that was all med I got kicked off a tender. Yeah, yeah, that I think that

happened to him too. Um. And you know a lot of them, like Richard Spencer's drowning in legal fees from lawsuits from people and and um. Yeah. In two thousand eighteen, not just angry at court cases, but angry at the fact that his speeches were continuously disrupted by anti fascist activists. Richard Spencer complained that's giving these speeches, like having these

gatherings was no longer fun and quote Antifa is winning. Um. Now, he wasn't precisely right about that, because January six showed that the fight is very far from one. But Spencer was eaten, and most of the original wave of fascist leaders, the people who wanted to do what Mussolini did, whose goal was to do what Mussolini did, guys like Spencer, they've been fucking sidelined, which means that most of the people who are prominent now have not been prominent in

in the position of leadership for all that long. So while you have groups like the Proud Boys that have been around this whole time, militias that go back quite a while, and more extreme groups that go back quite a while. UM, a lot of the leaders have been disrupted one way or the other, have had their lives bucked up, and it's stopped them from doing in some ways what maybe they might have otherwise done. It stopped them from gaining as much power, it stopped their organizations

from being as cohesive. UM. Some organizations have been shut down, like Identity Europa. UM. So it's this has been if we want to look at like successes of a modern anti fascist movement, that's been one of them. And I think we can credit that for the fact that the attack on the Capitol on the sixth was not better organized or more cohesive. Because there has been disruption of these movements. I want to know what else would be a disruption of our our movements right now, Robert Baku,

that is going to disrupt my train of thoughts significantly. Yeah, I don't like that. I decided to do that. But America, that happened. How manna eat a chip? That's a good call. Everybody eat a chip. We're back. So prop I think you had you had something on your mind before we Uh, damn it. What the hell was I going to say? Break? What was I going to say? Um? Oh um? There's something that I think the these all school fascist did oh school wow um that these new guys they haven't

done it. Yeah, I think that's why it's It's one of those things. It's a fine it's a fine um distinction, because I do think there's a lot of value in showing these people as as absurd and as sad as they are. Um, you have to do it without also making them feel like they're not a threat, which is hard. Yeah, that's a that's a and And thankfully, I think one of the positives of how bad everything went on the

sixth is that as absurd as it is in. One of the difficulties about talking about this movement to people for a while has been that like, folks, um, we're like, okay, well, these are just a bunch of of coops on the internet wearing dumpach t shirts about Q, Like why should I take this seriously? That's why you should take it seriously because yes, you just yeah, it's something again like dangerous. Yes, when you when you? When you? That's why I said earlier.

It's like somebody hungry and angry like you. If somebody tell you they're willing to die, believe them. You know what I'm saying, Like you, you should believe them. You take you underestimated something you learned living in just the inner city. You don't underestimate anybody, like if you know, if they presented it to you, Like I just I don't know how hungry you are. I might look like your lunch now if I can overpower you, or there's a whole other scenario, but you right, like, I'm not

gonna underestimate you. And I really feel like you know, fast forwarding or yeah, bringing us back to now is that I'm not sure you know, Oh, oh, Joe Biden really understand how serious your situation is. And I don't think he doesn't say they was gonna kill you, because like, I don't think you understand they that man somebody come into a Capitol building with a Viking horn, that man

don't care about his life. He gonna kill you, Yeah, exactly, And I think I don't know that is Again one of the problems is I think a lot more people are taking it seriously. But I don't think Joe Biden is. I don't think he's I don't think you. I don't think you understand, bro, Like you know, don't you understand the severity of situation not done on the twenty big

dog like, we're not We're not done. Yeah, there's a bunch of people out there who if they had gotten who if they get their hands on you, will do great harm to you. And they almost did it once in their heads at least. Uh you know. Yeah, So let's let's talk about We go on a little bit of a tangent there, but I want to talk about the Italian anti fascists. So we just talked about kind of what I see is one of the big successes of the American anti fascist movement. I want to talk

about why the Italian anti fascist movement did not succeed. Um. So the Italian anti fascists began to raise their own proper army in July of ninete, because again, the fascists had an army, The black Shirts were an army and it was doing great damage to not just like anarchists, but to all left wing movements around the country. So they formed their own army, the r d T del Popolo, like the People's urdd I think, um, so again they're

still using that norm. A lot of them are veterans, and they were heterogeneous mix of anarchists, syndicalists, socialists, communists, republicans and other non authoritarian ideologies. The r d T del Populo were popular among the lower classes among poor Italians because they had no party affiliations than they offered

protection from the fascists, who were basically a violent gang. Now, there were other militias style groups that confronted fascists, including the r d T Rossi, which was a communist organization, but the local Communist party forbade them from allying with the anarchists and the Republicans and the like, because like, you guys aren't our fan friends either right. This is

again you see this happening in Germany. Now, there were communists who were part of the r d T del Populo, but they weren't like party communists, you know, there's a difference between those two things. And communists in this era is used a lot for people who were like very

anti authoritarian. Um, a lot of folks would consider them basically anarchists today, and also for people who are like Stalinists, you know, um, and that they weren't Stalinist yet because it was you know, nineteen I was like, wait one, but like they that's where they that's where they're they were, they were headed. Um. Yeah. So on July the r

d T del Populo held their first national Congress. One of their leaders, a guy named Argo Secondary, outlined the organization's goals in a speech, and uh, this is Argo here. The r d T del Populo's action has to be defensive, but defense means above all, to prevent and to render impossible any harm that can be caused by the adversary. The r d D del Populo do not carry out punitive expeditions, but perform acts of justice. They do not carry terror into the population, but to fend the people

and organize their security. That is why the r d T del Populo welcome members of various parties and contain representatives of all political beliefs. They do not intend to make politics, but leave this to the already existing parties and economic organizations. The r d T del Populo must act like a worker's army and give the proletariat defense and protection. That's not gonna work. Yeah, yeah, they tried, um. Now you want to guess why it didn't work. They

had no actual goals. They were just like, we're just They're like, oh no, there's no platforms in my head. I'm like, ain't no platform. You just said we're gonna lead that to the government. Yeah, we're just gonna make sure like no food of government's compromise. Anyway. Tell me to answer. That is a great, That is a great.

You know, that didn't even a credit. You're you're right, like these guys are saying, our only goal is to defend you from the fascists, but that's not nearly as popular as saying, hey, here's what we we're the fascist, here's what we believe, here's our platform, here's what change, and we have this army, right, that is that is a very good point, Like, like you said, they're leaving the platform up to the government who is not on their side, and like you yeah, yeah, yeah, Now that's

not everybody, right. There's a lot of anarchists and stuff who aren't saying like I think we should leave it to the government, but they are saying like, I'm not going to I think that fighting fascism with these other people is more importan than you know, pushing my own political beliefs in this necess in this area, which is

I think a respectable thing to take. But it was a problem that there was not a concerted, organized, um counter left wing movement that was like that, that had like a solid platform and the to the extent that the fascist did. Right, there were different left wing groups that confronted them and had platforms, but it was not like what it was, not on the side and the same scale, you know, And that's a problem that anti

fascists still have today. Right, there's a strength in saying like hey, if you're a communist, if you're an anarchist, if you're just a libertarian who's not an authoritarian, if you're a democrat, like come join us we're just trying to fight the fascist. But there's a weakness in well. But also we don't agree on anything other than that. Yeah, and it's like okay, cool, so what if you win? Yeah,

what do we do? Or how do you win? If they have a thing they believe that they're fighting for and you're mainly fighting against them, that that is true. There's a good point to that, um. And there's obviously there's a lot of anti fascists who do who wrap their anti fascism in um, this is part of the struggle against capitalism, this is part of the struggle for a better world. This is part of a revolutionary that's a lot of it today. Um. And those people did

exist in Italy at the time. But this large organized the r DD del Populo, isn't really doing that, um. And it's it's part of their downfall, I guess, um, because the government starts spying on them, as is always the case whenever that is organized in any government. I've

been undefeated, boy. Yeah. And the in Italy's FBI equivalent actually did confirm in a report to the government that the r d T del Populo had quote only one principal aim that is to react against fascism with the same means that are employed against them, i e. Arm defense. So the the Italy is like FBI equivalent is like these guys are only there too for defensive purposes. But despite this, the government orders a crackdown on the r

d T del Popular. They enforce anti paramilitary laws against them, They dissolve local cells, they imprison many leaders and members, and by October the organization is essentially defunct. Now no actions were taken against the black Shirts, and as a result, by the end of nineteen twenty one, the Mussolini's Fascist Party had more than a quarter of a million members or members something like that. Um, this is one of those situations where like, yeah, your house is getting broken

into and you called a police and the police arrest you. Yeah, like, bam, this is my house. Like I'm telling you, I'm not the problem. I don't understand this. I'm telling you this is the issue. And I were going to book them. Dano It's like, oh, man, like I feel like I don't know, That's what it sounded like to me. I'm like,

you're trading the wronghood right now. Yeah, the police cracked down pretty in the army cracked down exclusively on the anti fascists, and the fascists are allowed to continue to organize, and they said, like they used the same laws against them they could have used on the fascist for having the black shirts. They just don't choose the shoes. And the part that don't make sense and continues to not make sense is like you said, the fascists are telling

you the platform, this is our plan. You've gonna overthrow you and put all our guys in power. And that's our dude, that's our plan. Oh you want our side, Okay, cool? Like yeah, it's because they it's you know, it's it's it's because hatred of the left unites the fascists and the people who wouldn't necessarily be whole hog in on fascism but are because they hate the left, which is you know why this this keeps happening and why um, yeah, it's it's it's frustrating we deal with versions of the

same problem today. And this is why I don't suggest people who are talking about like, well, in the wake of the sixth we need a new anti domestic terrorism statutes, like that's only going to be used on the left, Like they'll do. They'll use it once on a couple of proud boys, and then it will be used against leftists for decades. That's the way it's going to happen. And Muslims, you know, anyone who's not a white conservative a man. So as we know the problem is white people. Yeah,

white people. Basically everybody's white. So that's really pretty easy to say. Now. Yeah, so I'm just kidding by the bastards listeners. I'm just kidding. I'm much more nuanced than that. I'm not kidding behind the bastards listeners. So uh d early nineteen twenty two, the anti fascist resistance has been heavily like, not completely eliminated, but very badly broken. Um, the fascists are ASTs, and that they have hundreds of

thousands of members. They have elected leaders in government. Um. Now again they're kind of middle rung when it came to their actual number of elected leaders. They're not in charge at all. But Benito didn't care about how many actual elected deputies they said. He famously stated, I prefer fifty thousand rifles to fifty votes. What mattered to him was having a presence in the halls of power, which would enable him to get those rifles on his side.

And of course the government's already shown that they're going to let him a crew rifles while they stopped his opponents from getting rivals. Yeah. Now, Mussolini starts in nineteen twenty two sketching out the dimensions of an ambitious and daring plan for a power grap He had spent the last year so placing strategic groups of fascists around the country, replacing shattered left wing trade unions with their fascist equivalent, which allowed him to organize postal workers, cab drivers, and

other working communities. He expanded the black Shirts into a force of tens of thousands, a veritable paramilitary army. On October sixteenth, nineteen twenty two, he convened a meeting in Milan with his most trusted deputies, including the three commanders of the Black Shirts and two retired Italian Army generals. He announced that he was planning to organize a mass march on Rome. He would gather a force of tens of thousands of black Shirts and march to occupy the

capital and force a change of government. At this stage, Mussolini did not think that he was going to be the head of that government. Instead, his goal was to force a coalition a liberal prime minister with five fascist ministers basically like um cabinet secretaries kind of who would be the real power behind the scenes. So he wanted to have a liberal like in front and have it

all be run by fascists. Right, Okay. So the actual inspiration for the March on Rome came not from Mussolini but from the secretary of the National Fascist Party, Michelle Bianci. Bianci wanted an armed fascist insurrection to force the liberal ruling class to hand over power to Mussolini himself rather than even paying lip service to the idea of liberal democracy, and Bianci eventually like convinced everyone to go with his plan. Now true to form, Mussolini took credit for it, later

claiming that the march. The plan for the March on Rome had come to him after a rally in September when his supporters had chanted to Rome to Rome. But in any case, by October of nineteen two, he's ready to do this. Ship. So Mussolini gives a speech to about sixty his followers at a fascist congress Naples on October and he tells them, our program is simple. We

want to rule Italy now. As he spoke on the it's of his black shirts were fanning out to occupy key locations around Italy in preparation for this march on Rome. In all, some twenty six thousand fascist paramilitaries assembled with illegal arms and ammunition from the Warfare History Network quote. Illicit stores of arms and ammunition were received secretly from sympathetic police stations and some army barracks, while armories and

even museums were raided for antique firearms. The overall array of weaponry included shotguns, muskets, powdered loaded pistols, golf clubs, scythes, garden hose, tree roots, table legs, dynamite sticks, dried salt, codfish, and even an ox's jawbone. What just whatever they can beat someone with. If they can't get a gun, it's anything they can hit someone with. And imagine an antique weapon already in that's an old gun. That's an old gun, boy. Yeah,

it's just whatever they can get your hands. So that was you actually answered one of the questions I had. I was like, so, if they're marching to Rome, where are they coming from? Say, coming from everywhere? He's in Naples right now. They coming from everywhere. They are coming from everywhere, and they have horses and carts, trucks and wagons. They even have a race car with the machine gun mounted to it, and they have guys riding on trains

that style and finesse. There's some style in the machine gun races. And a lot of people are just marching on foot too. Now, obviously this is a cause for concern for some people in the government. Two days after the Naples speech, former Italian Prime Minister Antonio Cilandra becomes aware of Mussolini's plans and he warns the current prime minister that the Fascist leader was organizing an armed march

on the capitol. Cilandra's intelligence told him that Mussolini planned to demand the prime minister's resignation and demand that he be appointed head of the government instead, So the prime minister obviously is also worried by this. He goes to the King with this warning and he asks the King for permission to use the police in military to suppress the fascists. The King refuses. So the reason the King says no is that he had just sat down with

his Minister of War, General Armando Diaz. Now, the general who was not quite well, who was basically a fascist, tells the king that if he asks the army to stop Mussolini, quote, the army will do its duty, but it would be better not to put it to the test. Basically, he's like another the army likes these guys that you really shouldn't you really shouldn't try it. So King Victor Emmanuel the Third, the little Sword was not like an

ideological fascist. I know, it's very silly, oh man, what if that was his like tender profile, a little little sword. He's not a fascist in the sense that he doesn't believe in fascism. He believes in a monarchy, and more specifically, he believes in a monarchy where he's the monarch. Now by nineteen twenty two, the Kingdom of Italy is in bad financial straits. World War One had been a disaster

for the country. The great like not the Great Depression, but like an economic collapse has hit Europe as a result of the end of the war. It's horrible in Munich. In this period of time, to write, political violence in the streets had reached a fever pitch, largely thanks to Mussolini's black Shirts, and the king was afraid there might be a civil war. More than anything, he was worried

about the rising Italian left. The Socialist Party had a hundred and forty six members in the Chamber of Deputies and the Communists had eleven, giving them together nearly five times as much elected representation as the fascists. Now, communists and socialists aren't big fans of kings, and Victor Emmanuel crudely calculated the fascists would let him continue to be

the king. He also, and this is important, calculated that the middle class would back the fascists if it meants crushing the left, and he was right on both counts. Some of the king's generals did push back and demand he signed orders to send the army out after the black Shirts. The King threatened to abdicate at this, and sinuating that this would put Italy in the same position as Russia had been in when the Czar abdicated. Basically, if you forced me to use the army on these fascists,

I will leave the throne. And you saw what happened to Russia when you don't want those scary Bolsheviks being insurance. Yeah, you it's like that's I see. That's why I like at the end of the day, that's to me, that's like the problem with like when you only understand the world via like power broke, you're brokering in my you know, um like in my mind, Like I take two weird comparison.

But if you take like Mike Pence is like position right now like with the moment or president being impeached, it's like he if for lack of better term, either way, he's a bit because it's like, first of all, it's not like it's not like Donald Trump has ever respected you, because you do what the hell he tells you to do, you know what I'm saying. So it's like this man, this man was gonna let these they was yelling to kill you, and he didn't stop it. And you ain't

do ship, Mike, you ain't do ship. You let this man and you're still gonna back this man. You're a bitch, what I'm saying. At the one time he publicly disagrees with you, and then he calls for your head and they want to take it, and then and if they got the chance there whatever, and you didn't say nothing. You're a bitch, you know what I'm saying. So it's like, I mean, I'm saying that tonguey, you can understand what we're trying to say. Yeah, so it's like you're okay.

So then so then Nancy Pelosi and and and with it with the Democrats, with the impeachment being and so it's almost like them saying, Yo, get your boy before we do, right, so then so now and and then if he doesn't, if he doesn't, if he doesn't stop the impeachment, you're a bitch again, you know what I'm saying. If you don't call for you're a bit, you feel me. So it's just like, no matter what the moral of the story is, you should have never signed up to

play with this man, you know what I'm saying. So it shouldn't have got here in the first place because all this, all these people understand it's power brokery. So when you so, if you King low Sword, you feel me, you set yourself up to a situation where these people only understand power. Either way, You're a bit, you know what I'm saying, Like, I just I don't I mean,

I'm I hate saying it like that. I just because it's like I'm not trying to like throw shrapnel towards you know what I'm saying a derogatory terms sword female, you know what I'm saying. That's not what I'm trying to say, but I am saying, just in street terms, that's what we mean. There's you can't You've put yourself in a position where you can't leave this unscathed. Yep. Yeah, and it's yeah, that's kind of where we are here.

And so the king and also a lot of liberal elected leaders are like, Okay, let's like let's let these people in. Let's let them do it. They're not as scary as these leftists. So let's left the fascists into the government. Can you imagine being you imagine being a king? Whereas like my bloodline go back to the fifteen hunt. It's and I'm no one that's about to lose the I'm not gonna lose this crown, you know what I'm saying. So I get the calculation. It's just you're it's just

you're the you're the punk in this. Yeah, you're starting the ball of fascism rolling in Europe because you want to keep it thrown and because a lot of other elected leaders so when his so his prime minister resigns when it becomes clear that the King is not going to stop the fascist and a bunch of former prime ministers, many of them liberals, start petitioning the king to make them the prime minister again so that they can make

Mussolini their vice minister to placate the fascists. So like again, establishment politicians cannot wait to make a deal with the fascists, like couldn't do it fast enough? Um, yeah. The King says no though, because the King has decided that Mussolini's going to be the new premier, right, that he's just going to give him straight to the big job. And while all this is going on, the black Shirts are marching.

So years later Mussolini would claim to have marched on foot with his soldiers all the way to the capital. The reality is that he stayed in Milan for the first day. A few days of the march, he was seen at the theater just yeah, he's not stay back here, just in case. Well, it's like how Donald Trump tells his crowd to like march on the capitol and then goes back home. He's like, that's the problem, Like, do y'all see this man behind bulletproof glass. They've got guns

over there. I'm not doing that, you know, So like why you followed his man? Yeah? I feel like when you might get shot anyway? Good luck? Yeah, yeah, I'm good. Don't you see his glass? Yeah? So, uh yeah. He stays in Milan. He keeps a getaway car gassed up and ready prepared to flee to Switzerland. Actually more ready to flee for Switzerland than he is to actually go to Rome, because he's sure they're going to crack down on this. He's just making a gamble. He doesn't think

it's gonna work. Plan B. Eventually, though, after several days, he realizes that the king is not going to institute martial law to stop the march, and that he'd won. Like this is a dawning realization while he's in Milan that like, oh shit, we're getting away with this. So that has to be Donald Trump. He's very there's some similarities where he was like wait wait, wait what wait what kind of shocked that this had worked. Mussolini starts

scrambling to dress himself up as the revolutionary leader. It now kind of seemed like he was and I'm gonna quote now from the Warfare Historical Network. Mussolini's own Milan newspaper office, where he was staying, was barricaded with huge rolls of newsprint, paper and barbed wire, and guarded by a curious mix of fascist police and army troops. His second floor offices featured hand grenades and desk trays, and

the fluster Duca himself was seen brandishing a rifle. Melodramatically, he wrote in his nineteen autobiography, there was a rapid exchange of shots. I had my rifle loaded and went down to defend the doors. Bullets whizzed around my ears. This is all a lie. The reality is that the Milan police chief refused to even arrest him. The mayor and commander of the Royal Guard asked for a truce with the fascists and withdrew their men from around his office. UM.

There was no real crackdown taken on Mussolini directly whatsoever. Now, while his militia march, they took over telephone switchboards, telegraph offices, water works, and other government buildings. UM very little resistance to this. About seven black Shirts are shot dead by the army in various skirmishes. UM During this period of time, and about a dozen people die. Over the course of

the March on Rome. Mussolini gets increasingly confident. His phone calls start coming in from the Royal Palace from the King, but he refuses the first three calls from the King because Mussolini does understand how power works, and he knows that when you got him on the ropes, you want him, you got to bring him a little bit closer, right, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, we want to make a call. I'm not gonna take that first call. I'm gonna take that second of that.

Yeah yeah, yeah, yeah yeah. Get him close, get him close. That's how you do it. So eventually he decided that his men had occupied enough territory that he felt confident that King was not going to turn around and shoot him as a trader if he showed up in Rome. So on the night of October twenty nine, Benito Mussolini took a sleeper train from Milan to Rome for the soon to be dictator. The march on Rome consisted of a single fourteen hour train. Right, so he does no marching.

He takes a train right into the capitol while his guys are marching and fighting. No I'm not marching to Rome. Are you talking about marching? We got trains now. Benito would later lie about every major aspect of the march on Rome. The reality is that about seven Black Shirts again were shot and a dozen people died. Once they were in power, the fascists claimed that three thousand people had been killed in vicious fighting for control of the capital,

just a lie to make it seem heroic. When he finally met the King, Mussolini's first words were, your majesty, will forgive my attire. I have come from the battlefield. You came from Milan, dude, Yo, two points for style. Yeah, no, it's a good line. It's a good just came from battle. Yeah. The bluff a like fighting where I told the army not to fight you. Yeah. So, Victor Emmanuel has to have known Mussolini was lying about that, but he liked Mussolini.

He considered him a quote man of purpose, and he appointed him his premier foreign minister and Interior Minister. On October thirty one, the day after Mussolini's meeting with the King, his Black Shirts finally arrived in Rome. He had them turn around immediately and marched to the train station so they could go home. As the fascist columns withdrew, the

king declared, Mussolini has saved the nation. That is hilarious. Yeah, I recapt that buss set I sent y'all got what I needed, Then I sent you back, did you saying? I said, yeah, it's great. It's a great position to be in if you're Mussolini. He's really right and high right now, because a lot of Italians agreed that he'd saved the nation. Because people are really fucking dumb. And again you have to assume very little access to accurate

news about what was happening Antennas. Now, the Roman middle class was overjoyed by the lack of violence and by the fact that the dreaded anarchy and the threat of a communist revolution had been avoided. The stock market rose on news of of Mussolini's power grab, and I should note here that on January six, the Russell two thousand index of small capitalization stocks rose three point seven percent,

while the SMP five point six percent. Now this had less to do with the stock market loving the fact that there had been an attempt to take over the capital and more to do with it loving stability, because January six ended with everybody repudiating the president and the certainty that there would be a transfer of power. And but that's kind of the same reason why the stock markets raised when Mussolini like took power. It's because someone was in power, there was certainty. Yeah, that's that. I

love that. I love that you brought that up, because like if you if you want to talk about you know, big corporations, you know one percenter's high money, they are still beholden to a stable government that will um like affirm and support their contracts. Like if I got contracts all over the place and you breeched this contract, I want to be able to sue the crap out of you. So I gotta take you to a course that means I have to have a government stable enough that says

so so so yeah so so so. It has no no moral value either way. I just need y'all to chill and if and if and if there's somebody that can stop at you now that y'all agree, cool. I don't care what you agree with as long as y'all agree so that my money can keep coming. So that's that.

That that that point about the stock market, that's dope, man, that that's the was stuff that Like, you know, I always always cringe any anytime any leader, I don't care who you are saying, Well, the stock market rose, this is like man like that guy I got not They just want you all to you know what I'm saying like that. That doesn't that's not the indicator that you that you say it is. Yep, it's not um and

it's it's yeah, it's a sign. It's a sign that the people who are rich are confident they're going to continue to be rich. And that's that's that's where fascism's power traditionally comes from, and not as much from the rich as it does from the middle class. The middle class of Italy backed Mussolini for the same reason he meants stability. Right, Maybe they weren't all fascist. Most of them weren't. Most of them had never really like, hadn't

supported the fascist prior to him coming into power. But now that he was in power, it means the communists aren't gonna met win. Means I'm not gonna lose my business. I'm not gonna lose like whatever like that because I'm in the middle clad got shipped to lose, right, Yeah, that's what the middle classes, you're the ship to lose class. Um. Now, yeah, the middle class was in Italy, as it has been in every country that's been taken over by fascists, the

chief base of fascist support. UM. And this is true again everywhere fascism gains political power. In March of two thousand sixteen, and NBC survey found that only about a third of Trump supporters in the primaries had a household income at or below the national media and income of fifty dollars a year UM and that stayed more or less the same for the election. UM. And again you can look at the same kind of things happened in Germany. Um.

He said it was the same class that supported him. That. Yeah, like it's important. And again another thing I love you just brought up. Brought this up too, because it's like, when you're talking about somebody that lives below the poverty line, you don't have time to be listening to whatever the politicians are saying, Like I'm trying to secure my next meal,

So there's not a they don't. You don't have the luxury to go lobby and in canvas and do all the things that someone who has uh, you know, liquid capital,

like leisure capital, be able to do. So that's the middle class, you know what I'm saying, So like so yeah, it's just yeah, it's same thing like us critique in our own silo to be like, man, don't you can't just call this you can't just say it was all these poor these poor was not him in power because they hungry, they working, These poor people working, they got time for audience anything. It's the fucking what the fascists

are saying to the middle class, to the comfortable. It is saying like, you see that poor motherfucker who doesn't have time to think about any of this because he's living hand the mouth. The communists are gonna make that be you. You know, that's the that's the fucking pitch um. And it works every time, or it works well enough that it becomes a problem every time. Maybe it's not gonna work this time. We'll fucking see um because Trump was leading middle class support in I don't know he

really was. Man, Yeah, so that's good. We owe that too. Behind the bastards, thank you. Yeah, I take total credit for Biden's victory, thank you. So um so yeah, Fascism generally cloaks itself as a working class movement of laborers and hard men doing hard jobs. It's always the image, right, the imagery of like a guy working at a steel miller some ship. But that's not where their support actually

comes from. The support of fascism comes from a lot of like the middle class and the a lot of the affluent, not all of the affluent, because a lot of the very rich are more establishment people. They're not gonna back. They'll back a fascist when they're in power because again, they don't want to lose their ships needs to build, like yeah, they're they're up until it becomes clear the fascists are gonna win there, you know, they're

gonna back whatever the order was previously. The middle class is scared and anxious and always being pushed from both directions, so they're the ones who really will go with a fascist. And the first person in history to really lay this out was Luigi Salvatorelli. Now he was an editorial writer

for an anti fascist news paper named La Stampa. I'm going to quote now from an article on the March of Rome by scholar Emilio Gentile talking about Luigi Salvatarelli and how he came to this conclusion quote a year before the March on Rome, Salvatarelli understood that fascism was a new revolutionary movement, and that it organized and mobilized a new social class, the petit bourgeoisie, equally hostile to

the proletariat and the upper middle classes. Salvatarelli had labeled fascism reactionary Bolshevism, a danger today infinitely more real than communist Bolshevism. He had since that fascist ambitions went beyond the bourgeoisie, anti proletarian reaction and the protection of the

middle class. The dictatorial ambition of fascism, Salvatarelli wrote in December nineteen one, had already shown its face in parts of Italy, where the Fascist Party was imposing its dictatorial will by crushing opponents, to whom they denied any political

or civil right, including the right to live. In July nine, when not even Mussolini had thought of out taking over power, Salvatarelli denounced the ongoing anti state attack perpetrated by Fascism that was endangering the very existence of the Italian state in order to establish a regime of violence throughout the country.

Immediately after the march on Rome, Salvatarelli stated that the fascist government was determined to establish a one sided dictatorship because it did not want any political activity to be

carried out outside of fascism. Salvatarelli saw in fascism, as he wrote on November first, nineteen, the true and proper characteristic of a political movement, of a party organized for its own ends of a specific social class and that aimed at the conquest of power on its home was determined to fling itself against the existing state in the name of the presumed greater good of the nation. M hmm, Yeah,

it's a lot there, There's a lot there. He suggested something that I need the thought in that that the thought never crossed my mind that as there were so many big wires, it is hard for me to nail down exactly where I heard it. But he almost suggested the possibility of a two party system in a fascist state.

When he was like this fascism impresses it was almost like he's it sounded redundant, where he was kind of like this one party power fascist state, as if it's possible to have a two party system, because that at the time. At the time, fascists were a part of the government, right, and a lot of people, even a lot of like liberals, were like, well, they're not that dangerous.

They're just one other party. They have their view. This is that that's it's that old thing of like, well they have an opinion, and everybody gets to have their appew and like we have to listen to them. They have they get the freedom to speak their peace, And what Salvatrelli is saying is their peace. What they're saying they believe is that only their opinion matters, and they'll kill you if you have a different one, got it. So he let them in the government. So he's trying

to say, are y'all hearing what he's saying? Yeah? Yeah, really, did you hear what he just said? This is not just said yeah, yeah, if we let them, they will be the only party, right um. And he's and he's also saying, like they are their strength comes from a class, right And because the a lot of the communist at the time had been like had written off the fascists as any kind of real movement, and it even written off the March on Rome. We'll talk about that later

in the series. We're gonna do a big episode at the end on sort of what we can learn from all this. But there was a big failure among a lot of people in the left and even anti fascists to see fascists as the threat that they really were, because number one, they were so darn silly, but number two like, well, you know, I'm looking at this from this Marxist analysis, and it tells me that all these

classes like it forms it. I don't. I don't see this as a legitimate political movement that is speaking to a class that has a large body of the populace behind it. Okay, that was the peace I was missing when you add the Marxists like glasses on there and you go, oh, yeah, well who's where where do they fit? Like,

where's the cause? Can't be real because they don't fit him, none of these Yeah, And there's there's this attitude again we'll talk about us later among a lot of Marxists that like, well, fascism is just the inevitable in the state of capitalism. And one of the things Salvatorelli saying, and a lot of things will say, is like that's not exactly true. Fascism is pro capitalism a lot of the time. It's also anti capitalism a decent chunk of the time. And that's how it gets a lot of

people on board with it. Um it's it's it is speaking to a specific class in the country who feels edged out by both sides, who feels oppressed by the rich, and who feels that the left is coming for what little they do have. Right, that still gets on board with this ship. And you have to see that they are looking out for their own that that that they have legit like interests that they see being threatened like that there this is not just some sort of plot

by the bankers to take power for themselves. Right. The fascists are speaking to legitimate um, you know, even if they're wrong, legitimately felt exactly like those are legitimate. Yeah, those are legitimate emotions that that you are actually in your body experiencing, whether that's the reality like I say that about like, um, there's this this you know, this discussion about like well, you know, race is a social construct,

therefore it's not real. Therefore racism is not real. And I'm like, okay, yes, you're right, race is a social construct, but what I'm experiencing in my body is real. It's you know what I'm saying. So I love that. I love that because it's like, that's that's what you can't dismiss about these people that are so riled up that they would storm a capital. Is it's that what they're experiencing in their bodies exct. What you said is being is you're pressed on both sides, and yeah, you feel

that way. At least you feel it. At least this person is saying. These group of people are saying, I feel you, and I have an answer for you. Yeah, And I have an answer for you, and it's let's kill the left and take over the government. You know. He's like, yeah, easy, um, yeah, and that's why you know the six happened. Um So. Mussolini UH takes office um two weeks after the March on Rome on November

UH November sixteenth, nineteen twenty two. He stands before the Chamber of Deputies to present his new list of ministers. So he picks out all the people who are going to run the government, all fascists, um. Now the new

Prime Minister. Mussolini begins his speech to the Chamber of Deputies by attacking the nation's elected leaders, calling them old and deaf and incompetent, and he even threatened them with violence, stating, with three hundred thousand armed men determined to carry out my orders, I could have punished those who have vilified and tarnished fascism. I could make this deaf and gray hall filled exclusively with fascists. I could, but I have not, at least not for now. Shut up, Shut up, gramps,

I'll slapped the ship out of you now. He promised his as symboled deputies that his new fascist Italy would ensure law and order, strengthen the military, and crushed the left. The next day, the Chamber of Deputies conducted a vote of confidence, which Mussolini won three hundred and six two hundred and sixteen. So again he three's like I can fucking kill you if I want to, and they're like, yeah, come up, I'll put it, Yes, I voting I for you,

now your life. Yeah, I'm going to read a quote from an article by Emilio Gentile about um anti fascism in Italy and about the March on Rome. Quote. Benito Mussolini could now claim that power was bestowed on him by democratic means, even though it was claimed that many votes were cast out of terror and intimidation from the fascists, which he had literally threatened the entire chamber. Bonito Benita

was the man of the hour. He was, in fact, imminently a product of a particular crisis World War One and a special social class, the petty bourgeoisie. Mussolini's capture of power was classic. He was the right national leader at the right moment. By nineteen twenty three, Mussolini's consolidation of power was complete. Italy was a fascist state, and any resistance to the regime from then on would take

the form of mere insurgency. In total, between nineteen eighteen and nineteen twenty three, Italian anti fascists killed some four hundred and twenty eight fascists. Meanwhile, Mussolini's Black Shirts murdered at least three thousand people in the same period. Most of those people were not anti fascists. There were members of trade unions, journalists, local politicians, anyone who stood in

the way between fascists and ultimate power. And again we've talked a bit about why the Italian anti fascist didn't succeed, and that's a longer conversation than we can have today. I think you're right that a lack of a a lack of something with momentum to oppose fascism, true momentum, was a part of it. Um A lack of UH

state support is another part of it. There's a thing that some folks on the kind of who are are UM, anti fascist and anarchist activists in particular, we'll talk about called the three way fight, which is the idea that we're not just fighting against the fascist, we're fighting against the state, and we're fighting against the fascist because the state is also deeply harmful and deeply injurious to life and used. That was particularly very strongly felt by people

during the blm UH risings. Right like, we have these fascists, these proud boys and stuff, coming in the street to do violence to us, we also have the cops doing it. We're in a three way fight, right, very valid way to look at things. It's also an almost impossible situation to win because the fascists aren't in a three way fight the fascist if they're smart, they're not dumb. Fascists sometimes are UM and maybe our fascists have taken a

turn for the dumb. Let's hope. But the smart fascists get to power with some degree of legitimacy and legality and then use the state to crush the or enemies because they don't want a three way fight. Right, that's a problem. Yeah, because yeah, because yeah, because the government is just a weapon. It's not because the end goal. It's just a weapon. Yeah. Wow, she'sh man, I need a shower. Yeah, oh god, please tell me you're done. Yeah, No,

I'm done. That's the end of episode. Doc. It's like the it's just the party that feels like these people give you this when you're trying to to stop, when you're the ones trying to stop an insurrection. It's like, these people give you no you have no safe aaiby, they give you no breaks like that. You can never stop and take a breath because they're gonna read that as weakness. And then next thing, you know, somebody tying

up Nancy Pelosi. And it's not that I'm a Nancy Pelosi fan, it's just you shouldn't be able to tie Nancy Pelosi get up, and how that should happen. That's not as should happen. You feel me like, I just this and it's not that I'm a fan of the US government. However, however, there are worse things to yes.

So it's just like there's yeah, like you said, like you feel like you're in a three way fight, and my fight is especially as someone who would say organizationally and factually, my black life matters, right is that That's all I'm trying to say is NIGGD. Can I live? Like God damn it, man? Can I live? You know? And so you you my goals. I feel like in a lot of ways if it comes to like how do I say this, Like, I'm not looking for as a as a black person, if you will, I'm not.

I'm just looking for my rights to be honored. That's all I'm trying to say. Just honor my right like I have. No there's no platform of a read construction of the government short of just stop sing killing, like, let me be a citizen like you dog, like that's all tries he Just let me a citizen like you, bro,

That's That's all I'm saying. So so when you when you try to when you pit me against a fascist movement, that's saying, well, no, our goal is to overthrow this whole thing and be in charge, and no, you don't get rights somehow the government choosing you. It's like it's hard. It's almost like all all I get to do now is I got homeboys that live in Atlanta, and what they saying is they finda just grabbed a popcorn and watch the civil war between these fascists and the and

the police. Like I'm just because it's like I don't I want to be on the side of the government, but the government on the side of me either, you know what I'm saying. So it's just you just in this weird predicament. But I know who I don't want to win. Yeah, this is where we get to the problem of the side opposing the fascists has done a lot of good, uh, And it is important to oppose fascists. What's actually needed to beat them. Opposing in this one

thing and it can slow them down. What's needed to beat them is to provide something else that is not the state as it exists, because that's um, but that you can also get people on enough. People on board with the fascists don't have oxygen anymore. Right, the fascist it's like a fire right where you've got a bunch of dry fucking brush and trees and ship and oxygen. And as long as you have those things, the fire is going to spread. And the way to counter that

is to fucking pour some fucking water on it. You know. Um, that's good analogy, man. You need to reduce the area in which it can spread, and it's human terrain, right, So by the only way to reduce the human terrain the ship can spread in is to give people something else. Yes, yes, because they don't have anything right. Yes, that's what I was going back to when you was asking me, like, why did this fails? Like they didn't give them nothing else. Yeah,

it just said don't do this. Well, then what do we do because we got now ain't working? Yes, So it's either the government that led us into World War One or some people who are saying we should do what they're doing in Russia right now. And that doesn't look great. Um, And you know, most of the liberals are like on the side of like, well, we'll just we'll just keep tweaking the system that got us into World War One, and a lot of people are like

that doesn't seem good. Yeah, I need I needed, I need an option, deed, Jake, Yeah, I'm poor, my government, I have no hope for the future. So Jake, this guy is saying it'll be different. Dr Jacob, let's see

if it's different. Yes, exactly. Uh, It's like it's like when you're watching a basketball game and it's your two least favorite teams playing and you want both of them to lose, but there isn't a way for one of them, not like somebody has to win, so that there has to be some sort of interference that makes it so that the game can't even happen. Otherwise you're going to just pick your your Joe Biden. You get stuck with Joe Biden, so you guys, otherwise you get Joe Biden.

Nobody wants that either, you know. That's man, That's what I'm like, look like, do do not say I'm glad nobody has suggested that, Like Joe Biden is just a left wing of Trump to some people know, he is a consolation pride of the consolation price we settle for Joe Biden, Like this thing ain't to come in Messiah.

He he to Disciple bartholomewle at best conscious even he's not even Peter John Like, so that's a deep cut Boyle's not even Paul because like you, Timothy, you ain't even write no book in the New test I'm cheering up in my whole face, is right, this is so funny. That's a that's a that's a that's a that's an evangelical joke. So that's the first part of this behind the direction part motherfucking one. Prop Where can people follow you? Oh Lord, please follow me at prop hip hop on

all them things? Um yeah, all the all of the twitters and instagrams. Um, you could my website prop dot com backslize coffee. Yeah, that is my website and we do coffee stuff there. Um. Got some pods. Uh, politics were prop which is um political analysis just from like, you know, if you survived eighth grade, you could you understand your politics? You know, I just kind of giving you political analysis. Yeah. That's that's that's my that's my thangs and uh, well we'll be back soon, Robert, We

will be back soon. We'll be back to talk about the Munich beer Hall pusch um next week, um, and then we'll talk about some other ship and then we're going to end this talking in broad about why fascists win when they win, And why fascists lose when they lose. Your gift to the world, Robert h like like like socks, a nice pair of socks. Robert doesn't know how to take compliments as you can. I'm just going to run away from my computer now, goodbye. That's the episode.